Ray Flynn's Legacy: American Cities and the Progressive Agenda
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FEATURE' RAY FLYNN'S LEGACY: AMERICAN CITIES AND THE PROGRESSIVE AGENDA Can urban progressivism flourish in a climate that is also hospitable to the interests of business — developers and industrialists alike? Pushing the "city limits" implies striking this balance, but addressing the root causes of abject urban poverty may ultimately exceed the capacity of the most progressive urban agenda. PETER DREIER n 1987, the management at Boston's pres of outrage against injustice— rooted in his tigious Copley Plaza Hotel ordered its Irish Catholic upbringing. chambermaids to give up their long- Unlike most public officials, Flynn Ihandle mops and get down on their knees knew which side he w as on. Fighting with to wash floors. In protest, Mayor Ray Flynn working people and the poor in their — the son of a cleaningwoman — moved struggles for economic justice was a hall his re-election inaugural celebration out of mark of Flynn's nine-and-a-half years reign the hotel. Pressured by Flynn, the hotel as mayor — and as a national leader for workers union, local women's groups — America's cities. InMarch of1993, President and national publicity— the hotel reversed Clinton asked Flynn to become his Am its decision. bassador to the Vatican. He was confirmed Flynn, Boston's mayor from 1984 to by the Senate and left for Rome in July. 1993, never forgot his humble roots or the As the Los Angeles riots remind us, pain of poverty and disrespect. Whether America's cities are still ticking timebombs. you call it "fire in the belly/' passion, or With theurban crisis gnawingat the nation's idealism, few politicians have Flynn's sense social and economic fabric, what do Flynn's 3H0 * FALL 1993 NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW FEATURE' accom plishm ents — and failures — tell us corporations, communities became pawns about the capacity of municipal politics to in an international business confidence address the plight of our cities? What can game. Plan ts are opened or closed, expanded American progressives learn from the ex- or contracted, according to priorities es periencesofFlynn'sactivistadministration? tablished in corporate headquarters. Ob As America tries on a "new kind of viously some firms and industries are more Democrat" in the White House, is there still mobilethan others,butlocaloffidals,unions, room for a New Deal-CIO-Alinsky-style or community groups cannot always know Democrat in American politics? when the threat of disinvestment is real. This puts them at a disadvantage if they T h e P rogressive D ilem m a want to "call the bluff' of businesses. Progressives in local politics face a major Second, America's federal system— dilemma: Businesses can move, but politi especially the fragmentation of political cians usually stay in one place. If local boundaries and authority, and the uneven public officials move too aggressively to tax level of fiscal resources — makes it easier or regulate the privaté sector, business can for businesses to play "Russian roulette" threaten to pull up stakes and take their jobs with local communities. This makes it dif and tax base with them. They also can ficult for cities and suburbs to form coop mobilize a sustained political assault (often erative partnerships to promote metro with the aid of the local media) against the politan areas, and for states to join together incumbent for being unfair to business. to promote healthy regions. Few politicians want to be stuck with the If the U.S. had uniform rules and reputation that because they lost the "con laws— regarding tax rates, environmental fidence" of the business community, they regulations, labor-management relations, drove away jobs and undermined the local and other conditions — it would be much tax base. As a result, most public officials more difficult for businesses to play dties, accommodate themselves to business' pri states, and regions against each other. Be orities. cause our federal system allows states and Three major factors contribute to localities to set many of these conditions, cities' relatively weak room for maneuver footloose businesses can look for the best when it com es to prom oting econom ic jus "business clim ate"— low wages, Idw taxés, tice. lax environmental regulations and a "union First, in an increasingly global free" atmosphere. In this situation, many economy, business is more and more mo state and local government officials feel bile. The recent wave of corporate mergers that in order to attract or maintain jobs, they and consolidations highlights this trend. As have to participate in "bidding wars" to firms become more internationalized, their attract capital. This puts each partidpant in ability to set the groundrules of the game a weaker bargaining position and under increases as well. As local or regional mines the economic and fiscal health of all businesses are picked off by multinational communities. Rather than promoting a NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW FALL 1993 • .381 ’FEATURE' A merican C