DOCSLIB.ORG

Dissident at Large

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Dissident at Large Dissident At Large http://www.canada.com/story_print.html?id=2c272570-fc85-4240-96b6-... Dissident At Large Communist Party princess. Ballistic-missile engineer. Spy. Freedom fighter. Death-row dissident. Award-winning environmentalist. BY THE OTTAWA CITIZEN MAY 7, 2006 Communist Party princess. Ballistic-missile engineer. Spy. Freedom fighter. Death-row dissident. Award-winning environmentalist. Those are just some of the moments in the extraordinary life of Dai Qing, whose roller-coaster career reads like the script of an epic movie. Daughter of a Communist-Party star, Dai Qing was so loyal she once said she would have died for Mao Zedong, the father of Communist China. After serving the party as a weapons expert and later as a spy, she eventually became deeply disillusioned, forsaking a life of privilege and power to fight for reform as a journalist. One of China's most outspoken writers in the 1980s, she landed in prison for her role in the 1989 pro-democracy uprising in Tiananmen Square. Now she is an acclaimed environmentalist, and has won a raft of prestigious international awards for her work. And yet, as she sits demurely in a bustling Toronto cafe during a recent trip to North America, it would be easy to take her for just another middle-aged worker on a lunch break, with her faded orange sweatshirt, sensible shoes and practical soup-bowl haircut. 1 of 10 17/11/2011 4:28 PM Dissident At Large http://www.canada.com/story_print.html?id=2c272570-fc85-4240-96b6-... Until she opens her mouth, that is. "Once I wrote to Deng Xiaoping, you know," she says, referring to Mao's successor, who effectively ran China from the 1970s through the 1990s. "I was still a very loyal party member then. But I thought the party should do more for the people. "I told him everyone in the party should cut their salary by three levels!" she chortles, her eyes alight with mischief. At 65, Dai Qing is still a spitfire, taking on the authorities with withering wit and breath-taking nerve. This is a woman who tried to sue the Chinese secret police for detaining her (no lawyer would accept her case). She remains a handful for the government spooks who still routinely detain and question her. "Once, I was on my way to meet someone, and the secret police detained me," Dai Qing recalls over a glass of green tea. "They made me come to their office and talk and talk for about two hours. "Finally, I told them, 'I won't talk to you any more.' And I started doing Falun Gong (meditative exercises that are forbidden in China). I don't even know how to do Falun Gong," she giggles. "I just wanted to annoy them." As a journalist, Ms. Dai became famous for fearlessly tackling sensitive political and environmental issues. Writing for the prestigious Enlightenment Daily newspaper in the 1980s, Dai became the first Chinese journalist to profile prominent dissidents such as astrophysicist Fang Lizhi. Dispatched in 1982 to cover the Sino-Vietnamese War, she filed blistering critiques of the conflict and questioned China's involvement. And in 1989, she defied a media gag order to publish Yangtze! Yangtze!, a collection of essays by Chinese scientists exposing flaws in the government-backed Three Gorges hydroelectric project, which will dam China's legendary Yangtze River, forcing the resettlement of more than two million people. Her book stirred up so much opposition the government was temporarily forced to postpone the project. Dai's writings have been banned in China ever since, but she has continued to publish in the international media and, with the aid of foreign environmental organizations, helps other Chinese activists organize and find funding. That is what has brought her to Toronto on this windswept spring day: For 15 years, Dai Qing has worked with the Toronto-based environmental group Probe International on projects such as training programs for Chinese environmentalists. She is here for a week to plan future projects, although she keeps details to herself, so disapproving officials won't get wind of them. n In her own words, Dai Qing has long been "a thorn in the side" of Chinese authorities. But she is no darling of the democracy camp, either. 2 of 10 17/11/2011 4:28 PM Dissident At Large http://www.canada.com/story_print.html?id=2c272570-fc85-4240-96b6-... On the contrary, she has savage words for the leaders of the pro-democracy Tiananmen Square revolt of 1989, and anyone else who would like to see a pro-democracy revolution sweep China. A quick transition to democracy was only possible in countries such as Poland and East Germany because the conditions there were ripe for the change, she explains. But in China, an "overnight revolution" would only mean a bloodbath, Dai argues, accusing the leaders of the 1989 uprising of being "extremist and simplistic" zealots. Dai is a reformer, not a revolutionary: She favours a gradual transition from totalitarianism. The Tiananmen revolt started at the end of April 1989, when hundreds of thousands of people staged a series of protests to denounce government corruption and demand democracy. By May, thousands of students, as well as some disaffected workers, were occupying the central square in Beijing; as many as 1,000 went on a hunger strike. On June 3 and 4, tanks rolled into Beijing as the army mounted a crackdown in which 2,600 people were killed and 30,000 injured, according to the Chinese Red Cross. The student leaders could have prevented the massacre if they had called a stop to the protest after the first week, Dai says, arguing they were "shallow, rash" grandstanders who wanted to force a showdown. Leaders such as Wang Dan, who became an instant celebrity in the West, "wanted