Evaluating Anti-Austerity Governments in Greece and Italy
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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: the Case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos To cite this version: Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos. Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece. 2015, http://bestimmung.blogspot.gr/2015/10/long-waves-in-politics-and-institutions.html. hal-01352167 HAL Id: hal-01352167 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01352167 Submitted on 5 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License LONG WAVES IN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS : THE CASE OF GREECE * by Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos Le grand homme dʼaction est celui qui pèse exactement lʼétroitesse de ses possibilités, qui choisit de sʼy tenir et de profiter même du poids de lʼinévitable pour lʼajouter à sa propre poussée. Fernand Braudel 1. I ntroduction It is known that Kondratieff waves reflect long-run movements in price indices and interest rates, and, by extension, fluctuations in general economic activity. Can we discern similar patterns in politics and institutional change? I will attempt a comparative sketch of the political institutions and ideologies in Greece during the periods 1821/1831 to 1910 and 1940/1949 to 2015. -
SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU. -
The Vlachs of Greece and Their Misunderstood History Helen Abadzi1 January 2004
The Vlachs of Greece and their Misunderstood History Helen Abadzi1 January 2004 Abstract The Vlachs speak a language that evolved from Latin. Latin was transmitted by Romans to many peoples and was used as an international language for centuries. Most Vlach populations live in and around the borders of modern Greece. The word „Vlachs‟ appears in the Byzantine documents at about the 10th century, but few details are connected with it and it is unclear it means for various authors. It has been variously hypothesized that Vlachs are descendants of Roman soldiers, Thracians, diaspora Romanians, or Latinized Greeks. However, the ethnic makeup of the empires that ruled the Balkans and the use of the language as a lingua franca suggest that the Vlachs do not have one single origin. DNA studies might clarify relationships, but these have not yet been done. In the 19th century Vlach was spoken by shepherds in Albania who had practically no relationship with Hellenism as well as by urban Macedonians who had Greek education dating back to at least the 17th century and who considered themselves Greek. The latter gave rise to many politicians, literary figures, and national benefactors in Greece. Because of the language, various religious and political special interests tried to attract the Vlachs in the 19th and early 20th centuries. At the same time, the Greek church and government were hostile to their language. The disputes of the era culminated in emigrations, alienation of thousands of people, and near-disappearance of the language. Nevertheless, due to assimilation and marriages with Greek speakers, a significant segment of the Greek population in Macedonia and elsewhere descends from Vlachs. -
Greece Under SYRIZA Government and the European Union
Nr 12 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2018 ANNA Ratajczak DOI : 10.14746/rie.2018.12.16 Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu ORCID: 0000-0003-4823-9005 Greece under SYRIZA government and the European Union It has now been three years of the SYRIZA ruling in Greece and the economic reform, undertaken by the government of Alexis Tsipras to bail out of the massive fi- nancial debt, appears to be nearing to a successful completion. In this paper, an attempt to evaluate the socio-economic impacts of the delicate balancing between the harsh austerity programmes, creditors’ demands, tough economic reforms, and the European Union (EU) mandate for recovery is presented. A detailed analysis of political, eco- nomic and social events is provided, giving credit to SYRIZA cautious ruling. The victory in the parliamentary elections held on January 25, 2015 (SYRIZA re- ceived 36.3% of votes and 149 seats in the 300-member parliament), was related to the dissatisfaction of Greek citizens with the current “belt tightening policy” and the condition of the Greek economy.1 The success of A. Tsipras party was mainly based on the announcements of retreat from some budget cuts and opposition to the Brussels dictate. At the election rally in Athens, on the last day of the campaign, the leader of SYRIZA argued: “On Monday, our national humiliation will be over! We will finish with orders from abroad!” (Barkin, Rinke, 2015). SYRIZA’s election programme did not appear as revolutionary, however, consider- ing the situation in Greece at the time, it announced significant changes (Sapir, 2015). -
