Inside Kenyaʼs Silent Push As Jubaland All Set for Elections
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Al-Qaeda's Keys to Success
DIGITAL-ONLY VIEW Al- Qaeda’s Keys to Success MAJ RYAN CK HESS, USAF ver the past 20 years, al- Qaeda has been the most recognizable and infa- mous terrorist organization on the planet. The group has planned and executed thousands of violent attacks, spurred dozens of offshoot affiliate Oand copycat groups, and even created rival Islamic extremist organizations. De- spite all this, and subsequently spending the past 20 years at war with the world’s most effective militaries, the group continues to carry out its operations. More- over, the success of foreign al- Qaeda affiliates illustrate that the group has become a global threat. Analyzing the tools that the organization has used to succeed will give us a better understanding of how to combat al-Qaeda. Perhaps more impor- tantly, it will also help intelligence agencies recognize what strategies the group will likely employ in the future. There are some who argue that al- Qaeda is dying. In this article, I argue that not only is it far from dead, but that the main factors contributing to al- Qaeda’s continued global success are decentralization, effective narratives and propaganda, and the specific targeting of locations with a preexist- ing history of instability and violence. This article will use three al-Qaeda affiliates and allies—al-Shabaab, Ansar al- Dine (AAD), and al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) — to demon- strate each of the above listed success factors. However, before we can discuss how al- Qaeda has achieved their success, we must first define success. If success is to be defined as the completion of each organization’s stated goals, none of them have yet succeeded. -
Al Shabaab's American Recruits
Al Shabaab’s American Recruits Updated: February, 2015 A wave of Americans traveling to Somalia to fight with Al Shabaab, an Al Qaeda-linked terrorist group, was described by the FBI as one of the "highest priorities in anti-terrorism." Americans began traveling to Somalia to join Al Shabaab in 2007, around the time the group stepped up its insurgency against Somalia's transitional government and its Ethiopian supporters, who have since withdrawn. At least 50 U.S. citizens and permanent residents are believed to have joined or attempted to join or aid the group since that time. The number of Americans joining Al Shabaab began to decline in 2012, and by 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) replaced Al Shabaab as the terrorist group of choice for U.S. recruits. However, there continue to be new cases of Americans attempting to join or aid Al Shabaab. These Americans have received weapons training alongside recruits from other countries, including Britain, Australia, Sweden and Canada, and have used the training to fight against Ethiopian forces, African Union troops and the internationally-supported Transitional Federal Government in Somalia, according to court documents. Most of the American men training with Al Shabaab are believed to have been radicalized in the U.S., especially in Minneapolis, according to U.S. officials. The FBI alleges that these young men have been recruited by Al Shabaab both on the Internet and in person. One such recruit from Minneapolis, 22-year-old Abidsalan Hussein Ali, was one of two suicide bombers who attacked African Union troops on October 29, 2011. -
The Kismayo Bubble - Justice and Security in Jubbaland
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Research Memo 26 March 2021 The Kismayo Bubble - Justice and Security in Jubbaland Nisar Majid and Khalif Abdirahman Overview The absence of a credible and functional government, in Somalia, since the late 1980s has been felt particularly strongly in the arena of the rule of law. Under President Siad Barre, the judicial system was resented for being corrupt, politically manipulated and for rejecting Islamic precepts, and many welcomed its demise. It was perhaps inevitable that in the absence of a system of state courts that Islamic law and courts would emerge. As Muslims, Somalis were able to call upon a well-formed body of jurisprudence and practice that enjoyed social legitimacy and historically validated practices, to establish courts. Islamic law has a particular advantage in this regard in that it encompasses a penal code, a civil code, and commercial and tax codes. All of these are essential for the conduct of everyday life. Recent analyses of the justice and security sector have highlighted its politicisation and, particularly in Mogadishu, a political economy centred around clan-based mobilization and conflict, ideological divisions between supporters of different versions of Islamic and secular law as well as rent seeking behaviour. At a practical level, although some significant developments are noticeable, government courts remain subject to high levels of corruption and manipulation, are slow, limited by poor security and a lack of enforcement capacity. The persistence of Al Shabaab as a credible actor in the provision of justice sits in stark contrast to that of the Government. -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia
