A Case for Structured Proportionality Under the Second Limb of the Lange Test
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The Commission's Submission
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA CANBERRA REGISTRY No. C12 of 2018 BETWEEN: COMCARE Appellant HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA and FILED 12 DEC 2018 10 MS MICHAELA BANERTI THE REGISTRY SYDNEY Respondent SUBMISSIONS OF THE AUSTRALIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION SEEKING LEAVE TO APPEAR AS AMICUS CURIAE PART I: CERTIFICATION 1. It is certified that this submission is in a form suitable for publication on the internet. 20 PART II: BASIS OF LEAVE TO APPEAR 2. The Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) seeks leave to appear as amicus curiae to make submissions in support of the Respondent (Banerji). The Court's power to grant leave derives from the inherent or implied jurisdiction given by Ch III of the Constitution and s 30 of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART III: REASONS FOR LEAVE 3. Leave should be given to the AHRC for the following reasons. 4. First, the submissions advanced by the AHRC are not otherwise advanced by the parties. Without the submissions, the issues before the Court are otherwise unlikely to receive full or adequate treatment: cf Wurridjal v The Commonwealth (2009) 237 CLR 309 at Australian Human Rights Commission Contact: Graeme Edgerton Level 3, 175 Pitt Street Telephone: (02) 8231 4205 Sydney NSW 2000 Email: [email protected] Date of document: 12 December 2018 File ref: 2018/179 -2- 312-3. The Commission’s submissions aim to assist the Court in a way that it may not otherwise be assisted: Levy v State of Victoria (1997) 189 CLR 579 at 604 (Brennan CJ). 5. Secondly, the proposed submissions are brief and limited in scope. -
2 8 MAR 2017 the STATE of TASMANIA the REGISTRY CANBERRA Defendant
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA No. H3 of2016 HOBART REGISTRY BETWEEN: ROBERTJAMESBROVVN First Plaintiff and 10 JESSICA ANNE WILLIS HOYT P.i';H COUPJ_Qf AUSTRALIA Second Plaintiff FILED and 2 8 MAR 2017 THE STATE OF TASMANIA THE REGISTRY CANBERRA Defendant ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL FOR 20 THE STATE OF QUEENSLAND {INTERVENING) PART I: Internet publication 1. These submissions are in a form suitable for publication on the Internet. PARTII: Basis of intervention 30 2. The Attorney-General for the State of Queensland ('Queensland') intervenes in these proceedings in support of the defendant pursuant to s 78A of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART Ill: Reasons why leave to intervene should be granted 3. Not applicable. 40 Intervener' s submissions MrGRCooper Filed on behalf of the Attorney-General for the CROWN SOLICITOR State of Queensland (intervening) 11 tb Floor, State Law Building Form 27C 50 Ann Street, Brisbane 4000 Dated: 28 March 2017 Per Wendy Ussher Telephone 07 3239 6328 Ref PL8/ATT110/3460/UWE Facsimile 07 3239 3456 Document No: 7069966 PART IV: Statutory provisions 4. Queensland adopts the statement of relevant statutory provisions set out in Annexure A to the plaintiffs' submissions. PART V: Submissions SummaJy 5. Queensland adopts the submissions of the defendant. Queensland's submissions are 10 limited to the use of a structured proportionality test in the context of the implied freedom of political communication as expressly applied by the majority in McCloy v NewSouth Wales. 1 6. Respectfully, Queensland submits that a structured proportionality test is not an apt test to detennine the constitutional validity of legislation in Australia. -
Situating Women Judges on the High Court of Australia: Not Just Men in Skirts?