the situation to get more exciting so that they could have even more fun," Dai wrote in her controversial prison memoirs, Tiananmen Follies, published last fall by New York-based EastBridge Books. What do the former protesters think of that? "They think I am a running dog of the government, a spy for the Communist Party!" wheezes Dai, bent double with laughter at the idea. Then she draws herself up straight, her expression turning sober for a minute. "If you ask, 'What is courage?' I'll tell you," she says, in her emphatic, heavily accented English. "Courage is standing up to the government, and saying what you think. "But it is also standing up to the other side, and saying what you really think, even if they call you a traitor. "That is real courage. It is not easy. You must be very strong inside." As a prominent journalist and reformer, Dai was quickly embroiled in the Tiananmen standoff. Along with more than 1,000 other journalists, she signed a petition demanding the government negotiate with the protesters. On May 10, she gave a speech at People's University praising the students' demand for social justice, but also urging them to disperse. Along with 12 leading scholars, she signed an "urgent appeal" to the government to acknowledge the protest as a democratic movement and to legalize it. She twice led delegations of prominent citizens for talks with the students, each time urging them to disperse. 3 of 10 17/11/2011 4:28 PM Dissident At Large http://www.canada.com/story_print.html?id=2c272570-fc85-4240-96b6-... Six weeks after the army had retaken Tiananmen, Dai Qing was thrown into the notorious Qincheng prison for political prisoners, near Beijing. She was held without charge for 10 months, six of them in solitary confinement, and at one point was told she was on the list of six people to be executed for their role in the uprising. Dai says she and 200 other prisoners were eventually freed in a "political exchange" with the World Bank, which had suspended loans to China after the massacre: Loans were resumed the same day she and the others were released. But more than 15 years later, some 200 people are still in prison for participating in the unrest -- part of a decades-long backslide in political reform that Dai blames on the Tiananmen standoff. Before the uprising, liberal-minded officials such as party chief Zhao Ziyang had been successfully pushing for political reform, Dai says. After the revolt, Zhao and his allies were purged, and "China went back to the warlord era," with party cadres wielding absolute power, she says. That's exactly what the hardliners were hoping for when the revolt broke out, says Dai, arguing that they deliberately let the conflict escalate in order to justify a massive crackdown that would crush the reform movement for good. Which brings us to one of Dai's most controversial arguments: The army should have stepped in much earlier, before a major crackdown became inevitable. The democracy movement could never have won out anyway, she adds, arguing the students didn't really know the meaning of democracy. For example, she says, at Tiananmen Square they were just as autocratic as the communists. "The leaders themselves didn't act in a democratic way," she says, explaining that many students wanted to disperse, but the radicals wouldn't let them. Besides, maybe western-style democracy is not what China needs, she reflects. "Every nation in Asia is different. Maybe we would have a half-socialist, half-democratic government. "Since the 1970s, China has opened up more trade with the West. But you can't just import democracy the way you import the latest fashions. "It's easy to shout, 'Democracy! Democracy!' as a slogan," she argues, punching the air in a parody of the protesters.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
    Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenges in Researching the Three Gorges
    Running into Dead Ends: Challenges in Researching the Three Gorges Dam By Gørild Heggelund hen I first began to study the Three Gorges made it one of the most controversial construction Dam in the late 1980s to write my master’s projects to date in China. While it will play a crucial role Wthesis, I did not realize that the dam would in flood control and energy generation, it is ultimately a dominate my life for the next decade—both for master political project with much government prestige at stake. and doctorate degrees. Apart from an interval of three The Three Gorges project easily draws criticism, as it has years working for the UN in Beijing and taking maternity great implications for both people and the environment leave, I devoted years of research examining various in the Three Gorges area. Nevertheless, passing judgment political and social aspects of this controversial dam on whether or not the dam should have been constructed project. was not the objective of my thesis. My aspiration was to Not surprisingly, I was exposed to the complexity of provide information that highlights the developments in the political debates surrounding the project early in the the resettlement process for this project, as well as relating research process, as one of my first encounters with people them to general political and social trends in China. One involved in the discussion about the dam was Dai Qing.1 of the main advantages of doing research on an intriguing She presented me with her book Changjiang Changjiang project such as the Three Gorges is the potential for (Yangtze Yangtze), which was published in 1989 as an increased comprehension of the Chinese society at large, attempt to lobby against the dam.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary China: a Book List
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used.
