FEATURE'

RAY FLYNN'S LEGACY: AMERICAN CITIES AND THE PROGRESSIVE AGENDA

Can urban progressivism flourish in a climate that is also

hospitable to the interests of business — developers and industrialists alike? Pushing the "city limits" implies striking this balance, but addressing the root causes of abject urban poverty may ultimately exceed the capacity of the most progressive urban agenda.

PETER DREIER

n 1987, the management at 's pres­ of outrage against injustice— rooted in his tigious Copley Plaza Hotel ordered its Irish Catholic upbringing. chambermaids to give up their long- Unlike most public officials, Flynn Ihandle mops and get down on their knees knew which side he w as on. Fighting with to wash floors. In protest, Mayor Ray Flynn working people and the poor in their — the son of a cleaningwoman — moved struggles for economic justice was a hall­ his re-election inaugural celebration out of mark of Flynn's nine-and-a-half years reign the hotel. Pressured by Flynn, the hotel as mayor — and as a national leader for workers union, local women's groups — America's cities. InMarch of1993, President and national publicity— the hotel reversed Clinton asked Flynn to become his Am­ its decision. bassador to the Vatican. He was confirmed Flynn, Boston's mayor from 1984 to by the Senate and left for Rome in July. 1993, never forgot his humble roots or the As the Los Angeles riots remind us, pain of poverty and disrespect. Whether America's cities are still ticking timebombs. you call it "fire in the belly/' passion, or With theurban crisis gnawingat the nation's idealism, few politicians have Flynn's sense social and economic fabric, what do Flynn's

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accom plishm ents — and failures — tell us corporations, communities became pawns about the capacity of municipal politics to in an international business confidence address the plight of our cities? What can game. Plan ts are opened or closed, expanded American progressives learn from the ex- or contracted, according to priorities es­ periencesofFlynn'sactivistadministration? tablished in corporate headquarters. Ob­ As America tries on a "new kind of viously some firms and industries are more Democrat" in the White House, is there still mobilethan others,butlocaloffidals,unions, room for a New Deal-CIO-Alinsky-style or community groups cannot always know Democrat in American politics? when the threat of disinvestment is real. This puts them at a disadvantage if they T h e P rogressive D ilem m a want to "call the bluff' of businesses. Progressives in local politics face a major Second, America's federal system— dilemma: Businesses can move, but politi­ especially the fragmentation of political cians usually stay in one place. If local boundaries and authority, and the uneven public officials move too aggressively to tax level of fiscal resources — makes it easier or regulate the privaté sector, business can for businesses to play "Russian roulette" threaten to pull up stakes and take their jobs with local communities. This makes it dif­ and tax base with them. They also can ficult for cities and suburbs to form coop­ mobilize a sustained political assault (often erative partnerships to promote metro­ with the aid of the local media) against the politan areas, and for states to join together incumbent for being unfair to business. to promote healthy regions. Few politicians want to be stuck with the If the U.S. had uniform rules and reputation that because they lost the "con­ laws— regarding tax rates, environmental fidence" of the business community, they regulations, labor-management relations, drove away jobs and undermined the local and other conditions — it would be much tax base. As a result, most public officials more difficult for businesses to play dties, accommodate themselves to business' pri­ states, and regions against each other. Be­ orities. cause our federal system allows states and Three major factors contribute to localities to set many of these conditions, cities' relatively weak room for maneuver footloose businesses can look for the best when it com es to prom oting econom ic jus­ "business clim ate"— low wages, Idw taxés, tice. lax environmental regulations and a "union First, in an increasingly global free" atmosphere. In this situation, many economy, business is more and more mo­ state and local government officials feel bile. The recent wave of corporate mergers that in order to attract or maintain jobs, they and consolidations highlights this trend. As have to participate in "bidding wars" to firms become more internationalized, their attract capital. This puts each partidpant in ability to set the groundrules of the game a weaker bargaining position and under­ increases as well. As local or regional mines the economic and fiscal health of all businesses are picked off by multinational communities. Rather than promoting a

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A merican C ities and t h e P rogressive A genda

common nationalstandard and a more level cies emerge largely in response to larger playing field, federal laws actually promote economic forces. The market, Peterson this competition. The Taft-Hartley Act, for argued, dictates politics and policy. Cities example, allows states to enact anti-union must promote private economic growth; "right to work" laws. Cities establish their the alternative is decay and stagnation. own property tax rates and can cut special Progressiveredistributivepolideshurt cities deals for particular investment projects. because they entail increased taxes and/or Third, national and local campaign reduced services for those residents and finance laws exacerbate the proclivities of businesses that contribute most to the city's public officials to align themselves with the tax base and economic well-being. Ac­ prioritiesof "business" asawholeorspedfic cording to Peterson, only the federal gov­ industries or firms. In Congress, "bringing ernment can promote redistributive social home the bacon" typically means giving welfare policies. federal tax breaks or subsidies to lure a In their highly-regarded 1987 book, company to one's district. State and local Urban Fortunes,2 sociologists Harvey officials play the same game. The public Molotch and John Logan portrayed urban and the press are no longer shocked that the "growth machines" as coalitions of business, campaign war chests of political candidates developers, labor, the media, and public (particularly incumbents) are lined with officials, united in their quest to improve contributions from businesses and indus­ the business climate by attracting new in­ tries thatreceivespedal favors. Thesefavors vestment. These growth coalitions steer often undermine the economic health of local development policies to intensify land America's cities. For example, the banking use, increase rents, and generally enhance industry's political clout led the White the profitability of private enterprise. House and Congress to deregulate the This viewpoint became the conven­ banks, leading to the 1980s orgy of specu­ tional wisdom among academic urban ex­ lation and redlining the S&L scandal and perts throughout the 1980s. By emphasiz­ the current banking mess. Since the end of ing the clearly limited room for political World War II, most military contracts and maneuver, this grim perspective could bases have been located in rural areas and hardly inspire activists to view local politics suburbs, draining jobs and tax revenues as an arena for progressive reform. from our central cities. Just how much room exists, however, These realities led a number of is rarely tested. Most elected officials are prominent urban experts to argue that local unwilling to see just how far they can push. governments have little room for maneuver But some are bolder than others, particu­ to adopt progressive policies that redis­ larly when they are emboldened by grass­ tribute wealth, income, and political power. roots movements with political savvy and The most cogent expression of this view — staying power. Indeed, what's missing from Paul Peterson's 1981 book, City Limits' — these grim analyses is the potential of po­ argued that municipal government poli­ litical organizing, political skills, and po-

