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©2011 Samonne M. Montgomery ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ©2011 Samonne M. Montgomery ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ORGANIZING FOR REGIME CHANGE: AN ANALYSIS OF COMMUNITY UNIONISM IN LOS ANGELES, 2000 - 2010 By SAMONNE MONIQUE MONTGOMERY A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Planning and Public Policy written under the direction of James DeFilippis and approved by ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ ________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2011 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Organizing For Regime Change: An Analysis of Community Unionism in Los Angeles, 2000 - 2010 by SAMONNE MONIQUE MONTGOMERY Dissertation Director: James DeFilippis Since the 1990s in Los Angeles, working class residents have crossed ethnic, religious, and spatial divides to form working class coalitions aimed at enacting social, economic, and environmental justice. This trend, referred to as community unionism, challenges elites‘ narrow distribution of scarce public resources by fighting for community-driven reforms that advance the interests of broadly-shared prosperity (Tattersall, 2010; Reynolds, 1999). Using document analysis and semi-structured interviews, I analyze three broad- based community-labor coalitions that emerged in Los Angeles between 2000 and 2010 to understand how urban governance has changed – both as a result of the progressive community‘s recent coalition building efforts and as a result of the ways in which L.A.‘s broader power structure, itself, has evolved. Specifically, I ask the following questions: (1) what factors account for the three coalitions‘ emergence and relative success and (2) to what extent has a broad-based community-labor power bloc emerged, consolidated, and became robust enough to successfully challenge the agenda of L.A.‘s historically- powerful elite regime? ii This case study of progressive, working class activism in Los Angeles conveys detailed interpretations of specific coalition phenomena and also offers broader theoretical implications about the contemporary nature of urban governance in America. I argue that a number of complex endogenous and exogenous factors significantly undermined the strength of L.A.‘s elite governing coalition since the 1980s. Simultaneously, Los Angeles‘ progressive community organized diligently to become an active player in the region‘s governing coalition. There has not, however, been a distinct transition from an elite regime to a stable progressive regime. I conclude that L.A.‘s progressive community may deepen its capacity to govern if it continues to: improve race relations, create a culture of authentic internal democracy, overcome resource constraints, coordinate progressive electoral politics, and bridge institutional fragmentation. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is nothing less than the product of a community of people who demonstrated relentless faith in my research vision and talents. First and foremost, I would like to thank my chair, James DeFilippis, for graciously reading and rereading drafts of this dissertation, providing thorough and thoughtful critiques, and never allowing me to leave your office without extending a helpful book or article from your personal library. I would like to extend my warmest appreciation to my program advisor and committee member, Julia Sass Rubin, for your steadfast support and guidance during my time at Rutgers. To my committee members, Kathe Newman and Laura Wolf- Powers, and to my outside readers, Robert Lake and David Listokin – your suggestions have been invaluable throughout this process. I am grateful for the mentorship of Mike Lahr, and I would also like to thank Jeffrey Lowe, my master‘s level advisor, for recognizing my talents and encouraging me to pursue my doctoral studies. I cannot thank the E.J. Bloustein School enough for affording me the opportunity to complete my Ph.D. program in four years, without undue financial hardship. Over the last four years, I have been uplifted by the love and encouragement of numerous family members and friends. A million thanks to my parents, Sam and Vern Walker, to my mother-in-law, Linda Titus, to my grandmothers, to Elan and Samuel, and to countless extended family members for your unfailing support throughout this process. Many thanks to Marilyn Parker-Brooks for graciously hosting me at your home during my fieldwork in Los Angeles, to Mekala Audain for your editing support, to Syrita iv Franklin for always being a call or text away, to Kate Atkins and Janice Fine for exposing me to the wonderful world of community unionism, and to my ―sister circle‖ for keeping me sane in the midst of insanity. To my unborn daughter, thank you for allowing mommy to progress through my writing process without significant delays. And I would like to extend a special word of appreciation to my husband and biggest champion, Marcus Montgomery, for your love, humor, and patience over the years. I could not ask for a better life partner. Finally, I owe a special note of gratitude to the individuals who so generously agreed to participate in my research; your insights gave this dissertation depth and substance. And to the people on the ground who struggle daily for social, economic, and environmental justice in Los Angeles and beyond – your conviction that justice can be more than a socially appealing concept serves as a continued source of inspiration. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .......................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents .......................................................................................................... vi List of Tables................................................................................................................. ix List of Figures ................................................................................................................ x CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 1 Overview ................................................................................................................ 2 New Economy, Urban Regimes & Community Unionism ....................................... 3 Research Questions & Hypotheses ........................................................................ 10 Dissertation Significance ...................................................................................... 13 Organization of the Dissertation ............................................................................ 14 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................................................................. 16 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 17 Urban Power Structures ........................................................................................ 18 Community Unionism: A Model of Regime Change? ........................................... 47 Literature Synthesis and Considerations ................................................................ 59 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ................................................................................. 61 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 62 Methodological Approach ..................................................................................... 62 Case Selection ...................................................................................................... 63 Data Collection and Analysis ................................................................................ 67 vi Summary .............................................................................................................. 73 CHAPTER 4: DEMOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC & POLITICAL TRENDS IN L.A. ...... 74 Historical Trends of Urban Governance in L.A. .................................................... 75 Economic and Demographic Trends in L.A. .......................................................... 87 Recent Trends of Urban Governance in L.A. ......................................................... 91 CHAPTER 5: THE FIGUEROA CORRIDOR COALITION ........................................ 93 FCCEJ Introduction .............................................................................................. 94 FCCEJ Background ............................................................................................... 95 Create a Well-Functioning Coalition .................................................................... 102 Win Specific Outcomes ....................................................................................... 126 Increase Capacity of Participating Organizations ................................................. 129 How FCCEJ Shaped the Broader Political Climate .............................................. 134 CHAPTER 6: THE LAX COALITION ...................................................................... 140 LAX Coalition Introduction ................................................................................ 141 LAX Coalition Background ................................................................................. 142 Create a Well-Functioning Coalition ...................................................................
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