Implied Freedom of Communication in Australia
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Operation Spicer Larceny Charges Recommended Against Former
NSW SUBSCRIBE LOGIN / SIGN-UP The SydneyNEWS Morning SITE OF Herald THE YEAR News Sport Business World Politics Comment Property Entertainment Lifestyle Travel Cars Search the site NSW News National Environment Health Education Good Weekend Investigations Galleries Clique Photos Victoria News Sydney Traffic Quizzes Home / News / NSW News AUGUST 30 2016 SAVE PRINT LICENSE ARTICLE Operation Spicer: Larceny charges recommended against former minister Chris Hartcher Sean Nicholls, Kate McClymont MORESHARE TWEET Former NSW Liberal minister Chris Hartcher faces potential larceny charges and former Labor minister Joe Tripodi has been found to have engaged in serious corrupt conduct by the Independent Commission Against Corruption following its investigation into political fundraising. The ICAC's Operation Spicer report also says a host of former Liberal MPs including former police minister Mike Gallacher, Mr Hartcher, Tim Owen, Andrew Cornwell, Garry Edwards, Chris Spence as well as former Newcastle Lord Mayor Jeff McCloy "acted with the intention of evading laws" under the Election Funding, Expenditure and Disclosures Act. Operation Spicer's big three findings The Independent Commission Against Corruption has recommended criminal charges following its investigation into political fundraising. Sean Nicholls reports. As well, ICAC has found that Hunter Valley property developer Hilton Grugeon, Mr Hartcher and his former staff member Tim Koelma are among those who "acted with the intention of evading the election funding laws relating to caps on political donations". Former Liberal MPs Craig Baumann and Darren Webber as well as Liberal identity Nick Di Girolamo have been found to have evaded election funding laws relating to disclosure, while another former Liberal MP, Bart Bassett, has been found to have "knowingly solicited a political donation from a property developer". -
A Case for Structured Proportionality Under the Second Limb of the Lange Test
THE BALANCING ACT: A CASE FOR STRUCTURED PROPORTIONALITY UNDER THE SECOND LIMB OF THE LANGE TEST * BONINA CHALLENOR This article examines the inconsistent application of a proportionality principle under the implied freedom of political communication. It argues that the High Court should adopt Aharon Barak’s statement of structured proportionality, which is made up of four distinct components: (1) proper purpose; (2) rational connection; (3) necessity; and (4) strict proportionality. The author argues that the adoption of these four components would help clarify the law and promote transparency and flexibility in the application of a proportionality principle. INTRODUCTION Proportionality is a term now synonymous with human rights. 1 The proportionality principle is well regarded as the most prominent feature of the constitutional conversation internationally.2 However, in Australia, the use of proportionality in the context of the implied freedom of political communication has been plagued by confusion and controversy. Consequently, the implied freedom of political communication has been identified as ‘a noble and idealistic enterprise which has failed, is failing, and will go on failing.’3 The implied freedom of political communication limits legislative power and the common law in Australia. In Lange v Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 4 the High Court unanimously confirmed that the implied freedom5 is sourced in the various sections of the Constitution which provide * Final year B.Com/LL.B (Hons) student at the University of Western Australia. With thanks to Murray Wesson and my family. 1 Grant Huscroft, Bradley W Miller and Grégoire Webber, Proportionality and the Rule of Law (Cambridge University Press, 2014) 1. -
The Commission's Submission
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA CANBERRA REGISTRY No. C12 of 2018 BETWEEN: COMCARE Appellant HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA and FILED 12 DEC 2018 10 MS MICHAELA BANERTI THE REGISTRY SYDNEY Respondent SUBMISSIONS OF THE AUSTRALIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION SEEKING LEAVE TO APPEAR AS AMICUS CURIAE PART I: CERTIFICATION 1. It is certified that this submission is in a form suitable for publication on the internet. 20 PART II: BASIS OF LEAVE TO APPEAR 2. The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) seeks leave to appear as amicus curiae to make submissions in support of the Respondent (Banerji). The Court's power to grant leave derives from the inherent or implied jurisdiction given by Ch III of the Constitution and s 30 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART III: REASONS FOR LEAVE 3. Leave should be given to the AHRC for the following reasons. 