3H2 • FA LL iWS NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW litical entrepreneurship in forging an alter­ elected in 1979 and re-elected in 1983. Ht native vision and agenda.3 successor, state legislator Art Agnos, wa Since the mid-1970s, in fact, pro­ elected in 1987 on a progressive housin gressive grass-roots movements have platform and with the support of housin, gained a foothold in running local govern­ activists, but he lasted only one four-yea ments. In a few cases, they have actually term, defeated in part by voter frustratioi taken power. Their leaders and allies have about the city's persistent homelessnes been catapulted to elective office, including problem . mayor and dty council. In Chicago, Congressman Harolc Most of these progressive regimes Washington was catapulted to the mayori took root in smaller cities, mostly based in office in 1983 by an energized neighbor university settings, such as Burlington, hood-based coalition rooted in the African Cambridge, Madison, and Berkeley, Santa American community. Like Kucinich Cruz, and Santa Monica. Among America's Moscone, and Agnos, Washington did ba ttk major urban centers, only in Cleveland, San with the dty council, the business commu­ Francisco, Chicago, and Bos­ nity, and moderate voters, ton did progressive activists T he public a nd the which limited his ability tc achieve electoral success and press are no longer govern and carry out his seek to utilize local govern­ progressive agenda. Still, the shocked that the ment to promote an agenda Washington regime tilted of economic and social re­ cam paign w ar chests City Hall policies toward form. In every case, housing of political candidates progressive neighborhood- and community develop­ oriented reforms and helped ment issues played a key role ...a re lined loith him win re-election in 1987. in mobilizing supporters and contributions from Unfortunately, Washington in forginga governing regime. died of a heart attack a few businesses and Among the large dties, months later. The political however, only in Boston did industries... coalition that brought him to the progressive coalition re­ power soon fragmented. main in power long enough to carry out its In contrast to these short-term ex­ agenda. In Cleveland, Mayor Dennis periments, a progressive regime, led by Kucinich, elected in 1977, was defeated af­ Mayor Flynn, endured in office for nine ter only a single two-year term. In San years. First elected in 1983, Flynn was re­ Francisco, Mayor George Moscone, who elected to successive four-year terms in 1987 was elected 1975, was murdered three years and 1991. (He left office in July 1993, in the later, along with his ally, Supervisor Harvey middle of his third tenn, to serve as Presi­ Milk. Upon Moscone's death, Board of dent Clinton's Ambassador to the Vatican). Supervisors President Dianne Feinstein,4 a Flynn had enough time to carry out much of modéra te on issues of economic reform and his reform agenda. In doing so, the Flynn development, became mayor and was regime demonstrated that, despite major

NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW EAU- IW Î • .1ST 'FEATURE'

A m eric a n C m s s a n d t h e P r o g r essiv e A g e n d a political and economic obstacles, local gov­ to on a basketball ernment can be progressive and humane. scholarship, became an academic All- Contrary to the gloomy views of many American, and was voted MVP at the 1962 academic observers and media pundits, the NTT competition, where he led PC to the Flynn coalition showed that it is not im­ championship. perative for big-city mayors tö play to racial After he just missed making the Bos­ fears (like Ed Koch inNewYorkorColeman ton Celtics team, Flynn worked as a youth Young in Detroit), or to embrace the growth- worker, high school teacher, and probation at-all-costs downtown development officer, and organized neighborhood youth agenda, to be politically successful. sporte leagues. He turned his sports-hero Lacking significant federal funds, the celebrity status into a political career. In Flynn administration developed policies 1970, he ran successfully for the state legis­ that looked to the booming local private lature from . There, he gener­ economy in order to carry out these "re­ ally represented the views of his South distributive" goals. Some of these policies Boston constituents. He supported unions, took the form of so-called "public-private" low-cost housing, and tenants rights, fought partnerships, while others involved gov­ redlining, airport expansion, and welfare ernment regulation (such as zoning and cutbacks. He advocated more state funding rent control) of the private sector. The un­ for special needs schoolchildren. He co­ derlying assumption of these policies is that sponsored a bill to end government-funded the benefits of the private economy's growth abortions. would not automatically "trickle down" to He also opposed busing, which a Boston's non-affluent residents; they had to federal judge in 1974 ordered to remedy be steered in that direction by government school segregation, igniting a major protest action. in Boston. Hynn based his opposition in clear class terms: he saw busing as pitting F rom South Boston to C ity H a ll poor black and white families against each Flynn's biography has many elements of a other within a second-rate school system, proletarian novel or an organizer's dream- while affluent suburbanites sent their kids come-true. The son of a longshorem an and to well-endowed schools. Although Flynn cleaningwoman, Flynn grew up in Gate of opposed court-ordered busing, he never Heaven Parish in South Boston, a gritty joined the right-wing factions that engaged working class Irish neighborhood where in violence and often resorted to race ha­ (except for college, a stint in the army, and tred. He refused tojoinmilitantanti-busers, now Rome) he has lived his entire life and such as City Councilwomen Louise Day attended daily mass. When his father took Hicks and State Senator (now Senate sick and could no longer work, his mother President) , in a statement of cleaned offices in Boston's downtown busi­ resistance with racist overtones. While ness district at night. A three-sport athletic parents and schoolchildren were hurling star at , he went rocks at black students, Hynn w as walking

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the streets, urging an end to the violence. have the greedy Greater Boston Real Estate His moderation alienated some of the more Board." His activism helped expand his extremist elements in his own community. citywide base. In the 1981 citywide City His car was firebombed and his family Council elections, Flynn was the leading received death threats over the phone. Still, vote-getter by a w id e m argin . some suburban liberals, campus-based In 1983, Boston was ready to explode radicals and the pro-busing Boston Globe socially and politically. In the previous two painted all opponents to busing — and all decades, Boston had been transformed from South Boston residents — with the same a depressed, low-rise city of mostly white brush. ethnic neighborhoods to a more vibrant In1977, Flynn was elected to a seat on high-rise dty composed increasingly of the (all nine members young professional workersand new Third were then elected at-large), and began a World immigrants. The dty had become a transformation from a parochial South magnet for real estate speculation. The Boston pol with progressive leanings to a downtown economy was booming, sym­ crusader with dtywide appeal. bolized by shiny new skyscrapers, but most As an at-large City Councilor, and an Boston residents felt left out— they weren't 18-hour-a-day workaholic, Flynn attended getting a fair share of theprosperity. Tenants numerous meetings across the city (often (who comprised two-thirds of Boston's several a night). He saw similar problems population) faced skyrocketing rents and facing residents in poor and working class condominium conversions that were neighborhoods, whether predominantly pushing elderly and poor people out of white, black or Hispanic in population. He their apartments. Escalating housing prices became the hardest working City Coun­ made it almost impossible for young cilor, sponsoring legislation and pulling working families to purchase a house. The strings to help tenants in public and private dty's poor and working class neighbor­ housing (such as getting housing inspec­ hoods, espedally black and Flispanic areas, tors to respond to tenant complaints), were scarred by abandoned buildings and fighting the utility companies for hiking vacant lots. . Arson was reaching epidemic their rates, and supporting unions, welfare proportions. A growing number of home­ recipients and working women— all while less people slept in the city's downtown completing a master's degree in education streets, parks and alleyways. at Harvard. The ugly wounds of racial division On the City Council, Flynn's tenants' — exacerbated by the busing wars and rights bills were usually defeated by 7-to-2 highly publicized events such as the brutal or8-to-l votes. Flynn sawhow his colleagues shooting and paralysis of black teenager bowed to the city's powerful real estate Daryl Williams during a high school foot­ lobby, the biggest donor to politicians. As ball game in the all-white Charlestown City Councilor, and later as mayor, he often neighborhood— were still festering. Blacks said, "Washington has the oil lobby. We feared traveling in many white neighbor­