Situating Women Judges on the High Court of Australia: Not Just Men in Skirts? Kcasey McLoughlin BA (Hons) LLB (Hons) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, the University of Newcastle January 2016 Statement of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. I give consent to the final version of my thesis being made available worldwide when deposited in the University's Digital Repository, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. Kcasey McLoughlin ii Acknowledgments I am most grateful to my principal supervisor, Jim Jose, for his unswerving patience, willingness to share his expertise and for the care and respect he has shown for my ideas. His belief in challenging disciplinary boundaries, and seemingly limitless generosity in mentoring others to do so has sustained me and this thesis. I am honoured to have been in receipt of his friendship, and owe him an enormous debt of gratitude for his unstinting support, assistance and encouragement. I am also grateful to my co-supervisor, Katherine Lindsay, for generously sharing her expertise in Constitutional Law and for fostering my interest in the High Court of Australia and the judges who sit on it. Her enthusiasm, very helpful advice and intellectual guidance were instrumental motivators in completing the thesis. The Faculty of Business and Law at the University of Newcastle has provided a supportive, collaborative and intellectual space to share and debate my research. -
THE ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW Law.Adelaide.Edu.Au Adelaide Law Review ADVISORY BOARD
Volume 40, Number 3 THE ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW law.adelaide.edu.au Adelaide Law Review ADVISORY BOARD The Honourable Professor Catherine Branson AC QC Deputy Chancellor, The University of Adelaide; Former President, Australian Human Rights Commission; Former Justice, Federal Court of Australia Emeritus Professor William R Cornish CMG QC Emeritus Herchel Smith Professor of Intellectual Property Law, University of Cambridge His Excellency Judge James R Crawford AC SC International Court of Justice The Honourable Professor John J Doyle AC QC Former Chief Justice, Supreme Court of South Australia Professor John V Orth William Rand Kenan Jr Professor of Law, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Professor Emerita Rosemary J Owens AO Former Dean, Adelaide Law School The Honourable Justice Melissa Perry Federal Court of Australia The Honourable Margaret White AO Former Justice, Supreme Court of Queensland Professor John M Williams Dame Roma Mitchell Chair of Law and Former Dean, Adelaide Law School ADELAIDE LAW REVIEW Editors Associate Professor Matthew Stubbs and Dr Michelle Lim Book Review and Comment Editor Dr Stacey Henderson Associate Editors Kyriaco Nikias and Azaara Perakath Student Editors Joshua Aikens Christian Andreotti Mitchell Brunker Peter Dalrymple Henry Materne-Smith Holly Nicholls Clare Nolan Eleanor Nolan Vincent Rocca India Short Christine Vu Kate Walsh Noel Williams Publications Officer Panita Hirunboot Volume 40 Issue 3 2019 The Adelaide Law Review is a double-blind peer reviewed journal that is published twice a year by the Adelaide Law School, The University of Adelaide. A guide for the submission of manuscripts is set out at the back of this issue. -
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST and PLACE in BROWN V TASMANIA
PRIVATE RIGHTS, PROTEST AND PLACE IN BROWN v TASMANIA PATRICK EMERTON AND MARIA O’SULLIVAN* I INTRODUCTION Protest is an important means of political communication in a contemporary democracy. Indeed, a person’s right to protest goes to the heart of the relationship between an individual and the state. In this regard, protest is about power. On one hand, there is the power of individuals to act individually or a collective to communicate their concerns about the operation of governmental policies or business activities. On the other, the often much stronger power wielded by a state to restrict that communication in the public interest. As part of this, state authorities may seek to limit certain protest activities on the basis that they are disruptive to public or commercial interests. The question is how the law should reconcile these competing interests. In this paper, we recognise that place is often integral to protest, particularly environmental protest. In many cases, place will be inextricably linked to the capacity of protest to result in influence. This is important given that the central aim of protest is usually to be an agent of change. As a result, the purpose of any legislation which seeks to protect business activities from harm and disruption goes to the heart of contestations about protest and power. In a recent analysis of First Amendment jurisprudence, Seidman suggests that [t]here is an intrinsic relationship between the right to speak and the ownership of places and things. Speech must occur somewhere and, under modern conditions, must use some things for purposes of amplification. -
3 0 APR 2018 and STATE of VICTORIA the REGISTRY BRISBANE Plaintiff 10 ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS for the ATTORNEY-GENERAL for the STATE of QUEENSLAND (INTERVENING)
