THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE GEOGRAPHICALTHE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH APPROACH CENTRAL EUROPEAN TO CONFERENCE THE ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICAL OF ELECTIONS APPROACH ON THE TO EXAMPLE THE GEOGRAPHICAL APPROACH TO THE ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICALOF PARLIAMENTARY OF ELECTIONS APPROACH ELECTIONSON THE TO EXAMPLE THE IN ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICAL OF ELECTIONS APPROACH ON THE TO EXAMPLE THE ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICALOF PARLIAMENTARY OFSLOVAKIA ELECTIONS APPROACH IN ELECTIONSON 2016 THE TO EXAMPLE THE IN ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICALOF PARLIAMENTARY OF ELECTIONS APPROACH ELECTIONSON THE TO EXAMPLE THE IN ANALYSISGEOGRAPHICALOF PARLIAMENTARY OFSLOVAKIA ELECTIONS APPROACH IN ELECTIONSON 2016 THE TO EXAMPLE THE IN ANALYSISOF PARLIAMENTARY OFSLOVAKIA ELECTIONS IN ELECTIONSON 2016 THE EXAMPLE IN ANALYSISOF PARLIAMENTARY OF1 1ELECTIONS ELECTIONSON2 THE2 EXAMPLE IN3 3 AlfredAlfred OF PARLIAMENTARYKrogmann Krogmann, MagdalénaSLOVAKIA, Magdaléna Nemčíková Nemčíková IN ELECTIONS 2016, Ján, Ján Veselovský Veselovský IN, Andrej , SLOVAKIA1 IN4 420162 3 AlfredAlfred OF PARLIAMENTARYKrogmann Krogmann1, MagdalénaSLOVAKIA, MagdalénaAndrejSvorad Nemčíková Svorad Nemčíková IN ELECTIONS 20162, Ján, Ján Veselovský Veselovský IN3, Andrej , SLOVAKIA1 IN4 4201612 23 1Alfred doc.Alfred RNDr. Krogmann KrogmannAlfred Krogmann,1, MagdalénaSLOVAKIA, PhD.,MagdalénaAndrej KatedraSvorad Nemčíková geografie Svorad Nemčíková IN a 2016regionálneho2, Ján, Ján Veselovský rozvoja, Veselovský FPV, 3UKF,, Andrej Tr., A. 1 1 34 2 2 3 3 1AlfredTr. A. HlinkuHlinkuAlfred Krogmann 1, 949 Krogmann 1, 74 949 Nitra, 741, Nitra [email protected]éna1, Magdaléna Nemčíková Nemčíková4 2, Ján12, Ján Veselovský Veselovský3, Andrej23, 1 doc.Alfred RNDr. KrogmannAlfred Krogmann,1 , PhD.,MagdalénaAndrej KatedraSvorad geografie Svorad Nemčíková a regionálneho2 , Ján rozvoja, Veselovský FPV, 3UKF, Tr., A. [email protected] Krogmann , Magdaléna1 Nemčíková4 4 , Ján2 Veselovský , Andrej3 Tr. A. HlinkuHlinku RNDr.Alfred Magdaléna1, 949 Krogmann 1, 74 949 Nitra, Nemčíková, 741 Nitra [email protected], Magdaléna PhD.,Andrej KatedraSvorad geografieSvorad Nemčíková4 34a regionálneho2 , Ján rozvoja, Veselovský FPV,3 UKF, ,Tr. A. 12Alfred doc.Katedra RNDr. Krogmann geografie Alfred Krogmann,a regionálneho1, Magdaléna PhD., rozvoja,Andrej KatedraSvorad NemčíkováFPV, geografie Svorad UKF, Tr. A. Hlinku a regionálneho2, Ján 1,Veselovský 949rozvoja, 74 NitraFPV, 3UKF,, Andrej Tr. A. 2Alfred RNDr.Hlinkudoc. RNDr. Krogmann Magdaléna1, 949 Alfred 74 Nitra, Krogmann,Nemčíková,, [email protected]éna PhD., PhD., Katedra Katedra Nemčíková geografie geografie a 4a regionálnehoregionálneho, Ján Veselovský rozvoja,rozvoja, FPV,FPV, UKF,,UKF, Andrej Tr. A. 1 [email protected] RNDr. Magdaléna Nemčíková, PhD., Katedra geografie4 a regionálneho rozvoja, FPV, UKF, Tr. A. 31 Tr. A. Hlinku [email protected],HlinkuRNDr. RNDr. Magdaléna1, 949 Alfred 1, 74 949 Nitra, Krogmann,Nemčíková, [email protected] Nitra [email protected] PhD., PhD.,Andrej Katedra KatedraSvorad geografie geografieSvorad4 a a regionálnehoregionálneho2 rozvoja,rozvoja, FPV,FPV, 3 UKF,UKF, Tr.Tr. A.A. 12Alfred RNDr.doc.KatedraHlinkuRNDr RNDr. Krogmann PaedDr. Magdaléna1, geografie 949 Alfred 74 Ján Nitra, Krogmann,Nemčíková, Veselovský,a regionálneho, [email protected]éna PhD., PhD.,PhD., rozvoja, Katedra KatedraKatedraSvorad NemčíkováFPV, geografie geografiecestovného UKF, Tr. A. Hlinku a a regionálnehoruchu,regionálneho, Ján FSŠ, 1,Veselovský UKF, 949 rozvoja,rozvoja, 74Drážovská Nitra FPV,FPV, UKF,, UKF,4, Andrej 949 Tr. 74A. 2 Tr. A. [email protected] doc. RNDr. 1, 949 Alfred 1, 74 949 Nitra, Krogmann, 74 Nitra [email protected] PhD., Katedra geografie a regionálneho rozvoja, FPV, UKF, Tr. A. 21 [email protected] RNDrNitra,HlinkuRNDr. PaedDr. Magdaléna1, 949 74 Ján Nitra, Nemčíková,Veselovský, [email protected] PhD., Katedra geografiecestovného4 a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, Tr. A. 3 Tr. A. Hlinku [email protected],Hlinku RNDr. 1, 949 Alfred 1, 74 949 Nitra, Krogmann, [email protected] Nitra [email protected] PhD., KatedraSvorad geografie a regionálneho rozvoja, FPV, UKF, Tr. A. 321 [email protected] 74 Nitradoc.RNDr RNDr. PaedDr.Magdaléna Alfred Ján Krogmann,Nemčíková, Veselovský, PhD., PhD.,PhD., Katedra KatedraKatedra geografie geografiecestovného a a regionálnehoruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja,rozvoja, Drážovská FPV,FPV, UKF, UKF,4, 949 Tr. 74A. 2 [email protected]. A. [email protected] [email protected]. PaedDr. Magdaléna1, 949 1, 74 Ján 949 Nitra, Nemčíková,Veselovský, 74 Nitra [email protected] PhD., Katedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, Tr. A. 21 RNDrNitra,HlinkuRNDr. PaedDr. Magdaléna1, 949 74 Ján Nitra, Nemčíková,Veselovský, [email protected] PhD., Katedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, Tr. A. 43 RNDr.Tr. A. [email protected],doc. RNDr. Magdaléna1, 949 Alfred 1, 74 949 Nitra, Krogmann,Nemčíková, 74 Nitra [email protected] PhD., PhD., Katedra Katedra geografie geografie a a regionálnehoregionálneho rozvoja,rozvoja, FPV,FPV, UKF,UKF, Tr. A. 32 [email protected] 74 NitraHlinku RNDrPaedDr. PaedDr. 1, Andrej 949 74 Ján Svorad, Nitra, Veselovský, [email protected] PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, 949 74 2 RNDrRNDr.949 74 [email protected] PaedDr. Magdaléna1, 949 74 Ján Nitra, Nemčíková, Veselovský, [email protected] PhD.,PhD., KatedraKatedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, Tr. A. 23 [email protected]. A. [email protected] 1, 949 1, 74 949 Nitra, 74 Nitra [email protected] 34 PaedDr.Nitra,[email protected] PaedDr. Magdaléna Andrej Ján Svorad, Nemčíková, Veselovský, PhD. PhD.,PhD., KatedraKatedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, 949 Tr. 74A. 34 949 74 Nitra RNDr.Tr. A. [email protected] PaedDr. Magdaléna1, 949 1, 74 Ján 949 Nitra, Nemčíková, Veselovský, 74 Nitra [email protected] PhD.,PhD., KatedraKatedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, 949 74 42 [email protected]@[email protected]. PaedDr. Magdaléna1, Andrej 949 74 Ján Svorad, Nitra, Nemčíková,Veselovský, [email protected] PhD.,PhD., KatedraKatedra geografiecestovného a ruchu,regionálneho FSŠ, UKF, rozvoja, Drážovská FPV, UKF,4, 949 Tr. 74A. 3 [email protected]. A. [email protected] PaedDr.Nitra, Andrej 1, Svorad,949 74 NitraPhD. 3 PaedDr.Nitra,[email protected] PaedDr. Andrej Ján Svorad, Veselovský, PhD. PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, 949 74 43 [email protected] RNDr949 74 [email protected] PaedDr. 1, 949 74 Ján Nitra, Veselovský, [email protected] PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, 949 74 43https://doi.org/10.5817/CZ.MUNI.P210-9694-2020-8 [email protected]@[email protected]. PaedDr. Andrej Ján Svorad, Veselovský, PhD. PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, 949 74 3 PaedDr.Nitra,[email protected] AndrejWith Svorad,regard toPhD. surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia 3Abstract:4 949 74 [email protected] 4 Nitra, [email protected] PaedDr. Andrej Ján Svorad, Veselovský, PhD. PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, 949 74 4https://doi.org/10.5817/CZ.MUNI.P210-9694-2020-8 [email protected] RNDr949 74 [email protected]. PaedDr. Andrej Ján Svorad, Veselovský, PhD. PhD., Katedra cestovného ruchu, FSŠ, UKF, Drážovská 4, [email protected],[email protected] Andrejtheir Svorad,geographic PhD. dimension is also important. The aim of this article Abstract:4 949 74 [email protected]@gmail.com With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia 4 [email protected]@ukf.sk Andrejis to analyzeSvorad, PhD.the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differ- 4 [email protected] Andrejtheir Svorad,geographic PhD. dimension is also important. The aim of this article Abstract:4 [email protected] entiationWith regard of tothe surprising results of results the 8 parties of Parliamentary which were elections successful in Slovakiato enter 4 [email protected]. Andrejis to analyzeSvorad, PhD.the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differ- Abstract: [email protected] AndrejthetheirWith Parliament. 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INTRODUCTION This has been already the seventh occasion in the era of independent Slovakia, when in March 2016 the Slovak citizens voted for their representatives to the national parlia- ment. Taking into account the possible extension of the Direction – Social Democracy’s (SMER – sociálna demokracia, SMER‑SD) „hegemony“ we also witnessed electors‘ mo- bilization (voter turnout almost 60%) and the results of these elections can be labeled as surprising. Exactly for this reason the interpretation of the elections results from the viewpoint of geography is very important. The aim of this article is to give a brief analysis of electoral political parties which passed the system, milieu of elections and consequently a detailed spatial differentiation of the results of 8 political parties which met the requirement of passing the 5% election threshold in order to advance into the Parliament. The individual districts‘ election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was explored.