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A merican C ities a n d t h e P ro g ressive A g en d a hoods. Few blacks even ventured to Fenway , a radical black state legislator, Park to watch the Red Sox— the last major helped frame the campaign agenda. At league team to hire a black player. Banks public forums and in house meetings, the redlined the city's neighborhoods with im­ major theme was the "downtown versus punity. The public housing developments the neighborhoods." The issue that trig­ of the Boston Housing Authority, placed in gered the most debate was linkage— a fee court receivership for chronic mismanage­ on downtown developers to raise funds for ment, were blatantly segregated. City gov­ affordable housing. Flynn and King were ernment and private businesses had few the top two vote-getters against the other Blacks,Hispanics or Asians inkey decision­ downtown-oriented candidates. On the making positions. Mistrust of Mayor same day, two non-binding referenda 'sQty Hall waspalpableacross pushed by thestatewideritizenactiongioup the dty. Residents correctly believed that Fair Share— for enactment the delivery of basic city services — sani­ of a linkage policy and thecreation of neigh­ tation, park maintenance, snow removal— borhood councils — passed overwhelm­ was based not on equal treatment but on ingly. The voters had made a clear choice whom you knew in City Hall or where you for a neighborhood-oriented agenda. lived. They viewed the White administra­ Boston'sprogressiveaetivistsweredivided tion (in office since1968) as distant, arrogant between Flynn and King— a bitter split. In and corrupt — more concerned with ex­ the run-off, Flynn bested King by a 2-to-l pensive overseas junkets and campaign margin. contributionsfrom big developers than with What catapulted Flynn to victory the day-to-day problems of neighborhood was a grass-roots campaign that drew on residents. Faced with the burgeoning anger the growing spirit of activism that spread andaloomingcampaignfmancecorruption across Boston (and many other cities) dur­ scandal, White called it quits in May 1983, ing the 1970s and early 1980s. It was em­ leaving the mayoral contest wide open. bodied in groups like Massachusetts Fair Seven candidates threw their hats into the Share, Nine-to-Five (an organization of ring. women office workers), the Massachusetts When Rynn announced his candi­ Tenants Organization, and the Hotel dacy for Mayor in front of a public housing Workers Union— militant, confrontational project— pledging to be a people's mayor, groups dedicated toempowermg people in to share the city's prosperity with the city's their communities and workplaces, draw­ have-nots— few people gave the maverick ing on the traditions of the CIO unions and City Councilor a chance. He had no money. Saul Alinsky's organizing tactics in fighting He had no political organization. He had for social and economic justice. It also in- few connections to the media or business cludedagrowingnetworkofneighborhood establishments. associations that had spent the previous In the hotly-contested preliminary decade fighting the urban renewal bull­ election to choose two finalists, Flynn and dozer, the expansion of the Logan Airport,

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hospitals, and universities, and the uneven the city's fiscal controls, and upgraded its delivery of municipal services. The orga­ bond rating each year to the highest in the nizers and leaders of these and similar city's history. groups viewed Flynn as the symbol of their Soon after taking office, Flynnimme- anger and as a vehicle for realizing their diately had to deal with the city's fiscal potential. At the same time, Flynn's victory problems. His policy priority w as to obtain shocked the political world and caused new state aid and authority to raise new anxiety in the city's corporate boardrooms. local taxes from the state legislature in order to balance the city's budget and improve its B uilding a G overning C oalition bond rating without severe cuts in city ser­ After the election, Flynn's challenge was to vices. Many state legislators (including build a governing populist coalition that Boston's own delegation) were suspicious includedworking class whites, thegrowing of the city's waste and inefficiency, and minority populations, and the progressive Mayor White's high-roller lifestyle. Flynn, activists — to focus on issues that built a former legislator himself, recognized that bridges between these he needed the help of the groups. A key line in Flynn's A key line in Flynn's business community — par­ inauguration speech pro­ inauguration speech ticularly its w atch dog group, jected this view of the world: the Boston Municipal Re­ projected this view of "The hopes that unite us are search Bureau — to gain the greater than the fears that the world: "The hopes credibility to obtain the addi­ divide us." that unite us are greater tional revenues, Flynn had to N ow, alm ost a decade convince them that he would later, how much of that vision . than the fears that spend the money cost-effec­ has become reality? Politi­ divide us."' tively, He recruited indi­ cally, Flynn obviously suc­ viduals from the business ceeded. He was re-elected twice, in1987and community for top positions in the city's 1991, with over two-thirds of the vote both budget and treasury departments. He es­ times. He won higher margins in black and tablished an advisory committee, includ­ Hispanic areas of thecity than among white ing representatives from the business com­ voters— an unusual accomplishment for a munity, to improve management and bud­ whitepolitidan.Butwhatdidheaccomplish get operations, and took its recommenda­ in terms of his policy agenda? What's his tions to "open the books" regarding the legacy to Boston and to the nation as an city's fiscal picture (something White had urban leader? Flynn took care of the civic refused to do). housekeeping tasks that are the traditional Flynn also campaigned around the litmus tests for municipal officials — espe­ state— meeting with local officials, business cially with business leaders and Wall Street. groups, unions, and others — to convince He took over a city with a $40 million deficit, them to support the state legislation. He balanced the budget each year, improved argued that Boston's economic health was

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A m e r ic a n C it ie s ANDTHF. P ro g rr ssiv f. A g e n d a key to the entire state's well-being — that neighborhood housing fund. During Boston generated the jobs, the state sales- Flynn's regime, the linkage program netted tax revenue, and the institutional founda­ over $70 million and helped create over tion (hospitals, colleges, and cultural/ 8,000 units of affordable housing. Hynn sports) that benefited the entire state. (A often battled with the landlord lobby to few years later, when pundits began to enact rent control and strong tenants'-rights argue that cities had become economically laws— a bitter fight that helped protect the obsolete in the face of "edge city" city's most vulnerable residents from suburbanization, Flynn would echo this gentrification. Under theguidanceofRynn's theme as President of the U.S. Conference development director Steve Coyle (now ofMayors: "A s cities go, so goes America"). head of the AFL-CIO's housing investment The Research Bureau gave the Flynn program), Boston instituted controversial administration its stamp-of-approval and "downzoning" safeguards, which halted helped lobby for the additional revenues. the creeping "Manhattanization" that Flynn's revenue package was initially de­ threatened to overw helm the city's historic feated, but on its second try , the legislature downtown and other adjacent neighbor­ approved it. The additional revenues, hoods. budget and management reforms, and the With Hynn in office, the dty regained city's strong development market, also control of the Boston Housing Authority helped improve the city's bond rating. from court receivership. In the fall of 1987, Neighborhood residents care more about a few weeks before his first re-election day, the visible bread-and-butter matters. Dur­ Hynn announced a plan to desegregate the ing Flynn's nine years, Boston built an un­ all-white BHA developments in his own precedented number of affordable housing neighborhood. When the votes were in, units, dramatically improved the city's parks Rynnhad won every ward in thecity except and recreation centers, broke ground on a South Boston. There are no longer any all- new Boston City Hospital complex when white BHA developments, and the inte­ most cities are closing municipal hospitals, gration of public housing has continued and created the city's first long-term capital with only a few incidents of racial antago­ plan to fix Boston's streets, infrastructure, nism. and schoolbuildings, and add new precinct Hynn also put forward a local version stations and recreational centers. of industrial policy, called the "Boston jobs" Addressing gentrification and the program. It required private developers quality of neighborhood life w as key to the who obtained city permits to hire Boston Flynn agenda. This meant taking on some residents for one-half of all the construction powerful political forces. Soon after taking jobs — minorities for one-quarter, and office, the Ryrtn administration fought the women for one-tenth. During Hynn's ten­ real estate industry to allow the city to ure, Boston stopped doing business with implement a "linkage" policy, requiring corporations that invested in South Africa downtown developers to put funds into a and Northern Ireland.