    [Show full text]
  • February 1995 Vol.7 No.2 the THREE GORGES DAM in CHINA: Forced Resettlement, Suppression of Dissent and Labor Rights Concern
    February 1995 Vol.7 No.2 THE THREE GORGES DAM IN CHINA: Forced Resettlement, Suppression of Dissent and Labor Rights Concerns I . Summary. .3 II. Muzzling the Critics . .5 III. Case of the "Democratic Youth Party". .9 IV. Population Relocation Program. 11 V. Labor Rights. 17 VI. Conclusions. 19 VII. Recommendations . 21 Appendix I . 24 Appendix II. 30 Appendix III . 37 Appendix IV. 45 I . Summary In April 1992, China's National People's Congress (npc) formally approved the "Resolution on the Construction of the Yangtze River Three Gorges Project," marking the conclusion of decades of controversy within the Chinese leadership in favor of supporters of the world's biggest-ever river dam project. Despite strenuous government attempts to muzzle the debate, almost one-third of the normally compliant npc delegates, in an unprecedented display of legislative dissent, either abstained or cast opposition votes. The following year, a pilot project for the resettlement of an estimated 1.1 to 1.6 million inhabitants of the proposed 600-kilometer-long reservoir area drew to a close and, in early 1994, the full resettlement program began in earnest. By mid-year, excavation and preparation of the dam's foundations were underway at Sandouping, the chosen dam site just downstream of the world-famous Three Gorges scenic area; in December, Premier Li Peng formally declared the project open. The Chinese government has offered overseas manufacturers US$3 billion worth of machinery and equipment contracts and will reportedly seek an additional US$5 billion or so in overseas funding for the project. International tendering has already begun for a preliminary range of dam-related construction contracts.
    [Show full text]
  • Chin1821.Pdf
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt1x0nd955 No online items Finding Aid for the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives, 1989-1993 Processed by UCLA Library Special Collections staff; machine-readable finding aid created by Caroline Cubé. UCLA Library Special Collections UCLA Library Special Collections staff Room A1713, Charles E. Young Research Library Box 951575 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1575 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.library.ucla.edu/libraries/special/scweb/ © 2009 The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. 1821 1 Descriptive Summary Title: China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives Date (inclusive): 1989-1993 Collection number: 1821 Creator: Center for Chinese Studies and the Center for Pacific Rim Studies, UCLA Extent: 22 boxes (11 linear ft.)1 oversize box. Abstract: The present finding aid represents the fruits of a multiyear collaborative effort, undertaken at the initiative of then UCLA Chancellor Charles Young, to collect, collate, classify, and annotate available materials relating to the China Democracy Movement and tiananmen crisis of 1989. These materials---including, inter alia, thousands of documents, transcribed radio broadcasts, local newspaper and journal articles, wall posters, electronic communications, and assorted ephemeral sources, some in Chinese and some in English---provide a wealth of information for scholars, present and future, who wish to gain a better understanding of the complex, swirling forces that surrounded the extraordinary "Beijing Spring" of 1989 and its tragic denouement. The scholarly community is indebted to those who have collected and arranged this archive of materials about the China Democracy Movement and Tiananmen Incident Archives.
    [Show full text]
  • Up Front with Wang Yu No.2, 2004 China Rights Forum
    UP FRONT WITH WANG YU NO.2, 2004 CHINA RIGHTS FORUM For this special issue, Wang Yu interviews If the government had paid any attention to the Move- 71 several veterans of the 1989 Democracy ment’s demands, China would not be in such chaos. If the Communist regime continues to put its own interests before Movement. the nation’s, I’m sure a big social movement similar to the June 4th Movement in 1989 will reoccur. Wang Dan became a leading figure in the 1989 Democ- racy Movement in Beijing at the age of 20. After the move- Wang Yu: China is beset with problems: unemployment, ment was crushed on June 4, the authorities placed Wang unhealthy environment, poor medical care and income dispar- at the top of their “Most Wanted” list, resulting in his ity.What do you think is the most serious problem now? arrest and imprisonment for four years. After his release REGULAR FEATURES in 1993 Wang was detained again, and in October 1996 Wang Dan:The most serious problem that has emerged from was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “incitement to economic reform is injustice. Corruption in government has subvert state power.” Exiled to the United States on “med- led to uneven distribution of social benefits. If the government ical parole” in April 1998, Wang is now working toward his cannot work out a solution, more disturbances will take place. doctoral degree at Harvard University. A supervisory body and proper legal system must be set up.To sum it up, we need a constitutional government and a system Wang Yu:The June 4th Movement in 1989 was characterized of checks and balances.