ELECTION SYSTEM At the elections into the National Council of the Slovak Republic (Národná rada Slov- enskej Republiky), the proportional representation system is applied as it is in majority of European countries whereby there is a 4‑year election term in a single multi‑member constituency. New election rules valid as of 1st of July 2015 have not caused significant changes in the election system of Slovakia. These changes modify election rules and the election campaign (e.g. they set limits of financing election campaign, moratorium on leading the election campaign, moratorium on disclosing of election surveys etc.) (Coll. of Laws, 2016a, 2016b). Voters can choose one of the nominated political parties, movements and coalitions. Via preferential voting they can choose up to 4 politicians from the so called bonded can- didate list. Identical system issued in election system of countries e.g. Greece, Norway, and Czechia etc. Each party must cross the 5% threshold to gain seats, and this barrier is slightly higher for coalitions (Spáč, 2014). The votes are redistributed via Hagenbach‑Bis- choff quota, meaning the number of mandates is redistributed according to the acquired number of votes received by the nominated political parties. There are 150 seats in the unicameral Parliament. As the constituency in the Parliamentary elections is the whole state, the mandates are divided only in one scrutiny (Horváth, 2004).
ELECTION MILIEU The election atmosphere in Slovakia was influenced by early national elections in 2012, when the voters gave unequivocal support to SMER‑SD. After a series of unsuccessful albeit formal attempts to create a coalition the represent- atives of SMER‑SD having reached a result of 44.41% decided to create a unicolor gov-
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ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY ernment, first unicolor government after the velvet revolution of 1989. Thus a concen- tration of power occurred on the state level (majority in the Parliament and uncolored government). SMER‑SD also scored successfully on the regional and local levels. Massive success of SMER‑SD in the elections had had an influence on the gradation of frac- turing of the Slovak right‑wing (conservative and Christian) parties following 2012. These parties represented by Christian Democratic Movement, (Kresťanskodemokratické hnutie KDH), Ordinary People and Independent Personalities (Obyčajní ľudia a nezávislé osob- nosti, OĽaNO), Bridge (MOST‑HÍD), Freedom and Solidarity (Sloboda a solidarita, SaS) and Slovak Democratic and Christian Union – Democratic Party (Slovenská demokratická a kresťanská únia – Demokratická strana SDKÚ‑DS) kept constantly fragmenting and loos- ing deputies in the Parliament. These deputies then founded new political parties or joined other right‑wing parties. This resulted then among others into the presence of new political parties in the Parliament which actually did not take part in the early national elections of 2012. These parties include: Up! (Skok!), Chance (Šanca), #Net (#SIEŤ), NOVA, Slovak Democrats – Ludo Kaník (Demokrati Slovenska – Ľudo Kaník. In general the right‑wing parties performed patchy and were unable to form a counterweight to SMER‑SD. From the point of view of foreign politics the uncolored government of SMER‑SD ad- joined to the European mainstream lines of which the party abandoned only after the reactions to the EU migration policy in 2015 by refusing the EU quotas on migrant reset- tlement (Haughton, Deegan‑Krause, 2016). Between 2012 and 2016 Slovakia has classified itself to the EU countries with the high- est economic growth, whereby e.g. Slovakia’s GDP has increased by 3.5% (European Commission, 2016). The government noted success by increasing incomes, decreasing tax leakage, decreasing the unemployment rate as well as decreasing the state budget deficit. Slovakia remained attractive to the foreign investors which can be illustrated by the announcement of the government in the December 2015 about an arrival of a great investor to Slovakia, Jaguar‑Land Rover, being already the fourth automotive company to have settled in Slovakia. Satisfactory economic situation has an influence on introduc- tion of so – called social packages (e.g. a lower tax rate on certain goods, free trains for certain groups of inhabitants, increase of maternal leave allowance, increase of minimal salary, subsidy to ski excursions, contribution to heat cladding etc.) which were seen as populistic and controversial by the political opposition. Despite its dominance the gov- ernment did not resolve to perform reforms in education system and health care. The pe- riod of SMER‑SD government was also marked by several corruption affairs (overpriced orders in public competitions) and clientelism (case Váhostav). The election campaign started on the day of their announcement i.e. 12. 11.2015. 23 political parties and movements took part in election representing the second largest number of political subjects taking part in general election. These political parties rep- resent a whole ideological spectrum ranging from far‑left represented by Communist Party of Slovakia (Komunistická strana Slovenska, KSS) and RESISTANCE – labor party (VZDOR – strana práce) to the far–right from Kotleba’s Party – People’s Party – Our Slo- vakia (Ľudová strana – Naše Slovensko, ĽS – Naše Slovensko).
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ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
Within the themes of the election campaign the topic of migration dominated reflecting the situation in Europe. It was a crucial topic for SMER‑SD in particular. It is coming out of the mainly refusing attitude of Slovak society towards the redistribution of refugees and to the migration crisis itself respectively. The government of Robert Fico held a clear and refusing stand‑point to the question of redistribution of refugees and to the migra- tion crisis itself. SMER‑SD proclaimed itself into the role of the only „protector“ of Slovakia against the migrants, which according to its representatives no opposition party could guarantee. On the contrary, in political debates the representation of SMER‑SD warned that a possible rightist government will be helpful in the question of accepting the migrants to Slovakia. Protesting teachers and multiple resignations of health staff both dissatisfied with the state of and in their resorts has muted the topic of refugees‘ redistribution. The party in power – SMER‑SD was unable to react promptly to these events which later proved to be one of the key moments during election campaign. Next theme of election campaign was an attempt of SMER‑SD to discredit the lead- er of OĽaNO party which point‑blank called attention to corruption and clientelism of SMER‑SD. At this attempt the Slovak PM used confident data – records of tax inspection of OĽaNO party leader I. Matovič which he could not get access to legally (Krbatová, 2016). Election campaign of opposition parties was waged in spirit of two basic premises. The first one was an effort of securing their entrance to Parliament. The conservative and Christian parties performed solely as competitors within the right scope of the political spectrum. All these activities confirmed the inability of Slovak right to create a united al- ternative against the government of SMER‑SD. The other premise of Slovak right parties was their restriction to the possible coalition cooperation with SMER‑SD. This delimita- tion, however, was of a different intensity whereby explicit refusal of cooperation with SMER‑SD was declared only by SaS and OĽaNO a NOVA which created a coalition prior to the elections. Thus the general parliamentary elections were supposed to present an answer to the question, whether the government of SMER‑SD which was responsible for both positives and negatives is going to sustain, or whether there is going to be a political restart of Slovak right parties.