388 • FALL 1993 NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW FEATURE'

A u n sk yism in Cmc H a ll cessions to neighborhood vitality), the These specific achievements are importent, landlords (for promoting gentrification), the but Flynn's most lasting legacy will be the elected School Committee (for ignoring the combination of his activistapproach to gov­ needs of the students), the state ernment and his personal compassion. As government's Beacon Hill establishment Boston's mayor, Flynn was equal parts (for treating Boston, the state capital, like a politician, organizer, and social worker. Third World colony), and even the federal Flynn brought a few dozen progres­ government. like no other big-dty mayor sive activists — from Massachusetts Fair in America, Flynn took on the powerful on Share, tenant groups, neighborhood asso­ behalf of the powerless. ciations, unions, Nine-to-Five, legal services, Flynn's relationship to the business and environmental organizations — into community, and toorganized labor, reflects top policy and administrative positions in his approach. In many cities, the local City HalLButmore importantly, hebrought business community wields considerable a new spirit — activism, idealism, com­ political pow er— either directly (through passion — into government campaign contributions) or indirectly Flynn personified this approach by (through thethreatof disinvestment). Since being accessible, demonstrating his energy the 1950s, a group called the Coordinating and his caring in many big and small ways Committee (nick-named "the Vault") — — quietly participa ting in a memorial ser­ the C EO s o f B oston 's largest em p loy ers— vice for the homeless, jogging across the played that role, meeting regularly to in­ city and stopping to chat with people, vis­ fluence thedty government's agenda, from iting families victimized by a fire or other urban renewal to fiscal matters. By the tragedy. M any of his key accomplishments 1980s, the Vault was still a powerful force in as Mayor can be traced to his activist in­ Boston politics, but Boston's business stincts. Regardless of the issue, Flynn was community was less cohesive than it had most effective when he was waging a been in previous decades. The Vault was no campaign for reform and justice, not just longer composed primarily of the Brahmin presidingoverdtygovernmentfrombehind sodaleHte,butby managerswhohad moved his desk. up through the corporate ranks. A growing Flynn and his activist cadre devel­ number of Boston's largest private em­ oped a new approach to government— the ployers — for example, Shawmut Bank and permanent organizing campaign. They ac­ the Bank of New England — were pur­ tively reached outtoincludeneighborhood chased by out-of-town conglomerates. residents in city government. He turned Although the Vault served as a uni­ the tables on the idea that "you can't fight fying umbrella group to iron out political City Hall." More often than not, it was City and policy differences, Boston's business Hall working with neighborhood groups community was increasingly fragmented. fighting tire banks (over redlining), the de­ Each faction — the high-tech industry, the velopers (to require linkage and other con­ banks, the developers and landlords, the

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A m eric a n C ities a n d thf. P r o g r e ssiv e A g e n d a utilities, the money managers, hotels, and liaisons with the business community. He the major universities and hospitals— had occassionally called on business leaders for its own agenda. Still, the Vault could mo­ specific things, such as summer jobs for bilize business leaders to target campaign youth, support for school reform, and fi­ contributions to favored political candi­ nancing of low-income housing. When dates. Itsresearch arm,theBostonMunidpal necessary, he w ould go on the offensive— Research Bureau, which m onitored d ty fi­ doing battle with some of Boston's corpo­ nances, still had credibility with the media. rate heavyweights. For the most part, What the business leaders wanted was a though, the relationship between City Hall "healthy business climate" and through and the business community was an un­ most of the 1980s, business in Boston and easy truce, with occasional brushfire battles. across Massachusetts was booming. Several inddents reflect the Flynn Flynn had received no support from regime's approach. In 1985, Boston's hotel the Vault members — or any other major owners and Local 26 of the hotel and restau­ sectors of the business community— dur­ rant workers union were poised for a long ing his campaign. In fact, he and bitter strike. The militant, refused to take campaign F o r the m ost part, radally diverse union had contributions from develop ...the relationship sent letters to travel agents, ers (or their lawyers) with airlines and assodations with projects pending before dty between City Hall and scheduled conventions agendes. The business com­ the business warning about possible dis­ munity was notpleased when ruption. The hotel owners as- community was an Flynn was first elected. In the sociation had advertised two subsequent mayoral uneasy truce, with widely for strikebreakers and races, most business leaders occasional brushfire set up a hiring hall. But while no doubt would have liked to the two sides were still at the find a candidate to defeat battles. bargaining table, Flynn qui­ Flynn— as their counterparts etly sent word to the owners in Cleveland had done with Dennis (through his police chief) that they could Kudnichin the1970s. ButBoston'sbusiness not count on the Boston Police Department leaders knew they couldn't get rid of the to protect the strikebreakers from angry popular Flynn, so they realized they had to strikers or preserve order outside or within learn to live with him and accommodate his the hotels. Flynn's unpublicized action agenda. broke the owners' resolve. They settled — Flynn was never comfortable with and Local 26 won an important victory. Boston's corporate elite. As m ayor, the few A few years later, Flynn traveled to personal relationships he developed within southwestern Virginia to visit coal-mining the high-level business community tended families during the United Mine Workers' to be with other Irish-Americans from harsh strike against the Pittston Coal Group working class origins. They served as his — drawingattention to theminers' struggle

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in the Boston media. While meeting with withCDCs and community groups. There's UMW president Richard Trumka, Flynn been a sea-changein the banks' behavior— learned that one of Pittston's board mem­ andmoreBostonresidentshavemortgages, bers, William Craig, was Vice Chairman of small business loans, and bank jobs because Shawmut Bank, Boston's second largest of it. In fact, Boston is probably the only lender and a powerful institution. When major dty in America where banks are Flynn returned to Boston, he publicly opening new branches (five so far) ininner- threatened to withdraw tire city's deposits d ty n eighborhoods. from the bank unless Craig resigned from Like many dries, Boston had a large P ittston 's board. inventory of federally subsidized low-in­ In 1989, two studies — one spon­ come apartment buildings — built or re­ sored by Flynn's own planning agency (the stored in the 1960s and 1970s — that had BostonRedevelopmentAuthority)— found been abandoned by their owners after the that Boston's major banks were discrimi­ tax breaks ran out or operating costs in­ nating in their mortgage lending, hiring, creased faster than the HUD subsidies. and branch location practices. Flynn was These buildings were more than eyesores outraged. Someaidesadvised Flynn thathe or drughavens. They were visiblereminders had little to gain politically by talcing on the of government's indifference toward poor powerful banking industry. But Flynn ig­ people — p articu larly p eop le o f co lor. nored thatadviceandfollowed his instincts. Flynn and community activists waged a For more than a year Flynn, working closely successful five-year campaign to pressure with community activists, waged a guerilla- HUD Secretary Sam Pierce to turn over style campaign to pressure the banks to 2,000 of these HUD-owned subsidized change their ways. He met privately with apartments (in about 70 buildings) to the heads of the major banks and warned community-based nonprofits and tenant them to take action or else he'd raise hell. organizations. He spoke at rallies, wrote His aides met with community activists to angry public letters to President Reagan hammer out a "wish list" of demands to and Secretary Pierce, lobbied Boston's present to the banks. Flynn announced a Congressional delegation, and urged "linked deposit" policy to issue a regular Boston's Republican business leaders to city-sponsored "report card" on bank use their White House ties to move HUD practices and, then, withdraw dty funds along. (Clinton's HUD Secretary, former from banks with poor track records, while San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros, is expanding city deposits in banks that changing agency policy to replicate Boston's worked to meet neighborhood needs. success in turning around troubled HUD The result was an unprecedented projects). $400 million community reinvestment agreement — with the banks pledging to S h a r in g an d U sing P o w e r open new branches, change their lending Surely some members of the business es­ and hiring practices, and work more closely tablishment viewed Flynn as a radical. He