4. First, the submissions advanced by the AHRC are not otherwise advanced by the parties. Without the submissions, the issues before the Court are otherwise unlikely to receive full or adequate treatment: cf Wurridjal v The Commonwealth (2009) 237 CLR 309 at Australian Human Rights Commission Contact: Graeme Edgerton Level 3, 175 Pitt Street Telephone: (02) 8231 4205 Sydney NSW 2000 Email: [email protected] Date of document: 12 December 2018 File ref: 2018/179 -2- 312-3. The Commission’s submissions aim to assist the Court in a way that it may not otherwise be assisted: Levy v State of Victoria (1997) 189 CLR 579 at 604 (Brennan CJ). 5. Secondly, the proposed submissions are brief and limited in scope. -
2 8 MAR 2017 the STATE of TASMANIA the REGISTRY CANBERRA Defendant
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA No. H3 of2016 HOBART REGISTRY BETWEEN: ROBERTJAMESBROVVN First Plaintiff and 10 JESSICA ANNE WILLIS HOYT P.i';H COUPJ_Qf AUSTRALIA Second Plaintiff FILED and 2 8 MAR 2017 THE STATE OF TASMANIA THE REGISTRY CANBERRA Defendant ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL FOR 20 THE STATE OF QUEENSLAND {INTERVENING) PART I: Internet publication 1. These submissions are in a form suitable for publication on the Internet. PARTII: Basis of intervention 30 2. The Attorney-General for the State of Queensland ('Queensland') intervenes in these proceedings in support of the defendant pursuant to s 78A of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART Ill: Reasons why leave to intervene should be granted 3. Not applicable. 40 Intervener' s submissions MrGRCooper Filed on behalf of the Attorney-General for the CROWN SOLICITOR State of Queensland (intervening) 11 tb Floor, State Law Building Form 27C 50 Ann Street, Brisbane 4000 Dated: 28 March 2017 Per Wendy Ussher Telephone 07 3239 6328 Ref PL8/ATT110/3460/UWE Facsimile 07 3239 3456 Document No: 7069966 PART IV: Statutory provisions 4. Queensland adopts the statement of relevant statutory provisions set out in Annexure A to the plaintiffs' submissions. PART V: Submissions SummaJy 5. Queensland adopts the submissions of the defendant. Queensland's submissions are 10 limited to the use of a structured proportionality test in the context of the implied freedom of political communication as expressly applied by the majority in McCloy v NewSouth Wales. 1 6. Respectfully, Queensland submits that a structured proportionality test is not an apt test to detennine the constitutional validity of legislation in Australia. -
Colette Langos* & Paul Babie**
SOCIAL MEDIA, FREE SPEECH AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Colette Langos* & Paul Babie** INTRODUCTION Social media forms part of the fabric of 21st century global life. People the world over use it to disseminate any number of ideas, views, and anything else, ranging from the benign to the truly malign.1 One commentator even diagnoses its ubiquity as a disease, and prescribes remedies for individual users and society as a whole.2 Yet, despite such concerns, little direct governmental regulation exists to control the power of social media to spread ideas and messages. To date, this responsibility has fallen largely on social media platform providers themselves, with the inevitable outcome being a disparate patchwork of approaches driven more by corporate expediency and the corresponding profit motive than a rational comprehensive policy integrated at the national and international levels.3 What little governmental control there is comes either * Senior Lecturer in Law, Adelaide Law School, The University of Adelaide. ** Adelaide Law School Professor of the Theory and Law of Property, The University of Adelaide. 1 See GLENN HARLAN REYNOLDS, THE SOCIAL MEDIA UPHEAVAL at 1, 38, 63 (Encounter Books 2019); SARAH T. ROBERTS, BEHIND THE SCREEN CONTENT MODERATION IN THE SHADOWS OF SOCIAL MEDIA at 33-35 (Yale Univ. Press 2019). 2 Reynolds, supra note 1, at 7, 63. 3 See Sofia Grafanaki, Platforms, the First Amendment and Online Speech: Regulating the Filters, 39 PACE L. REV. 111, 147 (2018); Eugene Volokh, Government-Run Fora on Private Platforms, in the @RealDonaldTrump User Blocking Controversy, THE VOLOKH CONSPIRACY (July 9, 2019, 3:09 PM), https://reason.com/2019/07/09/government-run-fora-on-private-platforms-in-the- realdonaldtrump-user-blocking-controversy/; Fiona R. -
Situating Women Judges on the High Court of Australia: Not Just Men in Skirts?