DATA AND METHODOLOGY The data provided by the Slovak Statistical Office relating to the 2016 general elections to the National Council of Slovak republic were the entry data for the analysis of spatial differentiation of elections results of political parties and their election behavior (Slovak Statistical Office, 2016). The basic spatial application unit were districts due to the avail- ability of their statistical data which we can, according to Madleňák (2010) consider for political regions on a sub‑state level. In this study we applied three methods standardly used in political geography. To eval- uate election preferences we chose the method of their diversification in which the ra-
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ON THE CONTENT THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY dová strana – Naše Slovensko, ĽS – Naše Slovensko). In this study we applied three methods standardly used in political geography. To eval- Within the themes of the election campaign the topic of migration dominated reflecting tiouate of election election preferences gains of the we competing chose the political method parties of their in individualdiversification regions in is which explored. the the situation in Europe. It was a crucial topic for SMER-SD in particular. It is coming out Toratio be of more election precised gains we of aimedthe competing to identify political the status parties of in the individual dominant regions political is explored. party or of the mainly refusing attitude of Slovak society towards the redistribution of refugees dominantTo be more political precised parties we aimed respectively to identify in relation the status to the of gainthe dominant of other partaking political partypolitical or and to the migration crisis itself respectively. The government of Robert Fico held a clear subjects.dominant In political accordance parties with respectively Madleňák in(2012), relation we tohave the identified gain of other three partaking typologically political dif- and refusing stand-point to the question of redistribution of refugees and to the migra- ferentsubjects. regions In accordance based on withestablishing Madleňák the (2012), degree we of diversificationhave identified ofthree election typologically preferences: dif- ferent regions based on establishing the degree of diversification of election preferences: tion crisis itself. regions with dominant position of one political subject, the election gain of which mark- SMER-SD proclaimed itself into the role of the only “protector” of Slovakia against the edly– exceeds regions the with gains dominant of other position parties, of one political subject, the election gain of which markedly exceeds the gains of other parties, migrants, which according to its representatives no opposition party could guarantee. On regions with dominant position of two political parties the election gains of which are the contrary, in political debates the representation of SMER-SD warned that a possible mutually– regions relatively with equal, dominant however position the gains of two of political the rest partiesof the partaking the election political gains ofsubjects which rightist government will be helpful in the question of accepting the migrants to Slovakia. are significantlyare mutually lower, relatively these areequal, so called however regions the gainswith polarizedof the rest election of the behavior,partaking po- Protesting teachers and multiple resignations of health staff both dissatisfied with the litical subjects are significantly lower, these are so called regions with polarized regions in which the electorate base is relatively equally divided among several compet- state of and in their resorts has muted the topic of refugees’ redistribution. The party in election behavior, ing parties, where the differences of election gains are not significant – we refer to these power - SMER-SD was unable to react promptly to these events which later proved to be – regions in which the electorate base is relatively equally divided among several regions as to the regions with fragmented election preferences. one of the key moments during election campaign. competing parties, where the differences of election gains are not significant – we Next theme of election campaign was an attempt of SMER-SD to discredit the leader of refer to these regions as to the regions with fragmented election preferences. OĽaNO party which point-blank called attention to corruption and clientelism of SMER- For the purpose of identification or on the contrary for the purpose of excluding the SD. At this attempt the Slovak PM used confident data – records of tax inspection of dominance of one political subject in the given region we used the index of dominance as OĽaNO party leader I. Matovič which he could not get access to legally (Krbatová, 2016). defined by Kowalski and Śleszyński (2000) as follows: Election campaign of opposition parties was waged in spirit of two basic premises. The first one was an effort of securing their entrance to Parliament. The conservative and , where Christian parties performed solely as competitors within the right scope of the political spectrum. All these activities confirmed the inability of Slovak right to create a united al- IIDD representsrepresents thethe index of dominance, AmaxAmax the the relative relative number number ofof votesvotes givengiven over to ternative against the government of SMER-SD. The other premise of Slovak right parties ID represents the index of dominance, Amax the relative number of votes given over to the party with thethe highesthighest sumsum ofof votesvotes in in the the given given region region and and B Bmaxmax the the relative relative number num- was their restriction to the possible coalition cooperation with SMER-SD. This delimita- the party with the highest sum of votes in the given region and Bmax the relative num- ofber votes of votes given given over over to the to theparty party with with the thesecond second highest highest sum sum of votesof votes in thein the region region in tion, however, was of a different intensity whereby explicit refusal of cooperation with ber of votes given over to the party with the second highest sum of votes in the region questionin question SMER-SD was declared only by SaS and OĽaNO a NOVA which created a coalition prior in question We can refer to a region as to a region with dominant position of one political subject to the elections. We can refer to a region as to a region with dominant position of one political subject only if the following conditioncondition isis metmet 30%30 %
ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS(TEACHING) OF THE 27TH REGIONAL CENTRAL GEOGRAPHY EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
, where
ID represents the index of dominance, Amax the relative number of votes given over to the ID represents the index of dominance, Amax the relative number of votes given over to the party with the highest sum of votes in the given region, Bmax the relative number of votes party with the highest sum of votes in the given region, Bmax the relative number of votes given over to the party with the second highest sum of votes in the region in question, CminCmin the the relative relative number number of of votes votes given given over over to to thethe partyparty withwith thethe third highest sum of votes in the region inin questionquestion andand D Dminmin the the relativerelative numbernumber ofof votesvotes given over to the party with the fourth highest sum of votes in the region in question. We can speak about polarized formula of election preferences if the following condition is met 60 % – Bmax < polarized formula of election preferences if the following condition is met 60% – Bmax Amax < 2Bmax – Cmin. < Amax < 2Bmax – Cmin. If in the studied region in case of evaluating of the mutual ratio of elections gains of po- litical subjects neither dominance nor polarization of election support is confirmed then we speak about fragmented formula of election behavior of its inhabitants. Electoral geography usesuses severalseveral methods methods to to analyze analyze inherent inherent laws laws of ofregional regional lay-out lay-out‑o utof ofpolitical political parties’ parties‘ support. support. For For our our needs needs we wehave have chosen chosen generally generally accepted accepted method method of ofidentification identification ofof the the areaarea ofof electoralelectoral supportsupport by Jehlička andand SýkoraSýkora (1991),(1991), whichwhich was also used in works of Szöllösz (2006), Madleňák (2012), Mikuš (2014) and others. It is a combination of relative data of the level of electoral support with the figures of real number of votes in individual regions, by which the disadvantages connected to unilat- eral usage of either relative or absolute data is partially removed. Regions are listed in a descent manner according to the relative value of electoral support for a given political party. According to this sequence, presenting the decrease of the intensity of electoral support, the absolute numbers of votes for a given political party are added up in a cumulative manner. Regions, which are according to cumulated relative ratio in the first quarter of the total number of votes of a politicala political party represent a core of electoral support area. For regions which are located in the band ofof 2525 toto 5050% % we use a term periphery of elec- toral support area. This category also includes regions which are outside its boundary especially in case if the cumulative addition of votes of a given category was –was – after in- clusion of this region was closer to the set limit than when this region was not included. Regions which are not part of the aforementioned intervals can be considered to be areas which are –are – from the point of importance of electoral support of a certain political sub- ject –ject – irrelevant. For the study of mutual interconnection of election gains of individual political parties within parliamentary electionselections thethe correlationcorrelation analysis analysis waswas used,used, toto bebe more precise Pearson’s correlation coefficient. Positive correlation coefficient between two compared parties signifies a similar type of voters, being addressed by the two parties. A negative coefficient, on the other hand notes to a relation when the parties compared are usually on the opposite ends of some conflict lines and usually their voters are in confronta- tional mood with the other party, The figure of Pearson’s correlation coefficient points
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to a strength of mutual coherence or mutual difference of parties. Where the Pearson’s correlation coefficient in the mutual relation is close to 0, there is no significant relation , where between the voters of political parties. On the contrary, where the figures are approach-
ing 1 (or -1 respectively), we can observe either a positive or negative bonding between ID represents the index of dominance, Amax the relative number of votes given over to the ID represents the index of dominance, Amax the relative number of votes given over to the the voters of political parties. party with the highest sum of votes in the given region, Bmax the relative number of votes party with the highest sum of votes in the given region, Bmax the relative number of votes given over to the party with the second highest sum of votes in the region in question, CminCmin the the relative relative number number of of votes votes given given over over to to thethe partyparty withwith thethe third highest sum of ELECTION RESULTS votes in the region inin questionquestion andand D Dminmin the the relativerelative numbernumber ofof votesvotes given over to the 2 648 184 of qualified voters partook in the general elections in March 2016, which party with the fourth highest sum of votes in the region in question. We can speak about represents an election turnout of 59.82%. 8 parties crossed the 5% threshold and thus polarized formula of election preferences if the following condition is met 60 % – Bmax < polarized formula of election preferences if the following condition is met 60% – Bmax gained seat in the National Council. Amax < 2Bmax – Cmin. < Amax < 2Bmax – Cmin. SMER‑SD – has won for the third time in the history of Slovakia’s Parliamentary elections. If in the studied region in case of evaluating of the mutual ratio of elections gains of po- 28.28% of the electorate has voted for it (737,481 votes), however the opinion polls were litical subjects neither dominance nor polarization of election support is confirmed then suggesting results close to 35%. In comparison with the 2012 election results however we speak about fragmented formula of election behavior of its inhabitants. the winning SMER‑SD booked a loss of almost 400 thousand votes, which meant that Electoral geography usesuses severalseveral methods methods to to analyze analyze inherent inherent laws laws of ofregional regional lay-out lay-out of the next step of the party was going to be looking for coalition partners despite the fact ofpolitical political parties’ parties‘ support. support. For For our our needs needs we wehave have chosen chosen generally generally accepted accepted method method of that some parties had had refused coalition cooperation with SMER‑SD. The reasons for ofidentification identification ofof the the areaarea ofof electoralelectoral supportsupport by Jehlička andand SýkoraSýkora (1991),(1991), whichwhich the losses of SMER‑SD in 2016 elections can be explained by the fact that all corruption was also used in works of Szöllösz (2006), Madleňák (2012), Mikuš (2014) and others. It cases were solely SMER‑SD’s cases since it was the only political party that had created is a combination of relative data of the level of electoral support with the figures of real government. The party was also unable to satisfy the expectations of its voters in social number of votes in individual regions, by which the disadvantages connected to unilat- issues and towards the end of its governing period it reacted arrogantly against strikes of eral usage of either relative or absolute data is partially removed. Regions are listed in teachers and health personnel. SMER‑SD won in 70 out of 79 districts of Slovakia with a descent manner according to the relative value of electoral support for a given political the exception of districts with Hungarian population as well as district of Senec Košice party. I. and the districts of the capital city Bratislava which witnessed a return to conservative and liberal formula in sense of Madleňák (2012). According to this sequence, presenting the decrease of the intensity of electoral support, the absolute numbers of votes for a given political party are added up in a cumulative The results of parliamentary elections confirmed the crisis of centre‑right parties. The manner. Regions, which are according to cumulated relative ratio in the first quarter of most successful centre‑right party scoring 12.1% is became the liberal SaS party. Its suc- the total number of votes of a politicala political party represent a core of electoral support area. cess could be ascribed to its position of an outsider at the beginning of the campaign as For regions which are located in the band ofof 2525 toto 5050% % we use a term periphery of elec- confirmed by the election polls. Behind its election success is a strict rejection of coop- toral support area. This category also includes regions which are outside its boundary eration with SMER‑SD as well as anti‑migrant rhetorics and criticism of EU. The voters especially in case if the cumulative addition of votes of a given category was –was – after in- were also attracted by its campaign on the social network. SaS party profited from the clusion of this region was closer to the set limit than when this region was not included. inability of MOST‑HÍD, KDH and #SIEŤ to such an extent that the voters forgave SaS its Regions which are not part of the aforementioned intervals can be considered to be areas position and role leading to resignation of their own government in 2011 or their failure which are –are – from the point of importance of electoral support of a certain political sub- to fulfill several promises including the promotion of gay rights and decriminalization of ject –ject – irrelevant. marihuana. For the study of mutual interconnection of election gains of individual political parties The coalition OĽaNO – NOVA convinced 11.02% voters by the anti‑corruption image within parliamentary electionselections thethe correlationcorrelation analysis analysis waswas used,used, toto bebe more precise and policy based upon criticism of SMER‑SD and unambiguous refusal of post‑election Pearson’s correlation coefficient. Positive correlation coefficient between two compared cooperation with SMER‑SD. parties signifies a similar type of voters, being addressed by the two parties. A negative Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana, SNS) has returned to the Parliament coefficient, on the other hand notes to a relation when the parties compared are usually after receiving votes of 8.64% of voters. The reform of the SNS and the reduction of on the opposite ends of some conflict lines and usually their voters are in confronta- nationalistic rhetorics has had a positive effect on its voters. SNS has not abandoned its tional mood with the other party, The figure of Pearson’s correlation coefficient points critical view on EU and NATO.