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A m eric a n C ities a n d t h e P r o g r essiv e A g e n d a

admired radicals and activists, but he re­ In one unprecedented example, the mained skeptical of ideology, and believed dty government delegated its urban re­ that ideologues don't make good politi­ newal powers (including its eminent do­ cians. His heroes were St. Francis, Pope Leo main authority) to a community group, the Xin (the "workers' pope"); Paul Sullivan Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative in (the founder of Boston's first homeless Roxbury, to help local activists rebuild a shelter), his father (a solid union man), and decaying area of vacant lots, abandoned Hubert Humphrey, whom he served as a buildings, and sub-standard housing, personal aide during the 1968 presidential owned by a crazy-quilt of absentee owners. campaign (Flynn's first taste of national Son* City Flail officials— including Robert politics). Flynn had never heard of Dorothy Farrell, the chairman of the Boston Rede­ Day or the Catholic W orker movement, but velopment Authority board, who was in many ways he embodied its spirit. originally appointed by Mayor White — Like few other politicians, Flynn was warned Flynn that giving DSNI that kind of willing to share power — not with other authority would set a dangerous precedent. politicians (whom Flynn usually pushed Flynn ignored their advice — and soon aside), but with organized citizen groups. replaced Farrell as BRA chair. Rynn recognized the importance of em­ Activists and organizers across the powering people to help themselves. He country often pointed to Boston as the most also recognized thathavingastrongactivist progressive dty government in terms of progressive movement gave him more room working with grass-roots groups. Of course, for maneuver in dealing with the business there are always tensions when politidans community, the City Council, the state and grass-roots groups work together, government, and even Washington. particularly around the question of who The Flynn regime helped build a wiUgetthecreditforpoliticalvidories. The strong network of community-based non­ Hynn administration was not immune to profithousing developers, who became the these tensions, but there was enough trust backbone of the city's successful effort to between Boston's activists and the Flynn build and rehabilitate affordable housing. governm ent that they could work together With Hynn in office, City Hall gave neigh­ around a common agenda. borhood groups a strong voice in planning Thebigger problem was one of rising development and other decisions, through expectations. Hynn's 1983 election was neighborhood councils, zoning committees, heralded as a dramatic reformation in local and project-specific advisory groups. The politics. Soop after taking office, Hynn Flynn administra lion funded tenant groups embarked on a wFiirlwind series of "town to organize against slum lords, com m unity meetings" in every neighborhood. On ev­ crime watch groups to fight arsonists and ery imaginable issue — housing, crime, drug dealers, and neighborhood organiza­ health care, historic preservation, race re­ tions to organize residents for community lations, recreation, street repairs, and many improvement. others — Boston residents expected dra­

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matic improvement. There was no way for regressive property tax (exacerbated by a dty government to fulfill all these wishes, Proposition 2-1/2, the 1980 statewide tax­ yet Flynn did not want to exacerbate people's cutting measure that had thrown Boston cynicism or dash their hopes. Over the and other Massachusetts dties on the verge years, according to opinion surveys, Flynn of bankruptcy), Boston had few options but had extraordinarily high approval ratings to cut programs. So while Flynn can be — both personally and in terms of his per­ proud of his success in keeping the budget formance as Mayor. Even residents who balanced, maintaining basic dty service, expressed disapproval of some aspect of and calming the d t/s radal tensions (es- dty services did not blame Flynn for the pedallyin light of the Los Angeles riots), the problem. last few years of his regime were toughones Part of the reason for this phenom­ for a progressive mayor. enon was Flynn's obvious penchant for hard work and his constant visibility in W o rkin g C lass D em o cra t every neighborhood. But another part was Many local journalists and poli tical observ­ Flynn's persistent efforts to educate ers accused Flynn of hogging the limelight. Bostonians about the responsibility of the Certainly Flynn has an affinity for the federal and state governments, and the cor­ camera. But Flynn used this tactic not only porate sector, for the problems facing Bos­ as a way to shine the spotlight on himself, ton and other American dties. Flynn real­ but to promote the causes he cared about. ized that dties cannot, on their own, solve Most politidans try to climb the political the myriad of urban problems. He moved ladder by playing footsie with the rich and into City Hall at the worst possible moment powerful. Flynn used his office to draw for a big-dty mayor — when the Reagan public attention to the suffering of the Administration was slashing federal funds homeless, to attract notice to the plight of to help the poor, build low-income housing, poor renters, to create greater awareness and provide fiscal assistance to dties. The about the AIDS epidemic, to rally public d t/s strong economy gave Hynn the op­ opinion against human rights violations in portunity to demand more from develop Northern Ireland and South Africa. ers, banks and business in general, and he While the national press, grass-roots took advantage of that opportunity, but groups, and his fellow urban leaders rec­ that kind of leverage was overwhelmed by ognized H yn n 's efforts as both m ay o r and the dramatic cuts in federal aid. national urban spokesman, Boston's own A few years later, espedally after opinion leaders never really embraced Republican William Weld became Gover­ H ynn, his style of government, or his ven­ nor, Beacon Hill would rub salt in Boston's tures into national issues. The liberal Boston wounds by slashing state aid. When the Globe never forgave (or understood ) Flynn's New England economy went into a tailspin opposition to court-ordered busing, objected in 1989, Boston was hit hard. Like other to his pro-life views (even though he never municipal governments dependent on the tried to stop abortions at Boston City Hos-

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A merican CmESANDTHE P rogressive A genda pitai), and derided his proletarian cultural "fairness," "dignity" and "equality." tastes. (Like our new President, he preferred In reality, because of the dispropor­ McDonald's to up-scale cuisine). The con­ tionate poverty among Boston's black and servative tabloid consistently Hispanic populations, the bulk of the city's rebuked Flynnfor surroundinghimself with discretionary resources — police, housing "Sandinista" aides, for failing to give def­ subsidies, health care programs, building erence to the city's business establishment, inspections, recreation and parks funding and for supporting rent control and low- — went to these communities. This angered income housing. some white politicians and white neigh­ Race relations is the most perplexing borhood leaders. But Flynn's blue-collar issuein America's cities— and Flynn walked South Boston origins, his "regular guy" a political and personal tightrope in dealing demeanor, and his constant presence in the with Boston's tortured racial climate. De­ city's neighborhoods (a GlobepoU found tha t spite many liberals' stereotypes of the Irish almost half of Boston's residents had met working class in general and South Boston Flynn at least once) helped to dampen the in particular, almost everyone (including racial animosity that a more affluent "lim­ } recognize! Flynn's ousine liberal" might have exacerbated. personal role in healing Boston's racial cli­ Boston was not immune from the mate. overall decay of America's cities during the Flynn recognized that racism often 1980s. Still, during Flynn's mayoralty, added an extra burden, so he supported poverty declined, violent crime was re­ strong fair housing laws, fought banks for duced, and housing conditions improved their racial redlining, and supported affir­ significantly among Boston's minorities. mative action hiring and contracting in Q ty Nevertheless, Flynn's even-handedness on Hall. But at heart, Flynn was an archetypical race matters often infuriated some of the social democrat— a universalist in an era of city's African-American leaders. racial separatism. Long before he had read In 1986, a small group of African- William J. Wilson's 1987 book, The Truly American activists organized a secession Disadvantaged — which argues that race- campaign, waged through a non-binding neutral good-enough-for-all approaches ballot initiative, to create an independent (such as universal health care and full em­ city, called "Mandela," madeupof Boston's ployment labor market policies) are pref­ predominantly blackneighborhoods. Along erable to race-specific anti-poverty pro­ with the black clergy, m any black com m u­ grams — Flynn viewed race through the nity leaders, and the city's business leaders, prism of class.5 He believed that people Flynn opposed the idea as racial and eco­ deserved good jobs, decent housing, af­ nomically divisive. That opposition, com­ fordable health care, and good schools, re­ bined with black community opinion, de­ gardless of color— and thatbuilding bridges feated the Mandela referendum within the around common problems was the best black community by a 3-to-l margin. Two political strategy. His rhetoric stressed years later, the secessionists tried again —