IN THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA No. M2 of2017 MELBOURNEREG~IS~T~R~Y--~~~~~~~ BETWEEN: HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA CRAIG WILLIAM JOHN MINOGUE FILED Plaintiff 3 0 APR 2018 AND STATE OF VICTORIA THE REGISTRY BRISBANE Plaintiff 10 ANNOTATED SUBMISSIONS FOR THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL FOR THE STATE OF QUEENSLAND (INTERVENING) PART I: Internet publication I. These submissions are in a form suitable for publication on the Internet. PART 11: Basis of intervention 2. The Attorney-General for the State of Queensland ('Queensland') intervenes in these 20 proceedings in support of the defendant pursuant to s 78A of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). PART Ill: Reasons why leave to intervene should be granted 3. Not applicable. PART IV: Submissions 30 Summary 4. Queensland's written submissions are confined to addressing the novel arguments of the plaintiff directed to constitutionalising his particular conception of the rule of law. The plaintiff submits that if ss 74AAA and 127A ofthe Corrections Act 1986 (Vie) apply to his parole application then they operate retrospectively and that such retrospectivity is inconsistent with the constitutional assumptions of the rule of law and therefore 40 invalid. 1 1 Plaintiffs submissions, 2 [4](c), 19 [68]; (SCB 84(36), 85(37)(c)). Intervener's submissions Mr GR Cooper Filed on behalf of the Attorney-General for the State CROWN SOLICITOR of Queensland (Intervening) 11th Floor, State Law Building Form 27c 50 Ann Street, Brisbane 4000 Dated: 30 April2018 Per Kent Blore Telephone 07 3239 3734 Ref PL8/ATT110/3710/BKE Facsimile 07 3239 6382 Document No: 7880475 5. Queensland's primary submission is that ss 74AAA and 127 A ofthe Corrections Act do not operate retrospectively as they merely prescribe criteria for the Board to apply in the future. -
Before the High Court
Before the High Court Comcare v Banerji: Public Servants and Political Communication Kieran Pender* Abstract In March 2019 the High Court of Australia will, for the first time, consider the constitutionality of limitations on the political expression of public servants. Comcare v Banerji will shape the Commonwealth of Australia’s regulation of its 240 000 public servants and indirectly impact state and local government employees, cumulatively constituting 16 per cent of the Australian workforce. But the litigation’s importance goes beyond its substantive outcome. In Comcare v Banerji, the High Court must determine the appropriate methodology to apply when considering the implied freedom of political communication’s operation on administrative decisions. The approach it adopts could have a significant impact on the continuing development of implied freedom jurisprudence, as well as the political expression of public servants. I Introduction Australian public servants have long endured an ‘obligation of silence’.1 Colonial civil servants were subject to strict limitations on their ability to engage in political life.2 Following Federation, employees of the new Commonwealth of Australia were not permitted to ‘discuss or in any way promote political movements’.3 While the more draconian of these restrictions have been gradually eased, limitations remain on the political expression of public servants. Until now, these have received surprisingly little judicial scrutiny. Although one of the few judgments in this field invalidated the impugned regulation,4 the Australian Public Service (‘APS’) has continued to limit the speech of its employees. * BA (Hons) LLB (Hons) (ANU); Legal Advisor, Legal Policy & Research Unit, International Bar Association, London, England. -
The Case for Abolishing the Offence of Scandalising the Judiciary
Daniel O’Neil* THE CASE FOR ABOLISHING THE OFFENCE OF SCANDALISING THE JUDICIARY ABSTRACT This article assesses the philosophical foundations and the practical remit of the common law offence of scandalising the judiciary (also known as ‘scandalising contempt’), and finds that the continued existence of this offence as presently constituted cannot be justified. The elements and scope of this offence, it is suggested, are ill-defined, which is a matter of great concern given its potentially fierce penal consequences. Moreover, given the extent to which it may interfere with free expression of opinion on an arm of government, the offence’s compatibility with the implied freedom of political communication guaranteed by the Australian Constitution is also discussed — though it is noted that in most instances, prosecutions for the offence will not infringe this protection. The article concludes by suggesting that the common law offence must either by abolished by legislative fiat or replaced by a more narrowly confined statutory offence. It is suggested that an expression of genuinely held belief on a matter of such profound public interest as the administration of justice should not be the subject of proceedings for contempt of court. I INTRODUCTION ow far can one go in criticising a Judge?’1 This is the question at the heart of the common law offence known as scandalising the judiciary — an ‘H offence that may sound ‘wonderfully archaic’,2 yet is regrettably anything but. This article attempts to chart the metes and bounds of this offence and to assess its empirical application in Australia and elsewhere. It is concluded that the offence is both vague in definition and savage in its potential punitive consequences. -
Extending the Critical Rereading Project
EXTENDING THE CRITICAL REREADING PROJECT Gabrielle Appleby & Rosalind Dixon* We want to start by congratulating Kathryn Stanchi, Linda Berger, and Bridget Crawford for a wonderful collection of feminist judgments that provide a rich and provocative rereading of U.S. Supreme Court gender-justice cases.1 It is an extremely important contribution to the growing international feminist judgments project—in which leading feminist academics, lawyers, and activists imagine alternative feminist judgments to existing legal cases—which commenced with the seminal UK Feminist Judgments Project.2 The original 2010 UK Project was based on the initially online Canadian community known as the Canadian Women’s Court.3 These works bring feminist critiques of legal doctrine from an external, commentary-based perspective to a position where such critiques might breathe reality into the possibility of feminist judgment writing. A feminist rewriting can change the way the story is told, the voices that are heard in the story, and the context in which it unfolds. Today, the feminist judgments project, having expanded across © 2018 Gabrielle Appleby and Rosalind Dixon. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and distribute copies of this Symposium in any format, at or below cost, for educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the authors, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review Online, and includes this provision and copyright notice. * Gabrielle Appleby is an Associate Professor, Co-Director of the Judiciary Project, Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law, University of New South Wales. Rosalind Dixon is a Professor, Director of the Comparative Constitutional Law Project, Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law, and Deputy Director of the Herbert Smith Freehills Initiative on Law and Economics, University of New South Wales. -