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ON THE CONTENT ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
The biggest surprise of these elections is the huge success of the radical right‑wing party Kotleba – ĽS Naše Slovensko, which attracted more than 200 000 voters (8.04%) thus proceeding its successful performance at the Elections to the bodies of self‑governing regions of Banská Bystrica region in 2013. In the Parliamentary elections it exploited the frustration of great many voters, who by voting for Kotleba, expressed radical protest against the standard political parties, which were dividing the power in state by means of democratic elections. The disappointment with the work of standard political parties was also exploited by the youngest political subject of the political stage – the WE ARE FAMILY – Boris Kollár (SME RODINA – Boris Kollár, SME RODINA) movement which has surprisingly gained 6.62%. This movement attracted the voters above all by its anti‑migration rhetorics. Fur- thermore, the movement presented itself as a subject of a protest against all of political parties which was documented by their election slogan: „I do not vote for politicians, I vote for Boris!“. Civil Party which aims to join the nationalities with the majoritarian population of Slo- vakia, MOST‑HÍD entered the Parliament with almost identical election result as it had gained four years earlier. The reasons of election loss of the MOST‑HÍD party could pos- sibly be its milder reaction to migration crisis and shift of some of its previous voters to other parties oriented on Hungarian minority e.g. Party of Hungarian Community (Strana maďarskej komunity – Magyar Közösség Pártja, SMK‑MKP). #SIEŤ was supposed to become a leader of opposition parties at least that is what the election polls were signalizing. These suppositions were also confirmed by the result of the party’s leader R. Procházka who got 24% support the year before at the presidential elections of 2015. It is also for this reason that that its gain of 5.6% is perceived as disap- pointment. This result was marked by the party leader’s ambiguous comments regarding possible future cooperation with SMER‑SD. The voters did not nominate into the Parliament standard conservative parties KDH a SDKÚ‑DS which just confirmed the destruction of Slovak center‑right parties.
DIVERSIFICATION OF ELECTION PREFERENCES The results of democratic elections into the Slovak Parliament gave us an opportunity to outline regions with dominance of one political party as well as regions with fragmented and/or polarized formulas of behavior using the method of diversification of election preferences. The biggest representation has regions with dominance of one political party (Fig. 1). We identified this type in case of 41 districts. In 40 districts the winning SMER‑SD has dominated and only in district of Komárno SMK‑MKP – an outside the Parliament party founded on the nationality principle dominated. We further divided these regions with the dominance of one political party into regions with high, medium and low degree of dominance.
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ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
The biggest surprise of these elections is the huge success of the radical right-wing party High degree of dominance of SMERSMER-SD‑-SD shoshowsws two regions of Slovakia –Slovakia – one in the NW Kotleba – ĽS Naše Slovensko, which attracted more than 200 000 voters (8.04 %) thus of Slovakia, the other in the East. Three districts: Gelnica, Stará Ľubovňa a Čadca in total proceeding its successful performance at the Elections to the bodies of self-governing of 17 districts are isolated outside the mentioned regions. We identified medium degree regions of Banská Bystrica region in 2013. In the Parliamentary elections it exploited the of dominance of SMERSMER-SD‑-SD in distridistrictscts located in the western, northnorth-western,‑-westwestern,ern, central and frustration of great many voters, who by voting for Kotleba, expressed radical protest eastern parts of Slovakia. In total the medium degree of dominance was identified in 21 against the standard political parties, which were dividing the power in state by means districts. A low degree of dominance was identified in three districts. Two in favour of of democratic elections. SMERSMER-SMER-SD‑SD Trenčín and Krupina. District Komárno is a district with a low dominance of The disappointment with the work of standard political parties was also exploited by SMK SMK-MKP‑MKP party. the youngest political subject of the political stage – the WE ARE FAMILY – Boris Kollár We identified polarized election behavior only in the district of Dunajská Streda where (SME RODINA – Boris Kollár, SME RODINA) movement which has surprisingly gained the voters preferred SMKSMK-MKP‑-MKMKPP and MOSTMOST-HÍD‑-HÍD pparties,arties, which are traditionally favoured 6.62 %. This movement attracted the voters above all by its anti-migration rhetorics. by the Hungarian minority. Furthermore, the movement presented itself as a subject of a protest against all of polit- ical parties which was documented by their election slogan: “I do not vote for politicians, I vote for Boris! “. Civil Party which aims to join the nationalities with the majoritarian population of Slo- vakia, MOST-HÍD entered the Parliament with almost identical election result as it had gained four years earlier. The reasons of election loss of the MOST-HÍD party could pos- sibly be its milder reaction to migration crisis and shift of some of its previous voters to other parties oriented on Hungarian minority e.g. Party of Hungarian Community (Strana maďarskej komunity - Magyar Közösség Pártja, SMK-MKP). #SIEŤ was supposed to become a leader of opposition parties at least that is what the election polls were signalizing. These suppositions were also confirmed by the result of the party’s leader R. Procházka who got 24 % support the year before at the presidential elections of 2015. It is also for this reason that that its gain of 5.6 % is perceived as disap- pointment. This result was marked by the party leader’s ambiguous comments regarding possible future cooperation with SMER-SD. The voters did not nominate into the Parliament standard conservative parties KDH a SDKÚ-DS which just confirmed the destruction of Slovak center-right parties.
DIVERSIFICATION OF ELECTION PREFERENCES Fig. 1: Regions of Slovakia according to diversification of election preferences. The results of democratic elections into the Slovak Parliament gave us an opportunity to Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. outline regions with dominance of one political party as well as regions with fragmented and/or polarized formulas of behavior using the method of diversification of election Using the method of diversification of election preferences we have also identified a re- preferences. gion with fragmented electoral formula. This region is made up of 37 districts of Slovakia. The biggest representation has regions with dominance of one political party (Fig. 1). The reason of fragmented electoral formula is a fragmentation of Slovak central and con- We identified this type in case of 41 districts. In 40 districts the winning SMER-SD has servative parties in districts of western Slovakia and in six districts with regional cities dominated and only in district of Komárno SMK-MKP – an outside the Parliament party where voters traditionally favor central and conservative parties. In the other regions of founded on the nationality principle dominated. We further divided these regions with Slovakia the fragmented electoral formula is a result of the conflict between right and left the dominance of one political party into regions with high, medium and low degree of parties of the political spectrum. dominance.