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and again suffered an overwhelming de­ economic and cultural view's, but many feat. But both the Boston and national liberals and progressives were uncomfort­ media (including Newsweek, the New York able with, or perplexed by, what they be­ Times and the Phil Donahue show) gave lieved was his inconsistency. sensational attention to the secession effort. In fact, the Boston media consistently C ities o n th e N a tio n a l A g en d a down-played Flynn's overwhelming Flynn was a persistent critic of the Reagan popularity among black voters, while and Bush Administrations' indifference to highlighting the antagonism of some black the plight of the poor. Whether speaking to politicians and separatists a homeless coalition in toward Flynn. A few years the Boston media Nashville, a downtown busi­ ago, when a maverick black consistently down­ ness group in Cleveland, a activist threatened a "massive labor union conference in demonstration" against played Flynn's Florida, or the National Press Flynn at a scheduled Martin overwhelming Club in Washington, Flynn Luther King Day event, the was relentless in castigating popularity am ong Herald put the story on the th e Republicans in the W hite front page. When only three black voters, w hile House as well as the Demo­ people showed up to protest, highlighting the crats in Congress for their the media ignored it. failure of nerve in standing Although the media antagonism of some up to the Reagan-Bush tended to simplistically label black politicians... agenda. Many other Demo­ him an "economic liberal" cratic mayors — looking to and ä "cultural conservative," Flynn's views squeeze whatever favors they could get out on so-called "social issues" are not easy to of the Republican White House — thought categorize. Flynn was a strong advocate of Hynn was too vocal. One colleague called gun control (he lobbied hard for the Brady him a "bomb thrower." The Bush admin­ bill), appointed many gays and lesbians to istration tried several times to discredit top jobs in City Hall, arid was the first big- Hynn. HUD Secretary Jack Kemp attacked city mayor in the country to support the him on national television. distribution of clean needles to help fight Throughout his years as mayor, the AIDS epidemic. At the same time, he Hynn played an active role in the U.S. opposed the distribution of condoms in Conference of Mayors (USCM). From 1985 public schools (even though his top health to 1991, he chaired the organization's task care advisor openly endorsed the policy) on force on hunger, homelessness and poverty. the grounds that it would condone sexual He worked relentlessly to push the national activity among young people. Though he media, his fellow mayors, and Congress to increasingly kept his distance from pro-life address these issues* He developed a close groups, he continued to oppose abortion. friendship with the nation's grass-roots Flynn never felt any tension between his housing activists, including Mitch Snyder.

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Together, in themiddleof the Reagan years, that the group's public visibility— reflected they successfully pushed for legislation (the in press clippings as well as its profile in McKinney A ct) to fund housing and health Congress— dramatically increased during care programs for the homeless. In 1989, Flynn's tenure (1991-92) as president. Flynn worked with Snyder and others to Soon after Flynn was elected head of organize a huge "Housing Now" march on the USCM, he proposed — at a meeting of Washington, bringing church leaders, its executive board on Cape Cod in August unions, and other groups into the mobili­ 1991 — that the group organize a "SaveOur zation effort for more low-income housing. Cities" march on Washington to coincide Based on the success of Boston'snon- with the Presidential campaign the next profit community development corpora­ year. His fellow mayors and the USCM staff tions in building low-income housing, Flynn expressed doubts about the idea. It would pushed for federal legislation to givefederal mean raising money, mobilizing grass-roots housing funds to the burgeoning CDC support, and possibly disrupting the movement. In 1987, he persuaded Repre­ Presidential campaign. But Flynn persisted sentative Joseph Kennedy to introduce the and pushed his reluctant colleagues to go bill and, after three years of active lobbying, along. The Los Angeles riots exploded a the Community H ousing Partnership pro­ week before the scheduled m arch, and the gram was enacted in 1990. rally — 150,000 strong, led by union lead­ Based on his experience battling ers, community activists. Rev. Jesse Jackson, Boston's banks over lending discrimination, Flynn and other mayors — helped focus Flynn worked closely with national activist national attention on the White Flouse and groups like ACORN and the Financial De­ Congress to address the urban crisis. mocracy Campaign to strengthen the fed­ Throughout the 1980s— a decade of eral Community Reinvestment Act — neglect — the USCM, along with the Na­ writing public letters and op-ed columns, tional League of Cities, the National Civic lobbying Congress, and urging fellow League, and various foundations and think mayors to support consumer-oriented bank tanks, warned that America's urban areas reform. In 1989 and again in 1990, with the were ticking time bombs, waiting to ex­ S&L debacle on the front pages, Congress plode. But the political winds seemed to toughened the country's limp anti-redlining blowing in the other direction. During the law. 1992Presidential campaign,CNN's William As president of the USCM from 1991 Schneider, 's David to 1992, Flynn used tl te position to heighten Broder, and other pundits observed that it national attention to the plight of the cities, was the first Presidential election in which the poor, and the powerless, and to push for a majority of voters were suburbanites, more funds for housing and child care. making it unlikely that national candidates Under his leadership, the USCM becam e a would pay attention to the problems of m uch more acti vis t grou p. Mike Brown, the cities. USCM public relations staffer, observed Hynn rejected thatlogic— politically.

