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The Canadian Federal Government on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women

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The Canadian Federal Government on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Memorial University Research Repository DISAVOWING COLONIALISM: THE CANADIAN FEDERAL GOVERNMENT ON MISSING AND MURDERED INDIGENOUS WOMEN by © Kim Wakeford Thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Gender Studies Memorial University of Newfoundland October 2016 St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador ABSTRACT While many Indigenous, activist and human rights groups agree that the disproportionate number of missing and murdered Indigenous women (MMIW) in Canada can be attributed to the historical and ongoing discrimination that began with colonization (LEAF, 2014), my research suggests that this consensus does not exist among reports about the subject produced by the Government of Canada. Exploring how the Canadian Federal Government has framed and responded to this crisis, I conduct an intersectional, feminist, and Foucauldian critical discourse analysis of 15 federally-produced reports purporting to account for the problem of MMIW, revealing several troubling discursive trends. Among these is the narrative that the violence occurs exclusively in Indigenous communities and at the hands of Indigenous men, a story that is contradicted by the Government’s own statistical information. In this way, the reports elide the colonial settler-state’s responsibility for the historical and ongoing colonization that creates the conditions in which Indigenous women are killable. Noting that Indigenous women’s vulnerability to murder and disappearance occurs within and is compounded by colonial, racial, and gendered structures of oppression, I argue that understanding Canadian colonization as an ongoing, rather than a past event, is essential to getting beyond these narratives. By disavowing colonialism and not contextualizing the problem of MMIW within current settler-colonialism, the Federal Government reinscribes oppressive colonial structures and renders itself unable to effectively respond to this problem. Keywords: Settler-colonial relations, public policy, Native studies, Canada, Turtle Island, missing and murdered Indigenous women ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to Memorial University's Department of Gender Studies and its faculty for the time and space in which to do this work. I would like to express my deep gratitude to my co-supervisors, Dr. Liam Swiss and Dr. Carol Lynne D'Arcangelis, for lending me their time, patience, and knowledge throughout this project. Thank you to Binaeshee and Bonnie for getting me woke and thinking about this. An emphatic (and totally inadequate) thank you to Mandy Wilson, Laura McCurdy, and Clyde Wakeford for their steady patience, love, and support. iii Table of Contents ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………………ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………iii Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………………iv List of Appendices………………………………………………………………………………...v Chapter 1 Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in Canada………………………………...6 1.1 Introduction: The Federal Government’s (mis)understanding of MMIW………….....6 1.2 Theoretical Framework: Gendered colonial violence…………………………………9 1.3 Context and literature review: Crime, not sociology………………………………...10 Chapter 2 Methodology……………………………………………………………….……….....17 2.1 Choosing the documents…………………………………………………………......17 2.2 Imperialism in/and research………………………………………………………….19 2.3 Ordering discourse…………………………………………………………………...20 2.4 Foucauldian, feminist discourse analysis…………………………………………….26 2.5 Intersectionality as method…………………………………………………………..29 Chapter 3 Creating the “official” account of colonization……………………………………….33 3.1 Language and the narrative of "contact"……………………………………………..34 3.2 Acknowledgement vs. Accountability……………………………………………….48 3.3 Dichotomizing thought and action…………………………………………………...60 Chapter 4 (Re)Producing Indigenous Dysfunction: The “Root” Causes of MMIW.…………….65 4.1 Bureaucratized dehumanization, victim-blaming and modernity……………………66 4.2 The domestic violence narrative……………………………………………………..75 4.3 Creating criminals……………………………………………………………………84 4.4 Health and healing…………………………………………………………………...89 Conclusion: Inhabiting the Colonial Past to Unsettle the Colonial Present……………….