The Security Bazaar The Security Bazaar Aisha Ahmad Business Interests and Islamist Power in Civil War Somalia Many intractable civil wars take place in countries with large Muslim populations.1 In these pro- tracted conºicts, Islamists are often just one of many actors ªghting in a com- plex landscape of ethnic, tribal, and political violence. Yet, certain Islamist groups compete exceptionally well in these conºicts. Why do Islamists some- times gain power out of civil war stalemates? Although much of the existing research points to either ethnic or religious motivations, I argue that there are also hard economic reasons behind the rise of Islamist power.2 In this article, I offer a micro-political economy model of Islamist success in civil war that highlights the role of an important, but often-overlooked, class: the local busi- ness community. The convergence of business and Islamist interests is relevant across a wide range of cases of contemporary civil war. In present-day Syria and Iraq, jihadi groups have built strong ties to smuggling and criminal networks to fund their Aisha Ahmad is Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto and a former fellow of the International Se- curity Program at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. The author is especially grateful to outstanding colleagues in Kenya and Somalia, including Jabril Abdulle, Sahal Abdulle, Dr. Ibrahim Farah, Dr. Yahya Amir Ibrahim, and Dr. Deqo Mohamed. The author also thanks Theodore McLauchlan, Stephen Saideman, Stuart Soroka, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts, as well seminar and workshop participants at the Belfer Center and McGill University who provided helpful feedback. -
Policy Workshop on Japan-Kenya Relations
Policy Workshop on Japan-Kenya Relations May 2014 Embassy of Japan The Embassy of Japan in Kenya will hold a policy workshop on Japan-Kenya relations to advance the momentum enjoyed in 2013 in celebration of the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Date: 16th May (Friday) Time: 2:30pm-5:00pm (venue opens at 2pm) Venue: Main Hall of the Japan Information and Culture Centre (JICC) at the Embassy of Japan Tentative Program: Opening Remarks (H.E. Tatsushi Terada, Ambassador of Japan) Remarks by Guest Speaker (15min: Mr. Douglas Wakiihuri, Olympian) Panel Discussion (45min Panel Discussion & 15min Q&A Session for each theme) Theme 1: Overview of Japan-Kenya Bilateral Relations Discussion Topics: History of bilateral relations, uniqueness of Japan’s diplomacy towards Kenya(/Africa), and exchanges of people and culture Facilitator: Mr. Mikio Mori, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of Japan Panelists: Prof. Amb. Maria Nzomo, Director of the Institute of Diplomacy and International Studies, University of Nairobi Prof. Peter Kagwanja, Chief Executive, Africa Policy Institute Prof. Macharia Munene, United States International University <Break: 15min> Theme 2: Economic Cooperation Discussion Topics: Tokyo International Conference on African Development, 60th anniversary of Japan’s ODA, and business relations Facilitator: Mr. Hideo Eguchi, Chief Representative of Nairobi Office, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) Panelists: Amb. Dennis Awori, Chairman of Toyota Kenya Mr. Yoshiyuki Sato, Founder of Kenya Nuts Company Mr. Denise Kodhe, Executive Director, Institute for Democracy and Leadership in Africa (IDEA) Closing Remarks (Amb. John Lanyasunya, Director of Asia and Australasia Directorate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade) Invitees: The venue has the capacity of 90 people (plus standing room). -
Thank You. I Want to Thank Michael for His Opening Remarks, and Michael and Steve for Hosting Me Here Today
“The United States - Africa Partnership: The Last Four Years and Beyond” Assistant Secretary Carson The Wilson Center, Washington DC As Prepared Version Thank you. I want to thank Michael for his opening remarks, and Michael and Steve for hosting me here today. I also want to thank all of the distinguished guests in the audience, including members of the diplomatic corps and colleagues from the think tank community. It is an honor to speak to such a distinguished group of leaders who, like me, are so committed to Africa. Let me also thank my wife, Anne. She and I have spent most of our lives working on Africa, and nothing that I have accomplished would have been possible without her advice, partnership, and support. My interest in Africa started in the mid-1960s when I served as a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania. The 1960s was a time of great promise for Africa. As newly independent nations struggled to face what many regarded as the insurmountable challenges of democracy, development, and economic growth, newly independent people looked forward to embracing an era of opportunity and optimism. This promise also inspired me to enter the Foreign Service. After more than forty years of experience in Africa, three Ambassadorships, and now four years as Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, I have experienced first- hand Africa’s triumphs, tragedies, and progress. And despite Africa's -2- uneven progress, I remain deeply optimistic about Africa’s future. This optimism is grounded in expanding democracy, improved security, rapid economic growth, and greater opportunities for Africa’s people. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Somalia Terror Threat
THECHRISTOPHER TERROR February 12, THREAT FROM THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF AL SHABAAB CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH APPENDICES AND MAPS BY KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN FEBRUARY 12, 2010 A REPORT BY THE CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT OF THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 IMPORTANT GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN SOMALIA 3 NOTABLE INDIVIDUALS 4 INTRODUCTION 8 ORIGINS OF AL SHABAAB 10 GAINING CONTROL, GOVERNING, AND MAINTAINING CONTROL 14 AL SHABAAB’S RELATIONSHIP WITH AL QAEDA, THE GLOBAL JIHAD MOVEMENT, AND ITS GLOBAL IDEOLOGY 19 INTERNATIONAL RECRUITING AND ITS IMPACT 29 AL SHABAAB’S INTERNATIONAL THREATS 33 THREAT ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION 35 APPENDIX A: TIMELINE OF MAJOR SECURITY EVENTS IN SOMALIA 37 APPENDIX B: MAJOR SUICIDE ATTACKS AND ASSASSINATIONS CLAIMED BY OR ATTRIBUTED TO AL SHABAAB 47 NOTES 51 Maps MAP OF THE HORN OF AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST 5 POLITICAL MAP OF SOMALIA 6 MAP OF ISLAMIST-CONTROLLED AND INFLUENCED AREAS IN SOMALIA 7 www.criticalthreats.org THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Executive Summary hree hundred people nearly died in the skies of and assassinations. Al Shabaab’s primary objectives at TMichigan on Christmas Day, 2009 when a Niger- the time of the Ethiopian invasion appeared to be ian terrorist attempted to blow up a plane destined geographically limited to Somalia, and perhaps the for Detroit. The terrorist was an operative of an al Horn of Africa. The group’s rhetoric and behavior, Qaeda franchise based in Yemen called al Qaeda in however, have shifted over the past two years reflect- the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). -