,Wh • FALL iW NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW economically, and morally. As head of the "Reagan Democrats" among whom he en­ USCM, Flynn remained neutral in the 1992 joyed a great affinity and was particularly Presidential campaign, but he used the or­ effective. WhenPennsylvania Governor Bob ganization and his own public profile to Casey refused to join Hillary Clinton at a push all the Democratic candidates to focus campaign stop in tire heavily Catholic in­ attention on the urban crisis. He authored dustrial dty of Scranton (because he objected op-ed columns in major newspapers, and toClinton'spro-choice views),M rs. Clinton made the Sunday TV talk-show circuit, asked Flynn, another pro-life Democrat, to criticizing the Democratic candidates for join her. Flynn rallied the crowd, acknowl­ ignoring working people, the poor, the edging his differences with Clinton on homeless, and the cities. Under his lead­ abortion, but pointing out the overriding ership, amid thePresidential campaign, the importance of key issues like jobs, health USCM co-sponsored a report with the care, and crime. Some close Clinton aides progressiveEconomicPolicy Institute, Does believe Flynn'seffectivenessat the Scranton America Need Cities?: An Urban Investment rally— and his general appeal to America's Strategy for National Prosperity, that gener­ Catholic voters — convinced Clinton to ated considerable media attention.6 When offer him the Vatican post. the Presidential candidates came to cam­ Many people within Boston's media paign in Boston, Flynn took them to and political worlds criticized Flynn for his hom eless shelters and food p an tries— not extensive traveling for the Democraticticket. shining downtown projects. He asked each But the Clinton victory offers some glim ­ candidate to convene a White House con­ m er of hope for America's cities — in part, ference on homelessness. by shifting the public debate toward activ­ During the campaign, Flynn, on be­ ist government. The President's economic half of the USCM, unveiled a public works recovery package included increases in plan com posed of thousands of job-creating urban programs— public works, housing, projects "ready-to-go" but on the shelf due transportation, and others. A truly universal to lack of funding. Most of the Democratic nationalhealthcareprogram will lessen the candidates ignored the plan. Even at the fiscal pressures on states and cities as well USCM-sponsored candidates' forum in as improve the living conditions of urban February, only Tom Harkin embraced the residents. Perhaps most important, the new idea of a major public investment strategy federal "m otor voter" legislation (enacted to rejuvenate urban economies. Butbyjune, injunetoease voter registration procedures) the idea had taken hold. and has the potential to significantly increase Jerry Brown incorporated the USCM plan voter participation among the (predomi­ into their campaign platforms.7 nantly urban) poor. After the Democratic convention, Flynn campaigned for Clinton in 20 states U n fin ish ed B usiness and 50 cities, primarily among the urban A s a politician, Flynn's next logical step poor and the predominantly Catholic would have been to mn for Governor. He n a t io n a i. c iv ic review I AI I I»" ’FEATURE'

A m erica n CrriES a n d t h e P r o g r essiv e A g e n d a always resented the state government's a lifetime ambition. choke hold on Boston's finances and its Flynn's departure for Rome in July of mistreatment of the capital dty. In 1990, 1993triggered a heated contest for mayor. It with not seeking re-elec­ is a sign of Hynn's legacy that— unlike the tion, polls showed Flynn to be the front­ 1983mayoral race— none of the candidates runner, but he decided against seeking the to replace him campaigned on a platform to governorship. Polls in early 1993 showed overturn the previous mayor's agenda or that he probably could have won the 1994 achievements. While Boston's next mayor Democratic party nomination. The contest will have a different style and agenda, he against incumbent William Weld, a liber­ surqly could do worse than émula te Hynn's tarian Republican, would have been diffi­ activism and social compassion. cult, but not impossible. Some liberal Even so, there is still unfinished Democrats and Independents who liked business in Boston. In some areas, the Hynn Flynn's economic populism would have regime simply failed to cany out its agenda. abandoned him because of his opposition In other areas, citizens need to redefine the to abortion, but Flynn's track record in agenda for a new era. Boston, the state's troubled economy, and For example, Hynn had consistently his close ties to President Clinton would attacked the elected Boston School Com­ have provided a strong foundation for a mittee as a disaster. Its members exploited winnable contest. it as a source of large-scale patronage, ig­ In fact, Flynn was gearing up to run nored educational policy, and used it as a when Clinton asked him to be his Ambas­ stepping stone to higher office. Frustrated sador to the . Soon after taking the with the status quo, in 1991 Hynn used his post, Flynn began a series of quiet meetings activist approach to win a change in the with Vatican officials, American Jewish school-governance system, getting the sta te community leaders, and others to push the legislature to give the mayor the power to Vatican to recognize Israel. In his first few appoint the School Committee. But Hynn months on the new job, he returned to the was unprepared for the challenges of re­ U.S. several times to escort the Pope to forming the schools. He and the School Denver and to march in Detroit's Labor Committee members he appointed battled Day parade. He continued to speak out on constantly with the Superintendent, a black issues of human rights and economic in­ woman whom the previous committee had justice. recruited from Texas and given a multi­ Some observers predicted that Rynn year contract. After two years of a Hynn- would feel constrained in his new post. But appointed committee, the schools experi­ in South Boston, it is often said that there are enced no appreciable improvement. Edu­ two legitimate w ays to be a success— as an cation must be a major priority for the next elected official or as a priest. For a poor kid m ayor. from South Boston, being Mayor and then Many Bostonians believe that Hynn Ambassador to the Vatican certainly filled mishandled his response to the murder of

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Carol Stuart, a white subur­ government worked closely .. .perhaps the biggest banite whose death seemed with and supported many to symbolize the racial divide challenge of the post- grass-roots organizations, but between city and suburb. Flynn era is to many of the most successful After Stuart's husband iden­ groups fell on hard times. tified a black man as the killer, recharge the batteries Hurt by Reagan's dramatic Flynn sent the city's police of Boston's activists. cuts to VISTA, Fair Share and into Mission Hill, a black and Nine-to-Five folded within a Hispanic neighborhood where the murder few years after Hynn took office, the Mas­ occurred and the suspect lived, to find the sachusetts Tenants Organization had diffi­ killer. When it was discovered that Stuart's culty maintaining its momentum, and the husband was the actual killer, it looked like Hotel Workers Union divorced its pro­ Hynn's police department had wrongly gressive allies by siding with William Weld, scapegoated an innocent black man and a decision from which they haven't recov­ reinforced the neighborhood's view of the ered. The labor movement forged a short­ police as an invading army. lived progressive coalition with community The community's reaction pushed activists— to wage a successful referendum Hynn to appoint a task force to recommend campaign in 1988 to protect the state's reforms of the police department. Flynn "prevailing wage" law — but the coalition embraced the task force's recommendation did not build on that momentum. to set up a community policing program. So perhaps the biggest challenge of But tight budgets and a reluctant police the post-Hynn era is to recharge the ba tteries union kept the community policing idea of Boston's activists. There are some from making much headway. Getting the promising examples, such as Parents United Boston Police Department to work as for Child Care, Citizens for Safety, the Mas­ neighborhood problem-solvers, as partners sachusetts Affordable Housing Alliance with neighborhood groups, should preoc­ Home Buyers Union, the Dudley Street cupy the next mayor's attention. Neighborhood Initiative, the Tax Equity Some components of the next agenda Alliance of Massachusetts, Massachusetts can't come from City Hall, but must emerge Senior Action, and the Commonwealth from the grass-roots. One problem, how­ Coalition. Boston'swomen'sorganizations ever, is the atrophy of Boston's progressive have become stronger, but have yet to fulfill activist movement. Indeed, perhaps the their potential in building bridges across biggest irony of the Flynn years was that by race and class lines and mobilizing voters. bringing so many experienced organizers It's time for the city's religious lead­ and activists into City Hall, he grabbed ers to put their faith into action. The clergy much of the best talent away from the can play an important role in improving neighborhood groups, unions, and other conditions in Boston's poor and working organizations that had helped create the class neighborhoods if they mobilize their climate for his victory in 1983. The Flynn congregations and constituents around is­