……..95 Forward…………………………………………………………………………………..97 Modernist discourses and the problem of settler-colonial Canadian-ness……………….98 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………………102 Appendix A - List of Government Documents…………………………………………………111 Appendix B - Glossary of Acronyms/Initialisms……………………………………………….112 Appendix C - List of Resources about MMIW…………………………………………………113 iv List of Appendices Appendix A - List of documents Appendix B - Glossary of Acronyms Appendix C - List of resources on missing and murdered Indigenous women in Canada v Chapter 1 Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in Canada Introduction: The Federal Government’s (mis)understanding of MMIW Over the past several decades, the overrepresentation of missing and murdered Indigenous1 women and girls (MMIW2) in Canada’s abduction and homicide statistics has slowly become recognized by the general public as a crisis requiring intervention from the Federal Government. A report released by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in May 2014 revealed that the number of MMIW in Canada is much higher than had been officially acknowledged, and that, in fact, there were 1,181 such homicides and missing person investigations between 1980 and 2012 alone (RCMP, 2014). Since the release of this report, there have been several other studies touching on this crisis produced by groups such as the United Nations Human Rights Council (2014), the Women’s Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF, 2014), as well as recent findings in the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC, 2015), that have both increased media attention on the issue as well as intensified calls for the Federal Government to commission a national public inquiry. It is clear that this is one of the most urgent and defining problems facing Indigenous communities, social justice activists, and policy­makers in Canada today. However, for the entirety of his tenure in office (2006­2015), former Prime Minister Harper and his cabinet ministers refused to 1 I have chosen to use the term “Indigenous” to refer to the First Nations, Inuit, and Métis people with traditional ancestral rights to the land now known as Canada, both status and non­status, identifying specific nations wherever possible. In general, the Federal Government documents use the terms “Aboriginal” and/or “First Nations”. These language discrepancies have been intentionally left as­is. 2 Due to the sheer frequency with which this term appears in this paper, I have abbreviated “missing and murdered Indigenous women” to MMIW for pragmatics. Though this is the only initialism in my thesis that refers to a marginalized group of human beings rather than an agency or organization (ie. RCMP, DOJ, NWAC), arguably further dehumanizing this marginalized group, it is also consistent with the use of the initialism as a hashtag in social media and activist organizing, in addition to helping to manage space in this work. 6 commission a national public inquiry into the matter for these stated reasons: 1) the problem had been amply studied; 2) his government had responded with violence prevention programs to protect all Canadians, not only those who are Indigenous; and 3) MMIW is not a sociological issue (Boutilier, 2014; CBC 2014a; CBC, 2014b; Bronskill & Tutton, 2015). Under Prime Minister Trudeau, the current Liberal government has since launched an inquiry, though it is too soon to know what this means for how the government understands and responds to this problem. Arguing that “[staging] settler goodness” (Razack, 2013) is one manifestation of colonialism, my work aims to address: 1) what a discursive analysis of these documents reveals about how the Federal Government understands the crisis; 2) to what extent and in what ways Canada’s colonial past and present is disavowed in reports and studies on MMIW produced by the Government of Canada; and 3) whether and how contextualizing the pattern of MMIW within Canada’s colonial past (and present) help us design better policies/responses. In order to answer these questions, I conduct a Foucauldian­influenced discourse analysis of 15 reports and documents produced by the Government of Canada on the subject of violence against women. These reports are part of a longer list of 40 documents that the Department of Justice (DOJ) has referred to by way of arguing that the issue needs no further examination. My justification for selecting these particular documents and this particular approach is detailed in my methodology chapter. Using this approach, and with an understanding that settler goodness is staged “through assembling a tableau both of Aboriginal dysfunction and of the many challenges settlers face in dealing with it” (Razack, 2013, p. 353), I examine 1) what kinds of discourses are deployed in 7 the documents and statements; 2) how they are deployed (with what discursive techniques) and 3) to what effect. Ultimately, I hope to understand whether and how acknowledging the issue of MMIW in relation to Canada’s colonial past and present might make way for more comprehensive and effective policies. Based on my analysis of these documents, I argue that by constantly referring to but never naming ongoing, contemporary colonialism in its many forms, the reports
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