Post Election Thoughts
COMMENTS ON PETER KAGWANJA’S AND TOM WOLF’S CHAPTERS Macharia Munene Professor of History and International Relations United States International University, Africa [email protected] Heinrich Boll Foundation, University of Nairobi, and Twaweza Communications Symposium on the launch of Kenya’s 2013 Election: Stakes, Practices and Outcome, on January 21, 2016 at the University of Nairobi. COMMENTS ON PETER KAGWANJA’S AND TOM WOLF’S CHAPTERS Macharia Munene Professor of History and International Relations United States International University, Africa [email protected] I Peter Kagwanja and Tom Wolf, uniquely positioned as “insiders”, use their “insight” to make telling statements on the politics of the International Criminal Court, the ICC. They, in their different ways, show how the master states, or the Western Powers, misuse and turn the ICC into a perceived organ of postmodern colonialism. Kagwanja is a prolific columnist and media personality with unusual access to various corridors of power. He is a self-confessed policy advisor to governments, especially that of Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta. Wolf is a self-confessed pollster and has shaped what people think of the ICC and Kenyan politics. Seemingly representing Euro interests, meaning the interests of Western Powers, he probably has access to the corridors of power at Euro embassies and institutions in and out of Nairobi. II The two men are in agreement that the ICC was externally calibrated to stop Uhuru and Ruto from participating in the electoral process and they portray the master states as seemingly believing in their own geopolitical wishes. Western Powers and their local backers, Kagwanja observes, choreographed the ICC politically and “were in a great hurry to intervene.” They wanted to achieve geopolitical objectives which had little to do with objectivity. -
A Research Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts in International Conflict Management
INSTITUTE OF DIPLOMACY & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT MANAGEMENT CHANGING STRATEGIES IN COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM IN AFRICA: CASE OF KENYA DENNIS MUNENE MWANIKI R52/8307/2017 A Research Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of The Degree of Master of Arts in International Conflict Management. October 2019 i DECLARATION I Dennis Munene Mwaniki do declare that this thesis is my original work and has not been presented for an award of Degree of Master of Arts in any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………….. Date: ……………………………………………………….. Dennis Munene Mwaniki This research which is part of my thesis has been submitted to: Signature: …………………………………………….. Date: ………………………………………………… Prof. Maria Nzomo ii DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to all the security personnel, policymakers and scholars who have devoted themselves to fight the scourge of terrorism and violent extremism in their quest to build a resilient global community that advocates for peaceful coexistence. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT I acknowledge with gratitude my supervisor Prof. Maria Nzomo for her guidance in helping me lay the foundation of my thesis. Her intelligence and understanding of the subject matter inspired me to produce a well thought out thesis. Also, deserving immense gratitude is Prof. Peter Kagwanja and Dr. Wilson Muna who have been my intellectual mentors. Exceptional appreciation goes to my dear wife and family members, especially for their support and forbearance during my quest for intellectual growth. Last but not least, I wish to thank all my classmates (specifically James Muiga) and lecturers for shaping my mind during our various discussions in search of lasting solutions to various inter and intra conflicts affecting our country and the global community. -
Makau Mutua, Channel Your Energy to Profitable Enterprises
ISSUE NO. 25, SEPTEMBER 2017 MAKAU MUTUA, CHANNEL YOUR ENERGY TO PROFITABLE ENTERPRISES Peter Kagwanja I wish to thank the Public Editor and the them as such. The Public Editor's path you are management of the Nation Newspapers for using is cheap, parochial, politically motivated copying me in on your exchanges with Makau and out rightly unethical and unprofessional. Mutua relating to me. This is the decent thing to do. On my publishing with the Nation Newspapers (Daily Nation, Sunday Nation and the East Mafia-Style Intellectual African), Mr. Mutua, you should stop hacking the wrong tree. I started publishing in the pages Allow me to address myself directly to Mr. of the Nation Papers as a teenager, at a time Mutua. I would have expected you as a civilized when I had no degree but only an A-Level man Mr. Mutua to write to me before asking certificate. questions about me to a third Party when I am able to answer your questions myself. I only You do not require certificates, big names and know which kindergarten I attended and which titles to qualify to publish a newspaper article! University or institution awarded me degrees To be sure, in the 1993/1994 hiatus, after I was and other titles. I read mischief in your writing. sacked from Moi University for agitating for the It is a mafia-style malicious attempt to arm-twist rights of "professors" through UASU, Nation the Nation Newspapers to drop me as a published my pieces under a pseudo name. columnist and expunge my thoughts from the These were hard times; you were lucky to have Kenyan and world public over ridiculous claims been wallowing in the comfort of America! In a of "professional fraud".