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ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
IDENTIFICATION OF THE AREAS OF POLITICAL PARTIES ELECTORAL SUPPORT The area of electoral support of the winning partySMER-SD is with its rate the biggest. It represents 39 districts out of which the superelectoral i.e. creating the core of the sup- port are 21 districts (Fig. 2). Three regions of coherent support of SMER-SD party can be identified on the map. The first one runs along the border with Czech Republic from the district of Senica, across the district of central Považie and Kysuce. The region extends in southern east direction to Ponitrie with tips to the region of Turiec and Pohronie respectively. Within this region, 10 districts represent superelectoral districts. These areas naturaly incline to parties of the left with a strong leader who offers social securities. In the past these values were represented by (Party of the Democratic Left (Strana demokratickej ľavice, SDĽ), Move- ment for democratic Slovakia (Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko, HZDS) and at present by SMER-SD. In case of Považie, since 1989 these are the districts which have undergone a transformation along with its negative impact mainly in the machinery industry (i.e. high unemployment rate). These districts have rural character with a high ratio of worker professions which naturally incline to left values. Guarantees of social securities present- ed by SMER-SD triggered a formation of superelectoral region in Ponitrie in which it is necessary to give notice to district Prievidza. In this district the party gained the second highest number of votes. This is a typical mining region with state donation for mining, continuity of which was promised precisely by SMER-SD. The inclination to left parties and to social programme is a reason for forming of an- other region of electoral support of SMER-SD. It is located in the northeastern tip of eastern Slovakia. It is created by 8 superelectoral regions of Lower and Upper Zemplín, north of Šariš and a part of Zamagurie region. The historical preference of parties of the left can be documented, among others, by the victory of KSS (Komunistickej strany Slovenska/ Communist Party of Slovakia) in the district of Medzilaborce in the par- liamentary elections of 2002. Four years later it was precisely in this district where SMER-SD, after profiling itself as a left party with a strong leader, gained its best elec- tion result. The smallest region of electoral support of SMER-SD is the region in central Slovakia. It is formed by 3 districts, out of which Poltár and Detva we filed into the region of su- perelectoral support of the party. Along with district of Brezno these districts represent districts which copy rather hardly with the changed situation connected to the transition of Slovakia to market economy. This again is responsible for the preference of left par- ties’ offering social securities. The same reasoning applies to the isolated superelectoral district of Gelnica. Area of election support of liberal party SaS (Fig. 2) is formed by 19 districts out of which 6 districts are superelectoral. These are bound to the highly urbanized parts of western Slovakia. Voters in these districts prefer liberal and conservative values respectively. Sim- ilar values are also preferred by voters of the town district of Košice – the only election
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IDENTIFICATION OF THE AREAS OF POLITICAL region of SaS party in eastern Slovakia. The remaining areas of electoral support are con- nected to the electorate with traditionally right election formula. The party has profited PARTIES ELECTORAL SUPPORT in these regions mainly due to the crisis which plagued the standardly preferred parties The area of electoral support of the winning partySMER-SD is with its rate the biggest. SDKÚ-DS and KDH. It represents 39 districts out of which the superelectoral i.e. creating the core of the sup- Mostly with its anti-corruption rhetoric the Slovak electorate delegated the OĽaNO-NO- port are 21 districts (Fig. 2). VA (Fig. 2) coalition of parties into the parliament. From the viewpoint of transforma- Three regions of coherent support of SMER-SD party can be identified on the map. The tion of election results of this coalition we identified three regions of election support. first one runs along the border with Czech Republic from the district of Senica, across the First region is located in the western Slovakia and is formed by 13 districts, which with district of central Považie and Kysuce. The region extends in southern east direction to exception of districts Skalica and Trenčín create a homogenous area. Within them the su- Ponitrie with tips to the region of Turiec and Pohronie respectively. Within this region, perelectorate regions are the town districts of Bratislava I., III. and IV., which documents 10 districts represent superelectoral districts. These areas naturaly incline to parties of the traditionally central-right orientation of electorate of metropolitan city. The districts the left with a strong leader who offers social securities. In the past these values were of Trnava, Pezinok, Piešťany and Skalica, also belong to category of superelectorate re- represented by (Party of the Democratic Left (Strana demokratickej ľavice, SDĽ), Move- gions where voters prefer central-right parties. ment for democratic Slovakia (Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko, HZDS) and at present The second region of electoral support was identified in the central and northern parts of by SMER-SD. In case of Považie, since 1989 these are the districts which have undergone Slovakia. It is formed by 6 districts out of which the district of Tvrdošín is superelectoral. a transformation along with its negative impact mainly in the machinery industry (i.e. This fact documents a correction of election formula of the electorate of this district, high unemployment rate). These districts have rural character with a high ratio of worker since the districts of Oravaregion, (where the district of Tvrdošín belongs) traditionally professions which naturally incline to left values. Guarantees of social securities present- identifies itself with conservative, christian values. ed by SMER-SD triggered a formation of superelectoral region in Ponitrie in which it is necessary to give notice to district Prievidza. In this district the party gained the second The last election region of this party we identified in eastern Slovakia. It is created from 7 highest number of votes. This is a typical mining region with state donation for mining, districts, out of which 4 town districts of Košice and Prešov with strong urban influence continuity of which was promised precisely by SMER-SD. are superelectorate districts. It is possible to confirm the preference of liberal parties in metropolitan cities in this case as well Krivý (2000). The inclination to left parties and to social programme is a reason for forming of an- other region of electoral support of SMER-SD. It is located in the northeastern tip of From the viewpoint of spatial analysis of parliamentary elections has SNS (Fig. 3) being eastern Slovakia. It is created by 8 superelectoral regions of Lower and Upper Zemplín, historically the oldest political subject in Slovakia 2 compact regions of support. The larg- north of Šariš and a part of Zamagurie region. The historical preference of parties of est region consists of 30 districts, of which 16 are superelectoral. It is connected to north- the left can be documented, among others, by the victory of KSS (Komunistickej strany western and central Slovakia with the exception of Banská Bystrica. This is an ethnically Slovenska/ Communist Party of Slovakia) in the district of Medzilaborce in the par- homogenous region, whose voters on historical basis manifest in elections as well their liamentary elections of 2002. Four years later it was precisely in this district where attitude to Slovak nationality. In this region thethe SNSSNS acquiredacquired 45.645.6% % ofof all of its votes. SMER-SD, after profiling itself as a left party with a strong leader, gained its best elec- The second region of electoral support from the point of view of rate as well as area is lo- tion result. cated in the northeast Slovakia. It is formed of 6 districts out of which the 2 easternmost districts of Slovakia Snina and Sobrance we identified as superelectoral. This region had The smallest region of electoral support of SMER-SD is the region in central Slovakia. profiled itself in the previous elections despite the fact that majority of its voters incline It is formed by 3 districts, out of which Poltár and Detva we filed into the region of su- traditionally to left parties. perelectoral support of the party. Along with district of Brezno these districts represent districts which copy rather hardly with the changed situation connected to the transition Rather surprisingly the far-right extremist party ĽS Naše Slovensko (Fig. 3) has made of Slovakia to market economy. This again is responsible for the preference of left par- it to the Parliament as well. The party presented its dismissive stand-point to Roma ques- ties’ offering social securities. The same reasoning applies to the isolated superelectoral tion and it also promotes the exit of Slovakia from the EU and NATO. Regions of elec- district of Gelnica. tion support of this party are 39 districts in total. These are mainly concentrated in the central and eastern Slovakia. In the north of central Slovakia a distinct superelectorate Area of election support of liberal party SaS (Fig. 2) is formed by 19 districts out of which region emerged formed by 7 districts. In these districts the voters are traditionally very 6 districts are superelectoral. These are bound to the highly urbanized parts of western perceptive to emphasising of national and christian values, which were presented in the Slovakia. Voters in these districts prefer liberal and conservative values respectively. Sim- program of this party. Another pillar that helped the party was a populistic solution of ilar values are also preferred by voters of the town district of Košice – the only election social problems, which could have addressed a lot of unemployed in these districts. The
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ON THE CONTENT ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE national, christian and social motive had been already once used successfully in this re- gion by Hlinka’s Party in 1935. The second superelectoral region is located in the south of central Slovakia. It is an area where the party has booked its first election success. In the elections of 2013 for the post of the chairman of Banská Bystrica Self-governing region the leader of the party Kotleba won. The mentioned superelectoral region is made up of 9districts which share in com- mon a substantial unemployment rate caused by the reluctance of finding a solution to the slow decrease of the machinery including weapon) industry as well as the abolition of the agricultural cooperatives following 1989. Inhabitants of the region in question be- long to the poorest in Slovakia is seeking a new leader since they have until then strongly supported R. Fico of SMER-SD has neglected these districts. As strong, horseshoe-like region of electoral support formed in the east of Slovakia and is formed of 11 districts out of which the districts of Stará Ľubovňa, Kežmarok, Poprad, Gelnica a Vranov nad Topľou are regions of superelectoral support. Again, these are low-income regions with a slightly more significant number of Roma minority. From the viewpoint of spatial analysis of parliamentary elections one of the youngest ofo political subjectssubjects (established(established only only 6 months6 months prior prior the elections)the election) SME SME RODINA RODINA (Fig. 3)(Fig. has 3 hasgot got2 more 2 more significant significant regions regions of ofelection election support. support. TheThe first first oneone is localized in in western Slovakia (formed of 12 superelectorate districts) and the second one in eastern Slovakia in town districts of Košice and Košice – okolie with 3 superelectorate districts. Both of the regions have a compact character. Three districts – Zvolen, Liptovský Mikuláš a Spišská Nová Ves - located in isolation have an attribute of periphery of election sup- port where the support of the party can be ascribed to the voters in towns. MOST-HÍD (Fig. 4) is a party the aim of which is to defend the interests of the state-form- ing nation and of the Hungarian ethnic minority living in Slovakia. Based on the election results of the party we identified a region of electoral support formed of 12 districts in the south of Slovakia (arithmetically the smallest representation out of all parties). The superelectoral region is formed of 4 districts in the southwest Slovakia. The election periphery of this party is represented by 8 districts all of which, apart for some minor exceptions, stretches through the districts on the Slovak – Hungarian border. The results of MOST-HÍD the leader of which is Béla Bugár, originally a representative of Hungari- an minority in Slovakia, confirm the traditional election formula of the voters from the districts with significant presence of Hungarian minority, since regions of support copy districts with distinctive presence of Hungarian minority. For MOST-HÍD to get into Par- liament it is important to note the fact that by their moderate politics they manage to address a portion of conservative right voters of other districts, even though these dis- tricts did not make it into regions of election support. The last political party whichwhich crossedcrossed thethe 55% % threshold is#SIEŤ , which was running in the elections for the first time. From fig. 4 we can identify 4 more compact regions of election support of the party and one individual district – Skalica. As for the number of addressed voters, there are two almost identical regions: Bratislava’s region and a region in east Slovakia. In each of these regions the party gained 1515% % orof itsits votes.votes. InIn Bratislava’sBratislava’s