Situating Women Judges on the High Court of Australia: Not Just Men in Skirts? Kcasey McLoughlin BA (Hons) LLB (Hons) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, the University of Newcastle January 2016 Statement of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. I give consent to the final version of my thesis being made available worldwide when deposited in the University's Digital Repository, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. Kcasey McLoughlin ii Acknowledgments I am most grateful to my principal supervisor, Jim Jose, for his unswerving patience, willingness to share his expertise and for the care and respect he has shown for my ideas. His belief in challenging disciplinary boundaries, and seemingly limitless generosity in mentoring others to do so has sustained me and this thesis. I am honoured to have been in receipt of his friendship, and owe him an enormous debt of gratitude for his unstinting support, assistance and encouragement. I am also grateful to my co-supervisor, Katherine Lindsay, for generously sharing her expertise in Constitutional Law and for fostering my interest in the High Court of Australia and the judges who sit on it. Her enthusiasm, very helpful advice and intellectual guidance were instrumental motivators in completing the thesis. The Faculty of Business and Law at the University of Newcastle has provided a supportive, collaborative and intellectual space to share and debate my research. -
THE ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW Law.Adelaide.Edu.Au Adelaide Law Review ADVISORY BOARD
Volume 40, Number 3 THE ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW law.adelaide.edu.au Adelaide Law Review ADVISORY BOARD The Honourable Professor Catherine Branson AC QC Deputy Chancellor, The University of Adelaide; Former President, Australian Human Rights Commission; Former Justice, Federal Court of Australia Emeritus Professor William R Cornish CMG QC Emeritus Herchel Smith Professor of Intellectual Property Law, University of Cambridge His Excellency Judge James R Crawford AC SC International Court of Justice The Honourable Professor John J Doyle AC QC Former Chief Justice, Supreme Court of South Australia Professor John V Orth William Rand Kenan Jr Professor of Law, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Professor Emerita Rosemary J Owens AO Former Dean, Adelaide Law School The Honourable Justice Melissa Perry Federal Court of Australia The Honourable Margaret White AO Former Justice, Supreme Court of Queensland Professor John M Williams Dame Roma Mitchell Chair of Law and Former Dean, Adelaide Law School ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW Editors Associate Professor Matthew Stubbs and Dr Michelle Lim Book Review and Comment Editor Dr Stacey Henderson Associate Editors Kyriaco Nikias and Azaara Perakath Student Editors Joshua Aikens Christian Andreotti Mitchell Brunker Peter Dalrymple Henry Materne-Smith Holly Nicholls Clare Nolan Eleanor Nolan Vincent Rocca India Short Christine Vu Kate Walsh Noel Williams Publications Officer Panita Hirunboot Volume 40 Issue 3 2019 The Adelaide Law Review is a double-blind peer reviewed journal that is published twice a year by the Adelaide Law School, The University of Adelaide. A guide for the submission of manuscripts is set out at the back of this issue. -
Human Rights Issues in Constitutional Courts: Why Amici Curiae Are Important in the U.S., and What Australia Can Learn from the U.S
Received: June 5 May, Date of acceptance: September 25, 2020, Date of publication: November 30 2020, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26826/law-in-context.v37i1.127 Human Rights Issues in Constitutional Courts: Why Amici Curiae are Important in the U.S., and What Australia Can Learn from the U.S. Experience By H. W. Perry Jr1, University Distinguished Teaching Professor, Associate Professor of Law, Associate Professor of Government at The University of Texas at Austin, Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2947-8668 and Patrick Keyzer2, Research Professor of Law and Public Policy at La Trobe University, Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0807-8366 1 The