ities and t h e P rogressive A genda common nationalstandard and a more level cies emerge largely in response to larger playing field, federal laws actually promote economic forces. The market, Peterson this competition. The Taft-Hartley Act, for argued, dictates politics and policy. Cities example, allows states to enact anti-union must promote private economic growth; "right to work" laws. Cities establish their the alternative is decay and stagnation. own property tax rates and can cut special Progressiveredistributivepolideshurt cities deals for particular investment projects. because they entail increased taxes and/or Third, national and local campaign reduced services for those residents and finance laws exacerbate the proclivities of businesses that contribute most to the city's public officials to align themselves with the tax base and economic well-being. Ac prioritiesof "business" asawholeorspedfic cording to Peterson, only the federal gov industries or firms. In Congress, "bringing ernment can promote redistributive social home the bacon" typically means giving welfare policies. federal tax breaks or subsidies to lure a In their highly-regarded 1987 book, company to one's district. State and local Urban Fortunes,2 sociologists Harvey officials play the same game. The public Molotch and John Logan portrayed urban and the press are no longer shocked that the "growth machines" as coalitions of business, campaign war chests of political candidates developers, labor, the media, and public (particularly incumbents) are lined with officials, united in their quest to improve contributions from businesses and indus the business climate by attracting new in tries thatreceivespedal favors. Thesefavors vestment. These growth coalitions steer often undermine the economic health of local development policies to intensify land America's cities. For example, the banking use, increase rents, and generally enhance industry's political clout led the White the profitability of private enterprise. House and Congress to deregulate the This viewpoint became the conven banks, leading to the 1980s orgy of specu tional wisdom among academic urban ex lation and redlining the S&L scandal and perts throughout the 1980s. By emphasiz the current banking mess. Since the end of ing the clearly limited room for political World War II, most military contracts and maneuver, this grim perspective could bases have been located in rural areas and hardly inspire activists to view local politics suburbs, draining jobs and tax revenues as an arena for progressive reform. from our central cities. Just how much room exists, however, These realities led a number of is rarely tested. Most elected officials are prominent urban experts to argue that local unwilling to see just how far they can push. governments have little room for maneuver But some are bolder than others, particu to adopt progressive policies that redis larly when they are emboldened by grass tribute wealth, income, and political power. roots movements with political savvy and The most cogent expression of this view — staying power. Indeed, what's missing from Paul Peterson's 1981 book, City Limits' — these grim analyses is the potential of po argued that municipal government poli litical organizing, political skills, and po- 3H2 • FA LL iWS NATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW litical entrepreneurship in forging an alter elected in 1979 and re-elected in 1983. Ht native vision and agenda.3 successor, state legislator Art Agnos, wa Since the mid-1970s, in fact, pro elected in 1987 on a progressive housin gressive grass-roots movements have platform and with the support of housin, gained a foothold in running local govern activists, but he lasted only one four-yea ments. In a few cases, they have actually term, defeated in part by voter frustratioi taken power. Their leaders and allies have about the city's persistent homelessnes been catapulted to elective office, including problem . mayor and dty council. In Chicago, Congressman Harolc Most of these progressive regimes Washington was catapulted to the mayori took root in smaller cities, mostly based in office in 1983 by an energized neighbor university settings, such as Burlington, hood-based coalition rooted in the African Cambridge, Madison, and Berkeley, Santa American community. Like Kucinich Cruz, and Santa Monica. Among America's Moscone, and Agnos, Washington did ba ttk major urban centers, only in Cleveland, San with the dty council, the business commu Francisco, Chicago, and Bos nity, and moderate voters, ton did progressive activists T he public a nd the which limited his ability tc achieve electoral success and press are no longer govern and carry out his seek to utilize local govern progressive agenda. Still, the shocked that the ment to promote an agenda Washington regime tilted of economic and social re cam paign w ar chests City Hall policies toward form. In every case, housing of political candidates progressive neighborhood- and community develop oriented reforms and helped ment issues played a key role ...a re lined loith him win re-election in 1987.