    [Show full text]
  • Reflections on Seventeen Years of Exile
    REFLECTIONS ON 2006 . 3, SEVENTEEN YEARS OF EXILE NO RIGHTS FORUM BY CHEN KUIDE CHINA For some, refusing the compromises of ture end, Dai Qing, Su Wei and I collected signatures for the 85 China’s academic world has resulted in the third petition by Chinese intellectuals in support of Fang Lizhi’s call for amnesty for political prisoners.At the same loss of a homeland. time, Dai Qing’s new book challenging plans for the Three Gorges Dam was distributed alongside the first issue of The June 5, 1989, Shanghai; a cloudy,gray morning.The car taking Thinker. me to the airport skirted one obstacle after another through On April 15, Hu Yaobang suddenly died, and the Beijing the chaotic city.Whenever traffic stopped, I watched people student movement was born. I sent two researchers to Beijing TE FOR CHANGE carrying bicycles past roadblocks on their way to the airport. as observers to keep me informed of events. Meanwhile, I was My car weaved right and left until we finally arrived at the in Shanghai along with several academic colleagues working Shanghai Hongqiao Airport.There I boarded a flight to the day and night to collect signatures in support of the demands United States, where I was to be a visiting scholar. of students in Beijing and Shanghai for a dialogue with the As the plane departed I looked down once more at my authorities. Because of the student movement and a visit to our TING A CLIMA homeland. My ears were still ringing with the protesters’ exu- institute from a U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Big March of April 27, 1989 May 8, 2009 in Uncategorized by the China Beat | No Comments
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 China Beat Archive 5-8-2009 The iB g March of April 27, 1989 Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Chinese Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons "The iB g March of April 27, 1989" (2009). The China Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012. 547. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/chinabeatarchive/547 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the China Beat Archive at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in The hinC a Beat Blog Archive 2008-2012 by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. The Big March of April 27, 1989 May 8, 2009 in Uncategorized by The China Beat | No comments Wang Chaohua is an independent scholar who received her doctorate from UCLA last year, has written political commentaries for periodicals such as the New Left Review, and is the editor of One China, Many Paths. A leader of the Tiananmen protests of 1989, she wrote the following essay reflecting on the events of twenty years ago for Hong Kong’s Ming Pao newspaper, which will run the original Chinese language version soon. Dr. Wang has been good enough to provide us with an English language translation to publish here. We all know that the large scale, student-led pro-democracy movement that took place in China twenty years ago was triggered by the April 15, 1989, death of Hu Yaobang, the former General- secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
    [Show full text]
  • Environmental Ngos in China: Encouraging Action And
    Environmental NGOs in China: Encouraging Action and Addressing Public Grievances Monday, February 7, 2005 at 2:00 PM Rayburn House Office Building Room 2255 Statement of Patricia Adams Thank you very much for the opportunity to participate in this Congressional-Executive Commission on China Roundtable. I am the Executive Director of Probe International, a Canadian-based environmental NGO. For 25 years, we have worked with citizens in Third World countries to help them fight development projects that undermine the environments they depend on. Since the early 1980s, Probe International has monitored the world’s largest and most controversial dam project, the Three Gorges dam on China’s Yangtze river. We have done so by working with academics, researchers, and press in China, including Dai Qing, the celebrated Chinese journalist who spent 10 months in jail for publishing Yangtze! Yangtze!, a book authored by China’s most eminent scientists and scholars. Probe International translated and published Yangtze! Yangtze! and a subsequent book edited by Dai Qing, called The River Dragon Has Come!. Both books are banned in China. We also published our own damning critique of the dam’s official feasibility study, which was financed by the Canadian government, conducted by Canadian engineers, and used to justify building the Three Gorges dam. I am also the publisher of Three Gorges Probe, an Internet news service that Probe International began in 1998 to report on Three Gorges and other dams in China. Our goal has been to circumvent the ban on criticism of the Three Gorges dam. We believe that projects like Three Gorges can be built only in the absence of good information about their real costs and benefits, and in the absence of an informed public debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Immortality Gloria DAVIES