University of Texas at Austin, USA 2 La Trobe University ABSTRACT Unlike thirty years ago, human rights issues are now routinely raised in Australian constitutional cases. In this ar- ticle, the authors examine the role of the amicus curiae in the United States Supreme Court and consider how far and to what extent the amicus curiae device has been accepted in decisions of the High Court of Australia. The authors analyse the High Court’s treatment of applications for admissions as amici curiae, noting the divergent approaches - plicants who seek admission to make oral submissions. Human rights cases raise questions of minority rights that shouldtaken by not Chief be adjudicated Justice Brennan without and input Justice from Kirby, those and minorities. drawing attentionThe authors to therecommend practical thatdifficulties Australia faced adopt by apthe U.S. approach, to admit written submissions as a matter of course, and to allow applicants to make oral submissions establishing legal policy norms for the entire nation, including for the identity groups that increasingly occupy the Court’swhen they attention. -
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST and PLACE in BROWN V TASMANIA
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST AND PLACE IN BROWN v TASMANIA PATRICK EMERTON AND MARIA O’SULLIVAN* I INTRODUCTION Protest is an important means of political communication in a contemporary democracy. Indeed, a person’s right to protest goes to the heart of the relationship between an individual and the state. In this regard, protest is about power. On one hand, there is the power of individuals to act individually or a collective to communicate their concerns about the operation of governmental policies or business activities. On the other, the often much stronger power wielded by a state to restrict that communication in the public interest. As part of this, state authorities may seek to limit certain protest activities on the basis that they are disruptive to public or commercial interests. The question is how the law should reconcile these competing interests. In this paper, we recognise that place is often integral to protest, particularly environmental protest. In many cases, place will be inextricably linked to the capacity of protest to result in influence. This is important given that the central aim of protest is usually to be an agent of change. As a result, the purpose of any legislation which seeks to protect business activities from harm and disruption goes to the heart of contestations about protest and power. In a recent analysis of First Amendment jurisprudence, Seidman suggests that [t]here is an intrinsic relationship between the right to speak and the ownership of places and things. Speech must occur somewhere and, under modern conditions, must use some things for purposes of amplification. -
Theparliamentarian
TheParliamentarian Journal of the Parliaments of the Commonwealth 2015 | Issue Three XCVI | Price £13 Elections and Voting Reform PLUS Commonwealth Combatting Looking ahead to Millenium Development Electoral Networks by Terrorism in Nigeria CHOGM 2015 in Malta Goals Update: The fight the Commonwealth against TB Secretary-General PAGE 150 PAGE 200 PAGE 204 PAGE 206 The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) Shop CPA business card holders CPA ties CPA souvenirs are available for sale to Members and officials of CPA cufflinks Commonwealth Parliaments and Legislatures by CPA silver-plated contacting the photoframe CPA Secretariat by email: [email protected] or by post: CPA Secretariat, Suite 700, 7 Millbank, London SW1P 3JA, United Kingdom. STATEMENT OF PURPOSE The Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) exists to connect, develop, promote and support Parliamentarians and their staff to identify benchmarks of good governance and implement the enduring values of the Commonwealth. Calendar of Forthcoming Events Confirmed at 24 August 2015 2015 September 2-5 September CPA and State University of New York (SUNY) Workshop for Constituency Development Funds – London, UK 9-12 September Asia Regional Association of Public Accounts Committees (ARAPAC) Annual Meeting - Kathmandu, Nepal 14-16 September Annual Forum of the CTO/ICTs and The Parliamentarian - Nairobi, Kenya 28 Sept to 3 October West Africa Association of Public Accounts Committees (WAAPAC) Annual Meeting and Community of Clerks Training - Lomé, Togo 30 Sept to 5 October CPA International -
