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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: the Case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos To cite this version: Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos. Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece. 2015, http://bestimmung.blogspot.gr/2015/10/long-waves-in-politics-and-institutions.html. hal-01352167 HAL Id: hal-01352167 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01352167 Submitted on 5 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License LONG WAVES IN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS : THE CASE OF GREECE * by Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos Le grand homme dʼaction est celui qui pèse exactement lʼétroitesse de ses possibilités, qui choisit de sʼy tenir et de profiter même du poids de lʼinévitable pour lʼajouter à sa propre poussée. Fernand Braudel 1. I ntroduction It is known that Kondratieff waves reflect long-run movements in price indices and interest rates, and, by extension, fluctuations in general economic activity. Can we discern similar patterns in politics and institutional change? I will attempt a comparative sketch of the political institutions and ideologies in Greece during the periods 1821/1831 to 1910 and 1940/1949 to 2015. -
SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU. -
Greece Under SYRIZA Government and the European Union
Nr 12 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2018 ANNA Ratajczak DOI : 10.14746/rie.2018.12.16 Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu ORCID: 0000-0003-4823-9005 Greece under SYRIZA government and the European Union It has now been three years of the SYRIZA ruling in Greece and the economic reform, undertaken by the government of Alexis Tsipras to bail out of the massive fi- nancial debt, appears to be nearing to a successful completion. In this paper, an attempt to evaluate the socio-economic impacts of the delicate balancing between the harsh austerity programmes, creditors’ demands, tough economic reforms, and the European Union (EU) mandate for recovery is presented. A detailed analysis of political, eco- nomic and social events is provided, giving credit to SYRIZA cautious ruling. The victory in the parliamentary elections held on January 25, 2015 (SYRIZA re- ceived 36.3% of votes and 149 seats in the 300-member parliament), was related to the dissatisfaction of Greek citizens with the current “belt tightening policy” and the condition of the Greek economy.1 The success of A. Tsipras party was mainly based on the announcements of retreat from some budget cuts and opposition to the Brussels dictate. At the election rally in Athens, on the last day of the campaign, the leader of SYRIZA argued: “On Monday, our national humiliation will be over! We will finish with orders from abroad!” (Barkin, Rinke, 2015). SYRIZA’s election programme did not appear as revolutionary, however, consider- ing the situation in Greece at the time, it announced significant changes (Sapir, 2015). -
Party-Level Euroscepticism of the Radical
PARTY-LEVEL EUROSCEPTICISM OF THE RADICAL POPULIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES: THE CASES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM INDEPENDENCE PARTY (UKIP) AND THE COALITION OF THE RADICAL LEFT (SYRIZA) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY EBRU ECE ÖZBEY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EUROPEAN STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2016 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Tülin GENÇÖZ Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Galip YALMAN Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özgehan ŞENYUVA Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zana ÇITAK (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özgehan ŞENYUVA (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Dimitris TSAROUHAS (Bilkent Uni., IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ebru Ece ÖZBEY Signature: iii ABSTRACT PARTY-LEVEL EUROSCEPTICISM OF THE RADICAL POPULIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES: THE CASES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM INDEPENDENCE PARTY (UKIP) AND THE COALITION OF THE RADICAL LEFT (SYRIZA) ÖZBEY, Ebru Ece Master of Science, Department of European Studies Supervisor: Assoc. -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate. -
Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3Rd
www.ssoar.info Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece Kotroyannos, Dimitrios; Tzagkarakis, Stylianos Ioannis; Mavrozacharakis, Emmanouil; Kamekis, Apostolos Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kotroyannos, D., Tzagkarakis, S. I., Mavrozacharakis, E., & Kamekis, A. (2017). Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece. European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities, 6(2), 55-66. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51523-4 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities EQPAM Volume 6, No.2, April 2017 ISSN 2285 – 4916 ISSN-L 2285 - 4916 4 Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece1 _____________________________________________________________________________________________ Dimitrios Kotroyannos, Stylianos Ioannis Tzagkarakis, Emmanouil Mavrozacharakis and Apostolos Kamekis Centre for Human Rights (KEADIK), Department of Political -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
King’s Research Portal Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Kouvelakis, S. (2016). Syriza's Rise and Fall. NEW LEFT REVIEW, (97), 45-70. file:///C:/Users/k1508570/Downloads/Stathis%20Kouvelakis,%20Syrizas%20Rise%20and%20Fall,%20NLR%20 97,%20January-February%202016.pdf Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
Society Register