1 Implied Freedom of Political Communication
1 Implied freedom of Political Communication – development of the test and tools Chris Bleby 1. The implied freedom of political communication was first announced in Nationwide News v Wills1 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v The Commonwealth.2 As Brennan J described the freedom at this nascent stage:3 “the legislative powers of the Parliament are so limited by implication as to preclude the making of a law trenching upon that freedom of discussion of political and economic matters which is essential to sustain the system of representative government prescribed by the Constitution.” 2. ACTV concerned Part IIID of the Broadcasting Act 1942 (Cth), which was introduced by the Political Broadcasts and Political Disclosures Act 1991 (Cth). It contained various prohibitions, with exemptions, on broadcasting on behalf of the Commonwealth government in an election period, and prohibited a broadcaster from broadcasting a “political advertisement” on behalf of a person other than a government or government authority or on their own behalf. 3. Chief Justice Mason’s judgment remains the starting point of the implied freedom for its analysis based in ss 7 and 24 of the Constitution. His Honour also ventured a test to be applied for when the implied freedom could be said to be infringed. This was a lengthy, descriptive test. Critically, he observed that the freedom was only one element of a society controlled by law:4 Hence, the concept of freedom of communication is not an absolute. The guarantee does not postulate that the freedom must always and necessarily prevail over competing interests of the public. -
Can the Implied Freedom of Political Discourse Apply to Speech by Or About Religious Leaders?
Mitchell Landrigan* CAN THE IMPLIED FREEDOM OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE APPLY TO SPEECH BY OR ABOUT RELIGIOUS LEADERS? ABSTRACT Religious leaders in Australia sometimes contribute to public debate. Can the implied freedom protect speech by and about religious leaders from a burden (legislative, common law, executive) either current (eg, religious vilification laws) or proposed? In part, the answer to this question depends on whether such expression is recognised as ‘political speech’ under constitutional law. Mason, Toohey and Gaudron JJ’s joint judgment in Theophanous v Herald & Weekly Times Ltd (1994) 182 CLR 104 suggests that political speech includes discourse about the political views and public conduct of all persons involved in activities that have become the subject of political debate, a description that could possibly apply to speech by and about religious leaders. By contrast, the High Court’s later unanimous judgment in Lange v Australian Broadcasting Corporation (1997) 189 CLR 520 arguably suggests a narrower view of the scope of the implied freedom. It indicates that the implied freedom only protects speech that is relevant to representative government, respon- sible government or referenda. Is it possible to reconcile Theophanous and Lange? What do the terms ‘representative government’ and ‘respon- sible government’ mean? Is it possible to discern a clear view from the High Court judgments about whether speech by or about religious leaders can be political speech? * Visiting Fellow, Faculty of Law, University of Technology Sydney; PhD Candidate, Law School, University of New South Wales; Solicitor, Supreme Court of New South Wales and High Court of Australia. The author thanks Professor George Williams for his guidance on this area of research as my PhD supervisor, Alison Gurr for her helpful suggestions on an earlier draft, and two anonymous referees for their construc- tive comments on an earlier draft. -
Implied Freedom of Communication in Australia
The Rule of Law and the Implied Freedom of Communication in Australia Magna Carta 1215 “[the] right of free speech is one which it is for the public interest that individuals should possess, and indeed that they should exercise it without impediment, so long as no wrongful act is done.” No free man is to be arrested, or imprisoned, or disseised, or outlawed, or exiled, or in any other way ruined, nor will we go against him Lord Coleridge in Bonnard v Perryman [1891] 2 Ch 269, 284) or send against him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the “the end of law is not to abolish or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom. For in all the states of created land. [39] beings, capable of laws, where there is no law there is no freedom.” John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (1689) Preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948): ‘To sustain a representative democracy embodying the principles prescribed by the Constitution, freedom of public discussion of political and economic matters is essential’ Brennan J in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills [1992] HCA 46 ‘it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have ‘...ss 7 and 24 and the related sections of the Constitution necessarily protect that freedom of recourse, as a last resort, to communication between the people concerning political or government matters which enables rebellion against tyranny the people to exercise a free and informed choice as electors.’ and oppression, that human rights should be Brennan CJ, Dawson, Toohey, Gaudron, McHugh, Gummow and Kirby JJ in Lange v Australian Broadcasting Corporation protected by the rule [1997] HCA 25 of law.’ ‘One might wish for more rationality, less superficiality, diminished invective and increased logic and persuasion in political discourse.