3 0 APR 2018 and STATE of VICTORIA the REGISTRY BRISBANE Plaintiff 10 ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS for the ATTORNEY-GENERAL for the STATE of QUEENSLAND (INTERVENING)
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA No. M2 of2017 MELBOURNEREG~IS~T~R~Y--~~~~~~~ BETWEEN: HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA CRAIG WILLIAM JOHN MINOGUE FILED Plaintiff 3 0 APR 2018 AND STATE OF VICTORIA THE REGISTRY BRISBANE Plaintiff 10 ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS FOR THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL FOR THE STATE OF QUEENSLAND (INTERVENING) PART I: Internet publication I. These submissions are in a form suitable for publication on the Internet. PART 11: Basis of intervention 2. The Attorney-General for the State of Queensland ('Queensland') intervenes in these 20 proceedings in support of the defendant pursuant to s 78A of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART Ill: Reasons why leave to intervene should be granted 3. Not applicable. PART IV: Submissions 30 Summary 4. Queensland's written submissions are confined to addressing the novel arguments of the plaintiff directed to constitutionalising his particular conception of the rule of law. The plaintiff submits that if ss 74AAA and 127A ofthe Corrections Act 1986 (Vie) apply to his parole application then they operate retrospectively and that such retrospectivity is inconsistent with the constitutional assumptions of the rule of law and therefore 40 invalid. 1 1 Plaintiffs submissions, 2 [4](c), 19 [68]; (SCB 84(36), 85(37)(c)). Intervener's submissions Mr GR Cooper Filed on behalf of the Attorney-General for the State CROWN SOLICITOR of Queensland (Intervening) 11th Floor, State Law Building Form 27c 50 Ann Street, Brisbane 4000 Dated: 30 April2018 Per Kent Blore Telephone 07 3239 3734 Ref PL8/ATT110/3710/BKE Facsimile 07 3239 6382 Document No: 7880475 5. Queensland's primary submission is that ss 74AAA and 127 A ofthe Corrections Act do not operate retrospectively as they merely prescribe criteria for the Board to apply in the future. -
Before the High Court
Before the High Court Comcare v Banerji: Public Servants and Political Communication Kieran Pender* Abstract In March 2019 the High Court of Australia will, for the first time, consider the constitutionality of limitations on the political expression of public servants. Comcare v Banerji will shape the Commonwealth of Australia’s regulation of its 240 000 public servants and indirectly impact state and local government employees, cumulatively constituting 16 per cent of the Australian workforce. But the litigation’s importance goes beyond its substantive outcome. In Comcare v Banerji, the High Court must determine the appropriate methodology to apply when considering the implied freedom of political communication’s operation on administrative decisions. The approach it adopts could have a significant impact on the continuing development of implied freedom jurisprudence, as well as the political expression of public servants. I Introduction Australian public servants have long endured an ‘obligation of silence’.1 Colonial civil servants were subject to strict limitations on their ability to engage in political life.2 Following Federation, employees of the new Commonwealth of Australia were not permitted to ‘discuss or in any way promote political movements’.3 While the more draconian of these restrictions have been gradually eased, limitations remain on the political expression of public servants. Until now, these have received surprisingly little judicial scrutiny. Although one of the few judgments in this field invalidated the impugned regulation,4 the Australian Public Service (‘APS’) has continued to limit the speech of its employees. * BA (Hons) LLB (Hons) (ANU); Legal Advisor, Legal Policy & Research Unit, International Bar Association, London, England.