    AFTERLIVES OF CHINESE COMMUNISM 89 15 不朽 Immortality Gloria DAVIES When I graduated from university in 1966, I sincerely believed what I was taught, that I was a brand-new bolt to be used in the construction of the great mansion of communism. I was willing to be put wherever my country needed me, and I was prepared to stay in place my whole life. To me, Mao was like God. I believed that he was not only the great leader of the Chinese people, but also the great leader of people throughout the world. I feared the day when he would no longer be with us. I really hoped there’d be a scientific breakthrough that’d enable young people like us to give up voluntarily a year of our own lives, to add a minute to his. That way the world would be saved. Dai Qing, 19951 have sometimes used these remarks in a course I teach on modern Chinese history to illustrate the extent to which young people were in thrall to Mao Zedong Iduring the Cultural Revolution. They also appear as the first of three epigraphs in Frederick Teiwes’s essay, ‘Mao and His Followers,’ which I regularly set as required course reading. Echoing Teiwes, I tell my students that the epigraphs exemplify Mao’s stature in a totalitarian Party-state system, in which ‘virtually all members of the body politic became the Chairman’s followers, willingly or not, with varying degrees of enthusiasm.’2 Reading Dai Qing’s remarks this way translates her enthusiasm for Mao’s revolutionary vision into a delusion.
    [Show full text]
  • 'To Live Is Not to Breathe; It Is to Act'
    'To Live is Not to Breathe; It is to Act' Dai Qing and her Notion of A Chinese Intellectual BY CHENG LI SHANGHAI, China July 1995 Few writers, in China or elsewhere, in this or any other age, have had a more dramatic, or bizarre, political experience than Dai Qing (pronounced dai ching). A Child of an anti-Japanese martyr, an adopted daughter of a Communist marshal, a Red Guard in the Cul- tural Revolution, an engineering student specializing in interconti- nental ballistic missiles, an intelligence agent for the people's Libera- tion Army (PLA), a prominent investigative journalist, an activist in the 1989 Tiananmen protest movement, a political prisoner in China's maximum security jail, a spokesperson for environmental protection and other social movements in the country, Dai Qing un- doubtedly has had an extraordinary career. Even more extraordinary, however, is Dai's courageous character, her strong sense of social responsibility, and her thought-provoking ideas about China's future. After the Tiananmen massacre, many dis- sident intellectuals and student leaders escaped to foreign countries. The cultural attach6 at the German Embassy in Beijing offered Dai the opportunity to go to Germany, presumedly to take part in a cul- tural exchange program. But Dai told the German diplomat that as a public intellectual in China, she was concerned about something more important than her own safety. When Dai was released after ten months of imprisonment without trial and was allowed to travel to the United States, two American lawyers asked Dai whether she would like to request political asy- lum or pursue permanent residence in the US.
    [Show full text]
  • Dat Qing Doing What and When
    About Probe Intern anal The Probe International is a Toronto-based independent environmental advocacy organization that monitors and exposes the effects of Canadian aid and trade 1 r in the Third World. As a leader in the worldwide campaign to stop China's Three Gorges dam project, Probe International has published two books about the dam, Damming the Three Gorges: What Dam-Builders Don't Want me! You to Know, edited by Margaret Barber and Grainne Ryder (Toronto: Earth­ scan Canada, 2d ed., 1993), and Yangtze! Yangtze!, edited by Dai Qing The Three Gorges Dam (Toronto: Earthscan Canada, 1994). Probe Intemational, Canada's most vo­ and the Fate of China's ciferous critic of foreign aid, educates and informs the public about agencies such as the federal government's Canadian International Development Yangtze River and Its People Agency and EXpOli Development Corporation, and about international agen­ cies that are funded with Canadian tax dollars, such as the World Bank. Probe International names nanles. Because Probe International isn't dependent on governments or industry for its funding, it is free to reveal exactly who is Dat Qing doing what and when. Probe International is accountable to the public at large, from whom the bulk of its funding comes in the form of small dona­ tions from its 20,000 supporters across Canada. Edited by John Go Thibodeau and Philip Bo Williams About International Rivers N rk foreword by Audrey Ronning Topping International Rivers Network (IRN) is the world's leading organization Translated by Yi Ming dedicated to developing and assisting a global grassroots movement to protect rivers and watersheds for the people and ecosystems dependent upon them.
    [Show full text]