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A m erican C ities a n d t h e P ro g ressive A g e n d a sues, register them to vote, turn out the vote that grass-roots agenda look like? on election day, and build coalitions. This is • Boston's strong network of non­ beginning to happen with groups such as profit community development corpora­ Mattapan-Dorchester Churches in Action tions, who spent the past decade focusing and the Neighborhood of Affordable on creating affordable housing must be­ Housing (NOAH) in East Boston, but there come key players in rebuilding the city's is still a huge vacuum. A good model is neighborhood economies. That means Reverend Johnny Youngblood, who built a paying more attention to job-creating strong congregationin Brooklyn, New York business development that is vital for by getting his church actively involved in healfhy neighborhoods. The Clinton ad­ concrete com m unity issues and forging al­ ministration has pledged to expand re­ liances with other churches and neighbor­ sources for CDCs. But Boston's CDC en­ hood groups. trepreneurs have to get City Hall, the state Boston's black, Latino and Asian government, and the area's banks and in­ communities, which are growing numeri­ surance companies to invest in the CDCs cally, must find a new generation of grass­ potential in economic development. roots leaders and elected officials who can • After two decades of busing per­ build coalitions rather than fight over racial haps it's time to return to neighborhood turf and patronage spoils. In 1983, Mel King schools, not only as educational centers but mobilized the black community in the as human service and health agencies as mayoral race because of his two decades of well. This may be what's needed to serve grass-roots activism. In this year's mayoral the existing school population (primarily contest, the black community was barely low-income children) and to bring back visible. Grass-roots organization was weak middle class families of all colors, who have and turnout was low. Likewise, white com­ abandoned the public schools. But the munity activists must find new ways to initiative must come from the parents of forge alliances of mutual respect and find school-age children, not from politicians. It common ground with tire increasingly di­ must include a strong voice for parents, verse communities of color. teachers, and principals in the management But these groups must go beyond of local schools. School parents and then- their single-issue agendas. They need to allies must organize to become a political build broad multi-racial, multi-issue coali­ force. Resistance from theSchool Committee tions among neighborhood, union, envi­ or the teachers' union must be met head on. ronmental and consumer groups. They need • It's time for the 60,000 tenants in to unite and hammer out a clear policy public housing developments— run by the agenda that can become the program for a Boston Housing Authority — to gain a progressive mayoral candidate. They need greater voice in management. As mayor, to find support from the city's foundations Flynn helped the tenants in many privately- and churches. owned apartments, including troubled What might some components of Section 8 projects, obtain more rights and

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respect. With the dty government's sup­ C o n c lu sio n : T h e L eg a cy a n d L essons port, tenants organized self-help initiatives The Flynn regime in Boston demonstrates to transform their developments from both the potential and limits of progressive "projects" to viablecommimities. Withhelp policy at the local level. from the Metropolitan Boston Housing Through his populist appeal and Partnership, tenants in the many HUD- polides, Flynn broadened and redefined subsidized projects in Boston— some of the the "growth coalition." The Flynn regime city's worst slums — are starting to mobi­ sought to accommodate the development lize around crim e and m anagem ent issues. community (if not landlords), the business Ironically, the Flynn administration did not community, and the construction trade extend this effort to the city's own public unions by promoting "managed growth" housing tenants, focusing instead on im­ and "balanced development." Flynn also proving the projects' physical conditionand walked a tightrope between confrontation integrating the all-white developments. and compromise with thepowerful business • While full employment and gun and development communities, while control are the best remedies to combat promoting a progressive agenda that has poverty, crime, and violence, helping helped unite white, black, Hispanic, and families and young people cope with the Asian communities around common in­ brutality of daily life — and providing a terests, as reflected in his electoral support positive alternative to gang culture — is a in every area of the dty, including the mi­ key ingredient in addressing the problems nority neighborhoods. of the inner dty. Boston has many excellent But even the Boston case cannot be private and public human servicesagendes, replicated in all dries. Clearly, Boston's buttotheir consumers they form a confusing economic prosperity offered the Flynn re­ crazy quilt that undermines each gime opportunities that are not available in institution's mandate. The hospitals and other cities facing economic hard times. community health centers, youth and rec­ Even so, other mayors in similar situations reation programs, mental health centers, have chosen other options: promoting the job training agendes, Head Start and child downtown development agenda over care programs, and other efforts suffer from neighborhood concerns, eschewing neigh­ the bureaucratic logic that sees people as borhood involvement in planning, using "clients" with specific problems rather than radal and ethnic divisions for political gain. as part of families and communities. Some The H yrtn regim e w as w illing to test cities, such as Baltimore, have brought the the "dty limits." On a variety of policy funders and the agendes together to develop questions, it "called the bluff" of business a comprehensive approach to human ser­ leaders and firms who warned that business vice delivery. That can happen in Boston, would disinvestif thedty pushed its agenda. too, but only when community groups, In doing so, the Flynn regime relied in part business leaders, and philanthropic donors on the technical capacity and negotiating demand it. skills of city staff. They evaluated the pro-

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A m er ic a n C ities a n d t h e P r o g r e ssiv e A g e n d a posed city policies and ad­ The Flynn regime was strate that with sufficient na­ vised the mayor of their im­ tional resources and clear pact on private investment. willing to test the "city policies, localities and com­ Ultimately, however, limits." On a variety of munity organizations can these decisions were politi­ policy questions, it administerprograms without cal. Whatever their economic excessive bureaucratic red impact or technical feasibil­ "called the bluff'of tape or corruption. ity, these policies had to be business leaders... But no city can solve its so­ sold to the public while busi­ cial and economic problems ness groups warned that they would un­ on its own. Progressive municipal policies dermine Boston's economic well-being. As can make a difference, but they cannot ad­ a skillful politician, Flynn promoted a pro­ dress the root causes, or even most of the gressive agenda and remained extremely symptoms, of urban distress. Unless the popular, as indicated by his overwhelming federal government is committed to ad­ re-election victories in 1987 and 1991. dressing America's urban crisis — and The efforts of Boston and other local finding common ground between dties, progressive regimes play an important role suburbs and all Americans — the nation in mobilizing the political will for a re­ will continue to stagnate in the increasingly newed national policy. They also demon­ competitive global marketplace. _ N

N o tes. ’Paul Peterson, City Limits (Chicago: Uni­ “Feinstem is currently a U.S. Senator from versity of Chicago Press, 1981). California.

2Harvey Molotch and John Logan, Urban 5William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disad­ Fortunes (Berkeley: U niversity of California vantaged (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). Press, 1987).

3Not all academic urban specialists share this “This Economic Policy Institute/U.S. Con­ perspective. Partly in response to the suc­ ference of Mayors report helped trigger a cess of local activism, some political sden-“ debate over the role of cities in national life, tists, sociologists, plartners, and others of­ described by Peter Dreier in "America's fered cautiously optimistic appraisals. See, Urban Crisis: Symptoms, Causes, Solu­ for example, John Logan and Todd tion s," North Carolina Law Review, 71:5, June Swanstrom, eds„ Beyond the City Limits 1993, pp. 1351-1401. Soonaftertakingoffice, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, HUD Secretary Henry Cisneros convened 1990). a conference of scholars and policy practi-

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tioners on the topic, cosponsored by the 7 After he took office, the plan becam e part of American Assembly. The conference pa­ Clinton's economic stimulus package. The pers are collected in Henry Cisneros, ed., Republicans criticized the plan as a “pork- Interwoven Destinies: Cities and the Nation barrel" pay-off to the nation's mayors. (New York: W.W. Norton, forthcoming Congress eventually passed a much wa­ 1993). tered-down version of Clinton's economic recovery and jobs program.

Peter Dreier is E.P. Clapp Distinguished Professor of Politics at Occidental College, Los Angeles, California. He served as Mayor 's housing policy advisor, and as director of housing for the Boston Redevelopment Authority, from 1984 to 1992.

MATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW FALL I'W • -tin