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ON THE CONTENT (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE national, christian and social motive had been already once used successfully in this re- region and in the southern part of region in east Slovakia it was the electorate of bigger gion by Hlinka’s Party in 1935. cities, who are tending to favour central and conservative right parties. (i.e. Bratislava, The second superelectoral region is located in the south of central Slovakia. It is an area Košice, Prešov. The election formula of inhabitants of superelectorate districts of Levoča where the party has booked its first election success. In the elections of 2013 for the post and Sabinov reflect in the long-term an orientation to christian values. In the region of the chairman of Banská Bystrica Self-governing region the leader of the party Kotleba of northern Slovakia we identified 3 superelectorate districts from Orava – Námestovo, won. The mentioned superelectoral region is made up of 9districts which share in com- Dolný Kubín, Tvrdošín and 1 superelectoral district from Upper Nitra – Prievidza. The mon a substantial unemployment rate caused by the reluctance of finding a solution to electorate of Orava region inclines to christian values, for this reason the voters preferred the slow decrease of the machinery including weapon) industry as well as the abolition the conservative KDH. Electorate of KDH was gained by #SIEŤ whose election leader had of the agricultural cooperatives following 1989. Inhabitants of the region in question be- begun his political career precisely in this party. In case of the superelectorate district long to the poorest in Slovakia is seeking a new leader since they have until then strongly Prievidza the phenomenon of “countryman” has possibly played role as the mayor of the supported R. Fico of SMER-SD has neglected these districts. town she was 2nd on the voting list of #SIEŤ and she left the party shortly after the elec- tions) comes from this district. The smallest region of selection support from the point As strong, horseshoe-like region of electoral support formed in the east of Slovakia and of view of number of votes is formed by districts of Banská Bystrica, Zvolen and Brezno, is formed of 11 districts out of which the districts of Stará Ľubovňa, Kežmarok, Poprad, where the majority of votes the party gained in town settlements. None of them is a su- Gelnica a Vranov nad Topľou are regions of superelectoral support. Again, these are perelectorate district of election support though. low-income regions with a slightly more significant number of Roma minority. From the viewpoint of spatial analysis of parliamentary elections one of the youngest ofo political subjectssubjects (established(established only only 6 months6 months prior prior the elections)the election) SME SME RODINA RODINA (Fig. MUTUAL CONNECTION OF ELECTION GAINS OF 3)(Fig. has 3 hasgot got2 more 2 more significant significant regions regions of ofelection election support. support. TheThe first first oneone is localized in in OF INDIVIDUALINDIVIDUAL PARTIES PARTIES WITHIN WITHIN PARLIAMENTARY PARLIAMENTARY western Slovakia (formed of 12 superelectorate districts) and the second one in eastern ELECTIONELECTIONS Slovakia in town districts of Košice and Košice – okolie with 3 superelectorate districts. Both of the regions have a compact character. Three districts – Zvolen, Liptovský Mikuláš For the study of mutual interconnection of election gains of individual political parties a Spišská Nová Ves - located in isolation have an attribute of periphery of election sup- within parliamentary elections the correlation analysis was used, to be more precise port where the support of the party can be ascribed to the voters in towns. Pearson’s correlation coefficient. Its application can point out the program proximity of individual political parties which is important when creating coalition government as MOST-HÍD (Fig. 4) is a party the aim of which is to defend the interests of the state-form- only the parties professing similar principles have a chance of forming a functional gov- ing nation and of the Hungarian ethnic minority living in Slovakia. Based on the election ernment. results of the party we identified a region of electoral support formed of 12 districts in the south of Slovakia (arithmetically the smallest representation out of all parties). From table 1 it is obvious that the winning party SMER-SD had a rather limited coalition The superelectoral region is formed of 4 districts in the southwest Slovakia. The election potential. If we omit the ĽS Naše Slovensko with which all the parties throughout the periphery of this party is represented by 8 districts all of which, apart for some minor political range refused any post-election cooperation, then the only potential partner exceptions, stretches through the districts on the Slovak – Hungarian border. The results was SNS which had already been a coalition partner of SMER-SD in the government of of MOST-HÍD the leader of which is Béla Bugár, originally a representative of Hungari- 2006–2010. In their case the Pearson’s correlation coefficient was 0.69, which represents an minority in Slovakia, confirm the traditional election formula of the voters from the a significant level of bonding. Thus there were quite a tough talks ahead of SMER-SD districts with significant presence of Hungarian minority, since regions of support copy regarding creation of the government meanwhile their success was very questionable. districts with distinctive presence of Hungarian minority. For MOST-HÍD to get into Par- From the group of central and conservative parties the broadest coalition potential was liament it is important to note the fact that by their moderate politics they manage to that of SaS the election results of which has reached a high level of bonding OĽaNO – address a portion of conservative right voters of other districts, even though these dis- NOVA (Pearson 0.71), furthermore we have identified a moderate level of bonding with tricts did not make it into regions of election support. political subjects SME RODINA (0.44) and #SIEŤ (0.33), but due to the overall results The last political party whichwhich crossedcrossed thethe 55% % threshold is#SIEŤ , which was running in of the elections a creation of center-right government was improbable. For this reason, the elections for the first time. From fig. 4 we can identify 4 more compact regions of shortly after announcing the definite election results to the public, voices of politicians election support of the party and one individual district – Skalica. As for the number of have emerged forecasting the creation of a government of experts (so called white collars addressed voters, there are two almost identical regions: Bratislava’s region and a region government) and repetition of elections. in east Slovakia. In each of these regions the party gained 1515% % orof itsits votes.votes. InIn Bratislava’sBratislava’s
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Tab. 1: Correlation of gains between political parties in 2016 elections
ĽS Naše SMER- OĽaNO- SME MOST- PARTY/PARTY SaS SNS Sloven- #SIEŤ SD NOVA RODINA HÍD sko SMER-SD 1.00 -0.50 -0.38 0.69 0.51 0.02 -072 -0.15 SaS - 1.00 0.71 -0.31 -0.42 0.44 0.01 0.33 OĽaNO - NOVA - - 1.00 -0.21 -0.12 0.49 -0.28 0.52 SNS - - - 1.00 0.61 0.04 -0.71 -0.06 ĽS Naše Slovensko - - - - 1.00 -0.08 -0.60 -0.04 SME RODINA - - - - - 1.00 -0.33 0.12 MOST-HÍD ------1.00 -0.32 #SIEŤ ------1.00 Legend: Very tight Correlation/ level of bond Zero Moderate Significant High bond Positive Negative
Following the talks about forming a government lead by SMER-SD there was an agree- ment reached in the end, which ended in forming a coalition government in which be- sides SMER-SD also the following political parties, SNS, MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ, found their place. Thus the coalition government was formed out of the parties which have created a line of conflict since 1989. This is most obvious in the relation between the parties of (and self-evidently the voters of these parties, too) SNS and MOST-HÍD. As we have already mentioned previously SNS has undergone through some changes in the period of 4 years when it was left outside the Parliament. These changes caused a certain brushing off of nationalistic rhetoric (it is possible though that this image has been still preserved in the eyes of its voters). In a similar way such was the situation in case of MOST-HÍD which has had, for example, more candidates of the Slovak origin on their voting list then those of the Hungarian background. Similarly, the relations between SNER-SD and MOST-HÍD were quite turbulent for a longer period of time, the conflict being on the level of nation- alism. Creation of the government in its current form is not to be seen as something non-stand- ard with regards to Pearson’s correlation coefficient. The parties reached an agreement of forming a coalition because of natural effort to gain their share of power and thus put through a part of their agenda, but also because of fears connected to growing political power of the extremist party ĽS Naše Slovensko.
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Tab. 1: Correlation of gains between political parties in 2016 elections CONCLUSION ĽS Naše SMER- OĽaNO- SME MOST- The winner of the Slovakia’s parliamentary elections in March was SMER-SD despite PARTY/PARTY SaS SNS Sloven- #SIEŤ SD NOVA RODINA HÍD causes which were accompanying its four year government without any coalition part- sko ner. However, compared to the elections of 2012 SMER-SD has lost 400,000 votes SMER-SD 1.00 -0.50 -0.38 0.69 0.51 0.02 -072 -0.15 which made it impossible to SMER-SD to repeat its power superiority of the period of SaS - 1.00 0.71 -0.31 -0.42 0.44 0.01 0.33 2012 – 2016 when it was able to form a government on its own. OĽaNO - NOVA - - 1.00 -0.21 -0.12 0.49 -0.28 0.52 An important consequence of these elections is the roll call of the parties of protest (un- SNS - - - 1.00 0.61 0.04 -0.71 -0.06 like the standard political parties) into Slovakia’s parliament. Apart from OĽaNO, which ĽS Naše Slovensko - - - - 1.00 -0.08 -0.60 -0.04 has confirmed its presence in the Parliament, two other parties have made it to Parlia- ment SME RODINA and extremist party ĽS Naše Slovensko. It is possible to suppose that SME RODINA - - - - - 1.00 -0.33 0.12 ĽS Naše Slovensko has not gained even more votes only thanks to the reformed SNS. MOST-HÍD ------1.00 -0.32 The results of the elections confirmed that the political stage of Slovakia is still in devel- #SIEŤ ------1.00 opment. This is documented by the fact that in all of the elections so far at least one po- Legend: litical party has either got into or dropped off the Parliament. We have listed the political newcomers above, the voters have sent the conservative and Christian political subjects Very tight Correlation/ level of bond Zero Moderate Significant High bond – which both had been a governing parties at one time in the past – outside the parlia- Positive ment (KDH, SDKÚ-DS). The central and right side of the political spectrum remained unconsolidated, the anticipated leader #SIEŤ has booked a huge loss compared to the Negative election polls prior the elections. The available data of election results projected into space confirmed the electoral formu- Following the talks about forming a government lead by SMER-SD there was an agree- las of Slovak electorate valid on a long-term basis. Thus east of Slovakia and Ponitrie and ment reached in the end, which ended in forming a coalition government in which be- Považie remain traditionally left oriented with a significant representation of the work- sides SMER-SD also the following political parties, SNS, MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ, found ing layer. The left side of the political spectrum which was dominated and consolidated by their place. SMER-SD has created from the point of view of diversification of election formula the most Thus the coalition government was formed out of the parties which have created a line numerous region with the dominance of one party in which we identified 40 districts. of conflict since 1989. This is most obvious in the relation between the parties of (and The orientation to the centre and right were sustained in the districts of the capital city self-evidently the voters of these parties, too) SNS and MOST-HÍD. As we have already and eventually districts with larger towns and the conservative, significantly rural envi- mentioned previously SNS has undergone through some changes in the period of 4 years ronment of Orava. In their cases there was a shift of voting preferences from SDKÚ-DS when it was left outside the Parliament. These changes caused a certain brushing off of to SaS, respectively from KDH to #SIEŤ. None of the central-right parties with exception nationalistic rhetoric (it is possible though that this image has been still preserved in the of SMK-MKP has managed to form a region with a dominance of one party. eyes of its voters). In a similar way such was the situation in case of MOST-HÍD which On the March 23, 2016 the president of the Slovak republic appointed a new govern- has had, for example, more candidates of the Slovak origin on their voting list then those ment, which was formed by the winner of the elections SMER-SD in coalition with of the Hungarian background. Similarly, the relations between SNER-SD and MOST-HÍD 3 central-conservative parties (SNS, MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ). This act can be deemed as were quite turbulent for a longer period of time, the conflict being on the level of nation- a break-through moment on the Slovak political scene the reason being the participant alism. of the two “nationalistic rivals” (SNS and MOST-HÍD) in one government. Similarly an- Creation of the government in its current form is not to be seen as something non-stand- tagonistic relation is between the electorate of SMER-SD and MOST-HÍD, whereby a sig- ard with regards to Pearson’s correlation coefficient. The parties reached an agreement of nificant portion of the electorate of the latter one is made up of electorate of Hungarian forming a coalition because of natural effort to gain their share of power and thus put minority which negatively perceives the comments of top representatives of SMER-SD through a part of their agenda, but also because of fears connected to growing political towards minorities. power of the extremist party ĽS Naše Slovensko. The coalition agreement of these antagonistic parties has been reached in order to elimi- nate the danger of spreading of far-righ extremism in Slovakia.