ISSN 2544-5502 SOCIETY REGISTER 3 (2) 2019 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan ISSN 2544-5502 SOCIETY REGISTER 3 (2) 2019 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan SOCIETY REGISTER 2019 / Vol. 3, No. 2 ISSN: 2544-5502 | DOI: 10.14746/sr EDITORIAL TEAM: Mariusz Baranowski (Editor-in-Chief), Marcos A. Bote (Social Policy Editor), Piotr Cichocki (Quantitative Research Editor), Sławomir Czapnik (Political Science Editor), Piotr Jabkowski (Statistics Editor), Mark D. Juszczak (International Relations), Agnieszka Kanas (Stratification and Inequality Editor), Magdalena Lemańczyk (Anthropology Editor), Urszula Markowska-Manista (Educational Sciences Editor), Bartosz Mika (Sociology of Work Editor), Kamalini Mukherjee (English language Editor), Krzysztof Nowak-Posadzy (Philoso- phy Editor), Anna Odrowąż-Coates (Deputy Editor-in-Chief), Aneta Piektut (Migration Editor). POLISH EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS: Agnieszka Gromkowska-Melosik, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland); Kazimierz Krzysztofek, SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities (Poland); Roman Leppert, Kazimierz Wielki University (Poland); Renata Nowakowska-Siuta, ChAT (Poland); Inetta Nowosad, University of Zielona Góra (Poland); Ewa Przybylska, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland); Piotr Sałustowicz, SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities (Poland); Bogusław Śliwerski, University of Lodz (Poland); Aldona Żurek, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland). INTERNATIONAL EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS: Tony Blackshaw, Sheffield Hallam University (United King- dom); Theodore Chadjipadelis, Aristotle University Thessaloniki (Greece); Kathleen J. Farkas, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio (US); Sribas Goswami, Serampore College, University of Calcutta (India); Bozena Hautaniemi, Stockholm University (Sweden); Kamel Lahmar, University of Sétif 2 (Algeria); Georg Kam- phausen, University of Bayreuth (Germany); Nina Michalikova, University of Central Oklahoma (US); Jaroslaw Richard Romaniuk, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio (US); E. -
SYRIZA's Electoral Rise in Greece
Tsakatika, M. (2016) SYRIZA’S electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation. South European Society and Politics, (doi:10.1080/13608746.2016.1239671) This is the author’s final accepted version. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/128645/ Deposited on: 20 September 2016 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk33640 SYRIZA’s electoral rise in Greece: protest, trust and the art of political manipulation Abstract Between 2010 and 2015, a period of significant political change in Greece, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA), a minor party, achieved and consolidated major party status. This article explores the role of political strategy in SYRIZA’s electoral success. It argues that contrary to accepted wisdom, targeting a ‘niche’ constituency or protesting against the establishment will not suffice for a minor party to make an electoral breakthrough. SYRIZA’s case demonstrates that unless a minor party is ready to claim that it is willing and able to take on government responsibility, electoral advancement will not be forthcoming. The success of SYRIZA’s strategy can be attributed to favourable electoral demand factors and apt heresthetic manipulation of issue dimensions. Keywords: SYRIZA, Tsipras, Memorandum, minor parties, radical left, Greek party system, heresthetics Word count: 11,947 From a party lifespan perspective (Pedersen 1982), over the course of the last half century a swathe of minor parties have managed to cross both the threshold of representation and that of relevance, meaning that they have become parties with an established presence in legislative politics as well as parties with coalition potential or ‘blackmail’ potential if in opposition (Sartori 1976). -
European Union Leaders Hail Syriza Austerity Agreement
European Union Leaders Hail Syriza Austerity Agreement By Robert Stevens Region: Europe Global Research, February 23, 2015 Theme: Global Economy, Religion World Socialist Web Site Over the weekend, euro zone leaders welcomed the four month austerityprogramme agreed between the Eurogroup and Greece on Friday. The agreement remains conditional on the Syriza-Independent Greeks government submitting proposals to the Eurogroup, containing the exact “reform” measures that it will implement by the end of April. According to Friday’s agreement, the measures must be “sufficiently comprehensive” and in accord with the 2012 austerity programme that the government of Alexis Tsipras has now signed on to. No final deal is yet in place, as Syriza’s proposals have to then be agreed Tuesday by the European Commission, European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund, known as the “troika.” Even as he tried to sell the deal as one that allowed Greece some respite, Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis was forced to acknowledge, “If the list of reforms is not agreed, this agreement is dead.” The Tsipras government began work on the proposals Saturday morning and details have not yet been made public. Nikos Pappas, Tsipras’ chief of staff, said Sunday, “We are compiling a list of proposals to make the Greek civil service more effective and to combat tax evasion.” The agreement was endorsed by Germany’s governing coalition. Volker Kauder, the parliamentary leader of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union, toldWelt am Sonntag, “The Greeks have to do their homework now. Then, an extension of the aid programme can be approved by the German Bundestag. -
Chapter 2 What Solidarity in the Eurozone After the Greek Crisis of 2015?
Chapter 2 What solidarity in the Eurozone after the Greek crisis of 2015? Sotiria Theodoropoulou Introduction The first semester of 2015 marked the latest episode in the Greek Euro crisis which began in 2010. The beginning of the crisis itself – Greek chronic policy failures prior to it notwithstanding – was a consequence of the incompleteness of the monetary union in Europe. The fact that the Eurozone reached once again a critical point in 2015, faced as it was with the possibility of a Greek exit (‘Grexit’), was, however, the outcome of an ineffective approach in the way that the Greek debt crisis had been handled since 2010. It also resulted from the unwillingness of the policy actors who committed mistakes to admit these, and change course. The Euro crisis exposed divisions among and even within Member States, and not merely along simple lines such as creditors vs. debtors. Indeed, the crisis also brought to the fore very clearly the fact that the European Central Bank (ECB) has been crossing the limits of its political independence. The ECB turned into a decisive pressure lever for steering Member States that need it to function as a lender of last resort (either to their banks or to their sovereign) in certain policy directions that are preferred by some or most creditor Member States. In 2015, five years after the onset of the Eurozone crisis, there was no shortage of analyses as to the causes of the crisis and what needed to be done – not just to end it but also to defend the Eurozone against future shocks.