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Shortly after the government was established the government coalition changed from four to three parties after the destruction of Party # SIEŤ. During its governance, the coalition failed to solve problems in education, prosecution and corruption. On the con- trary, suspicions have accumulated that point to links between government officials and financial group parties, and even links to the mafia. Also a murder of an investigative news reporter Jan Kuciak and his girlfriend is linked with this fact. This event initi- ated the resignation of the government of Robert Fico. The President entrusted Peter Pellegrini with forming a new government based on a declared support of 79 deputies. Neither the new government was able to solve the existing problems. As for the coming elections in Slovakia it is possible to encounter the election collapse of the MOST-HID, the weakening of the SMER party, the return of the KDH and a rising a party that would be supported by electorate of the Hungarian minority as well as the advent of new po- litical parties.
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Shortly after the government was established the government coalition changed from four to three parties after the destruction of Party # SIEŤ. During its governance, the coalition failed to solve problems in education, prosecution and corruption. On the con- trary, suspicions have accumulated that point to links between government officials and financial group parties, and even links to the mafia. Also a murder of an investigative news reporter Jan Kuciak and his girlfriend is linked with this fact. This event initi- ated the resignation of the government of Robert Fico. The President entrusted Peter Pellegrini with forming a new government based on a declared support of 79 deputies. Neither the new government was able to solve the existing problems. As for the coming elections in Slovakia it is possible to encounter the election collapse of the MOST-HID, the weakening of the SMER party, the return of the KDH and a rising a party that would (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE be supported by electorate(TEACHING) of the Hungarian REGIONAL minority GEOGRAPHY as well as the advent of new po- THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE litical parties.THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Shortly after the government was established the government coalition changed from Shortly after the government was established the government coalition changed from Shortlyfour to threeafter theparties government after the wasdestruction established of Party the government # SIEŤ. During coalition its governance, changed from the four to three parties after the destruction of Party # SIEŤ. During its governance, the fourcoalition to three failed parties to solve after problems the destruction in education, of Party prosecution # SIEŤ. and During corruption. its governance, On the con the- coalition failed to solve problems in education, prosecution and corruption. On the con- coalitiontrary, suspicions failed to have solve accumulated problems in that education, point to prosecution links between and government corruption. officialsOn the con and- trary, suspicions have accumulated that point to links between government officials and trary,financial suspicions group haveparties, accumulated and even linksthat pointto the to linksmafia. between Also a governmentmurder of an officialsinvestigative and financial group parties, and even links to the mafia. Also a murder of an investigative financialnews reporter group Jan parties, Kuciak and and even his links girlfriend to the is mafia.linked withAlso athis murder fact. ofThis an investigativeevent initi- news reporter Jan Kuciak and his girlfriend is linked with this fact. This event initi- newsated the reporter resignation Jan Kuciak of the and government his girlfriend of Robert is linked Fico. with The this President fact. This entrusted event initiPeter- ated the resignation of the government of Robert Fico. The President entrusted Peter atedPellegrini the resignation with forming of thea new government government of basedRobert on Fico. a declared The President support ofentrusted 79 deputies. Peter Pellegrini with forming a new government based on a declared support of 79 deputies. PellegriniNeither the with new forming government a new was government able to solve based the on existing a declared problems. support As offor 79 the deputies. coming Neither the new government was able to solve the existing problems. As for the coming Neitherelections the in newSlovakia government it is possible was ableto encounter to solve the the existing election problems. collapse of As the for MOST-HID, the coming elections in Slovakia it is possible to encounter the election collapse of the MOST-HID, electionsthe weakening in Slovakia of the itSMER is possible party, tothe encounter return of the KDHelection and collapse a rising ofa party the MOST-HID, that would the weakening of the SMER party, the return of the KDH and a rising a party that would thebe supported weakening by of electorate the SMER of party, the Hungarianthe return ofminority the KDH as and well a asrising the aadvent party thatof new would po- be supported by electorate of the Hungarian minority as well as the advent of new po- belitical supported parties. by electorate of the Hungarian minority as well as the advent of new po- litical parties. litical parties.
THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
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Fig. 2: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SMER-SD, SaS and OĽaNO-NO- VA. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors — 106 — — 107 — — 106 — — 107 — ON THE— 106 CONTENT — ON THE— 107 CONTENT — ON THE CONTENT
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Fig. 2: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SMER-SD, SaS and OĽaNO-NO- VA. VA. THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS(TEACHING) OF THE 27TH REGIONAL CENTRAL GEOGRAPHY EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Source: according to Slovak(TEACHING) Statistical REGIONAL Office, 2016, GEOGRAPHY processed by authors Fig.Source: 2: Identification according to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of parties processed SMER-SD, by authors SaS and OĽaNO-NO- VA. VA. THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors
THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE
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Fig. 3: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SNS, ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME RODINA. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. Fig.Source: 3: Identificationaccording to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of processedparties SNS, by authors. ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME RODINA. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. — 108 — — 108 — — 108 — ON THE CONTENT ON THE— 108 CONTENT —
Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. — 108 — Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors.
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Fig. 2: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SMER-SD, SaS and OĽaNO-NO- Fig. 2: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SMER-SD, SaS and OĽaNO-NO- Fig. 3: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SNS, ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME Fig.VA. 2: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SMER-SD, SaS and OĽaNO-NO- VA. THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE RODINA. VA. THE ORGANIZERS(TEACHING) OF THE 27TH REGIONAL CENTRAL GEOGRAPHY EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Fig.Source: 2:THE Identification according ORGANIZERS to Slovak (TEACHING)of electoralOF Statistical THE support27TH REGIONAL Office, CENTRAL areas 2016, GEOGRAPHYof parties EUROPEANprocessed SMER-SD, by CONFERENCEauthors SaS and OĽaNO-NO- (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY Fig.Source: 2: Identification according to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of parties processed SMER-SD, by authors SaS and OĽaNO-NO- Source: accordingTHE ORGANIZERS to Slovak Statistical OF THE Office, 27TH CENTRAL 2016, processed EUROPEAN by authors. CONFERENCE Source:VA. according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors VA. THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Source:THE according ORGANIZERS to Slovak OF Statistical THE 27TH Office, CENTRAL 2016, EUROPEANprocessed by CONFERENCEauthors Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors
THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE THE ORGANIZERS OF THE 27TH CENTRAL EUROPEAN CONFERENCE Source: accordingTHE ORGANIZERS to Slovak Statistical OF THE Office, 27TH CENTRAL 2016, processed EUROPEAN by authors. CONFERENCE — 107 — — 107 — — 108 — — 107 — References Collection ofof Laws. Laws. (2014). (2014). ZákonZákon č.č. 180/2014180/2014 oo podmienkach podmienkach výkonu volebného prá- — 107 — Collection of Laws. (2014). Zákon č. 180/2014 o podmienkach výkonu volebného prá- — 107 — va a o zmene a doplnení niektorých zákonov. Retrieved from https://www.justice. va ava o a zmene o zmene a a doplnení doplnení niektorýchniektorých zákonov.zákonov. Retrieved Retrieved from from https://www.justice.gov. https://www.justice. gov.sk/Stranky/SuborStiahnut.aspx?Url=%2fLists%2fZbierkaZakonovSR%2fattach- gov.sk/Stranky/SuborStiahnut.aspx?Url=%2fLists%2fZbierkaZakonovSR%2fattachsk/Stranky/SuborStiahnut.aspx?Url=%2fLists%2fZbierkaZakonovSR%2fattach- ments%2f709%2f180_2014.pd. 2016a. ments%2f709%2f180_2014.pd. 2016a. Collection of Laws. (2014). Zákon č. 181/2014 oo volebnej volebnej kampani a o zmenea o zmene a doplnenía doplnení Collection of Laws. (2014). Zákon č. 181/2014 o volebnej kampani a o zmene a doplnení záko- zákona č. 85/2005 Z. z. oo politických politických stranách aa politických politických hnutiach vv znení znení nehorších na č. 85/2005 Z. z. o politických stranách a politických hnutiach v znení nehorších pred- predpisov. Retrieved from http://www.zbierka.sk/sk/predpisy/181-2014-z-z.p-35750.pdf. pisov. Retrieved from http://www.zbierka.sk/sk/predpisy/181-2014-z-z.p-35750.pdf. European Commission. (2016). Správa o krajineo krajine zaza rokrok 2016 –2016 - Slovensko. Retrieved from Fig. 3: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SNS, ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME European Commission. (2016). Správa o krajine za rok 2016 – Slovensko. Retrieved from Fig. 3: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SNS, ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/pdf/csr2016/cr2016_slovakia_sk.pdf Fig.RODINA. 3: Identification of electoral support areas of parties SNS, ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/pdf/csr2016/cr2016_slovakia_sk.pdf RODINA. Haughton, T., & Deegan-Krause,Deegan-Krause, K. (2016). Slovakia will probably reelect its center-leftcenter-left RODINA.Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. Haughton, T., & Deegan-Krause, K. (2016). Slovakia will probably reelect its center-left gov- Fig.Source: 3: Identificationaccording to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of processedparties SNS, by authors. ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME government. Here’s why that party has held on. In The Washington Post. Retrieved from Fig.Source: 3: Identificationaccording to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of processedparties SNS, by authors. ĽS Naše Slovensko, SME ernment. Here’s why that party has held on. In The Washington Post. Retrieved from RODINA. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/25/slovakia-will- RODINA. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/25/slovakia-will- Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. probablyreelect-its-center-left-government-heres-why-that-party-has-held-on/ Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. probablyreelect-its-center-left-government-heres-why-that-party-has-held-on/ — 108 — — 108 — Horváth, P. (2004). Voľby a volebné systémy. Slovenská politologická revue, 4(4), 1–18. — 108 — — 109 — ON THE CONTENT Jehlička, P., & Sýkora, L. (1991). Stabilita regionální podpory tradičních politických stran ON THE— 108 CONTENT — ON THE CONTENT — 108 — v českých zemích (1920 – 1990). Sborník České geografické společnosti, 96(2), 81–85. Krivý, V. (2000). Politické orientácie na Slovensku – skupinové profily. Bratislava: Inštitút pre verejné otázky. Kowalski, M, & Śleszyński, P. (2000). Uwarunkowania zachowán wyborczych w województwie słupskim. Dokumentacja Geograficzna, 21, 86. Retrieved from http://rcin.org.pl/Con- tent/6251/WA51_16140_r2000-nr21_Dokumentacja-Geogr.pdf Krbatová, L. (2016). Matovič je pre Fica vítaný cieľ. SME, 24(32), 2. Madleňák, T. (2010). Geografické aspekty výsledkov prezidentských volieb 2009 na Slovensku. In Sborník z XXII. sjezdu ČGS v Ostravě (pp. 789 – 799). Ostrava. Retrieved from http:// konference.osu.cz/cgsostrava2010/dok/Sbornik_CGS/Politicka_a_kuturni_geografie/ Geograficke_aspekty_vysledkov_prezidentskych_volieb.pdf Madleňák, T. (2101). Regionálna diferenciácia volebného správania na Slovensku (1998 – 2010). Bratislava: VEDA. Mikuš, R. (2014). Politická diferenciácia územia Slovenska z pohľadu volebných preferencií. In Lauko et al. (Eds.), Regionálne dimenzie Slovenska (pp. 67–126). Bratislava: Vydavateľst- vo UK. Slovak Statistical Office. (2016). Voľby do Národnej rady SR 2016. Retrieved from https:// volbysr.sk/sk/data01.html Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. Plešivčák, M. (2013). Politický život Bratislavy z perspektívy jej volebného správania. In Fig.Source: 4: Identification according to Slovak of electoral Statistical support Office, areas 2016, of partiesprocessed MOST-HÍD by authors. and #SIEŤ. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. J. Buček, & P. Korec (Eds), Moderná humánna geografia mesta Bratislava: prostorové št- Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office, 2016, processed by authors. Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support areas of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. Fig. 4: Identification of electoral support— areas 108 —of parties MOST-HÍD and #SIEŤ. ruktúry, siete a process (pp. 257 – 312). Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo UK. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office,— 108 2016, — processed by authors. Source: according to Slovak Statistical Office,— 108 2016, — processed by authors. — 108 — — 108 — — 109 — (TEACHING) REGIONAL GEOGRAPHY
Horváth, P. (2004). Voľby a volebné systémy. Slovenská politologická revue, 4(4), 1–18. Jehlička, P., & Sýkora, L. (1991). Stabilita regionální podpory tradičních politických stran v českých zemích (1920–1990). Sborník České geografické společnosti, 96(2), 81–85. Krivý, V. (2000). Politické orientácie na Slovensku – skupinové profily. Bratislava: Inštitút pre verejné otázky. Kowalski, M, & Śleszyński, P. (2000). Uwarunkowania zachowán wyborczych w wojewódz- twie słupskim. Dokumentacja Geograficzna, 21, 86. Retrieved from http://rcin.org.pl/Con- tent/6251/WA51_16140_r2000-nr21_Dokumentacja-Geogr.pdf Krbatová, L. (2016). Matovič je pre Fica vítaný cieľ. SME, 24(32), 2. Madleňák, T. (2010). Geografické aspekty výsledkov prezidentských volieb 2009 na Sloven- sku. In Sborník z XXII. sjezdu ČGS v Ostravě (pp. 789–799). Ostrava. Retrieved from http:// konference.osu.cz/cgsostrava2010/dok/Sbornik_CGS/Politicka_a_kuturni_geografie/Ge- ograficke_aspekty_vysledkov_prezidentskych_volieb.pdf Madleňák, T. (2101). Regionálna diferenciácia volebného správania na Slovensku (1998- 2010). Bratislava: VEDA. Mikuš, R. (2014). Politická diferenciácia územia Slovenska z pohľadu volebných prefer- encií. In Lauko et al. (Eds.), Regionálne dimenzie Slovenska (pp. 67–126). Bratislava: Vyda- vateľstvo UK. Slovak Statistical Office. (2016). Voľby do Národnej rady SR 2016. Retrieved from https:// volbysr.sk/sk/data01.html Plešivčák, M. (2013). Politický život Bratislavy z perspektívy jej volebného správania. In J. Buček, & P. Korec (Eds), Moderná humánna geografia mesta Bratislava: prostorovéštruktúry , siete a process (pp. 257–312). Bratislava: Vydavateľstvo UK. Slovak Statistical Office. (2012). Voľby do Národnej rady SR 2012. Retrieved from http:// volby.statistics.sk/nrsr/nrsr2012/menu/indexv.jsp@lang=sk.htm Spáč, P. (2014). The 2012 parliamentary elections in Slovakia.Electoral Studies, 33(1), 343– 346. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.07.006 Szöllös, J. (2006). Regióny volebnej podpory vybraných politických strán v parlamentných voľbách 1998, 2002 a 2006. Geografická revue, 2(2), 650–669.
Zhrnutie Víťazom v marcových parlamentných voľbách na Slovensku v roku 2016 sa stala stra- na SMER‑SD, ktorý vytvoril koaličnú vládu. Slovenský elektorát vo voľbách vyjadril nespokojnosť so spôsobom vládnutia tradičných strán odovzdaním mandátu do rúk stranám protestu. Reprezentujú ich strany – SME RODINA – Boris Kollár a extrémistická ĽS Naše Slovensko. Naopak do parlamentu voliči nezvolili bývalé vládne politické subjek- ty (KDH, SDKÚ‑DS). V štúdii sme aplikovali štandardne politickou geografiou využívanú metódu diverzifiká- cie, metódu identifikácie území volebnej podpory a korelačnú analýzu.
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Volebné výsledky premietnuté do priestoru potvrdili platné vzorce volebného správa- nia sa slovenského elektorátu. Tradične ľavicovú politickú orientáciu si udržal východ Slovenska, resp. Ponitrie a Považie. Ľavicové politické spektrum, ktoré ovládol SMER‑SD vytvorilo z hľadiska diverzifikácie volebného správania najpočetnejší región typu domi- nancie jednej strany, v ktorom sme identifikovali až 40 okresov. Pravicová orientácia bola zachovaná v okresoch hlavného mesta, resp. okresy s veľkými mestami a konzervatívne, výrazne rurálne prostredie Oravy. V ich prípadoch došlo k presunu volebných preferencií od SDKÚ‑DS k SaS, resp. od KDH ku strane #SIEŤ. Ži- adna z pravicových strán s výnimkou neparlamentnej SMK‑MKP si však nevyformovala región s dominanciou jednej strany. Analogicky sú rozmiestnené regióny volebnej podpo- ry jednotlivých politických strán. Novú vládu, ktorú zostavil víťaz volieb SMER‑SD pôvodne s tromi pravicovými stranami (SNS, MOST‑HÍD a #SIEŤ) vymenoval prezident Slovenskej republiky 23. 3. 2016. Takto zostavenú vládu je možné považovať na politickej scéne Slovenska za prelomovú, nakoľko sa v nej stretli tradične „nacionalistickí rivali“ (SNS a MOST‑HÍD). Podobne antagonis- tický vzťah je aj v prípade elektorátu strany SMER‑SD a MOST‑HÍD. Ku koaličnej zhode práve týchto antagonistických strán došlo z dôvodu snáh o elimináciu nebezpečenstva šírenia pravicového extrémizmu na Slovensku. Vládna trojkoalícia (strana #SIEŤ krátko po vstupe do vlády zanikla) nedokázala riešiť problémy v rezortoch školstva, zdravotníctva, navyše rástli podozrenia z korupcie, klien- telizmu a napojenia na mafiu. Po vražde novinára Jána Kuciaka a jeho priateľky a po pro- testných zhromaždeniach došlo k odstúpeniu premiéra a ministra vnútra. Je možné predpokladať, že v budúcoročných parlamentných voľbách voliči do parlamen- tu nedelegujú predstaviteľov strany MOST‑HÍD, ktorej elektorát tvorený hlavne z radov maďarskej menšiny, sklamanej z participácie tejto strany vo vláde, bude preferovať inú stranu, resp. koalíciu strán, založených na národnostnom princípe. Nie je vylúčený ani návrat KDH do parlamentu a príchod ďalších politických newcomerov (napr. strany Za ľudí, ktorú založil bývalý prezident Kiska, či pravicovej koalície Progresívne Slovensko a Spolu).
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