Party-Level Euroscepticism of the Radical
PARTY-LEVEL EUROSCEPTICISM OF THE RADICAL POPULIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES: THE CASES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM INDEPENDENCE PARTY (UKIP) AND THE COALITION OF THE RADICAL LEFT (SYRIZA) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY EBRU ECE ÖZBEY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EUROPEAN STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2016 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Tülin GENÇÖZ Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Galip YALMAN Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özgehan ŞENYUVA Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zana ÇITAK (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Özgehan ŞENYUVA (METU, IR) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Dimitris TSAROUHAS (Bilkent Uni., IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ebru Ece ÖZBEY Signature: iii ABSTRACT PARTY-LEVEL EUROSCEPTICISM OF THE RADICAL POPULIST POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES: THE CASES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM INDEPENDENCE PARTY (UKIP) AND THE COALITION OF THE RADICAL LEFT (SYRIZA) ÖZBEY, Ebru Ece Master of Science, Department of European Studies Supervisor: Assoc. -
Elena Franchi, Genealogies and Violence. Central Greece in the Making
The Dancing Floor of Ares Local Conflict and Regional Violence in Central Greece Edited by Fabienne Marchand and Hans Beck ANCIENT HISTORY BULLETIN Supplemental Volume 1 (2020) ISSN 0835-3638 Edited by: Edward Anson, Catalina Balmaceda, Monica D’Agostini, Andrea Gatzke, Alex McAuley, Sabine Müller, Nadini Pandey, John Vanderspoel, Connor Whatley, Pat Wheatley Senior Editor: Timothy Howe Assistant Editor: Charlotte Dunn Contents 1 Hans Beck and Fabienne Marchand, Preface 2 Chandra Giroux, Mythologizing Conflict: Memory and the Minyae 21 Laetitia Phialon, The End of a World: Local Conflict and Regional Violence in Mycenaean Boeotia? 46 Hans Beck, From Regional Rivalry to Federalism: Revisiting the Battle of Koroneia (447 BCE) 63 Salvatore Tufano, The Liberation of Thebes (379 BC) as a Theban Revolution. Three Case Studies in Theban Prosopography 86 Alex McAuley, Kai polemou kai eirenes: Military Magistrates at War and at Peace in Hellenistic Boiotia 109 Roy van Wijk, The centrality of Boiotia to Athenian defensive strategy 138 Elena Franchi, Genealogies and Violence. Central Greece in the Making 168 Fabienne Marchand, The Making of a Fetter of Greece: Chalcis in the Hellenistic Period 189 Marcel Piérart, La guerre ou la paix? Deux notes sur les relations entre les Confédérations achaienne et béotienne (224-180 a.C.) Preface The present collection of papers stems from two one-day workshops, the first at McGill University on November 9, 2017, followed by another at the Université de Fribourg on May 24, 2018. Both meetings were part of a wider international collaboration between two projects, the Parochial Polis directed by Hans Beck in Montreal and now at Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, and Fabienne Marchand’s Swiss National Science Foundation Old and New Powers: Boiotian International Relations from Philip II to Augustus. -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
Interview: New Masses—13 stathis kouvelakis SYRIZA’S RISE AND FALL Syriza won power in January 2015 as an anti-austerity party—the most advanced political opposition so far to the hardening deflationary poli- cies of the Brussels–Berlin–Frankfurt axis. Six months later, the Tsipras government forced through the harshest austerity package Greece had yet seen. This trajectory was a predictable outcome of the contradiction embod- ied in Syriza’s programme: reject austerity, but keep the euro. Why was Tsipras so incapable of envisaging a course inside the eu but outside the Eurozone, the position of Sweden, Denmark, Poland and half a dozen other European countries? irst, one shouldn’t underestimate the popularity of the euro in the southern-periphery countries—Greece, Spain, Portugal—for whom joining the eu meant accessing political and economic modernity. For Greece, in particular, it meant Fbeing part of the West in a different way to that of the us-imposed post- civil war regime. It seemed a guarantee of the new democratic course: after all, it’s only since 1974 that Greece has known a political regime similar to other Western countries, after decades of authoritarianism, military dictatorship and civil war. The European Community also offered the promise of combining prosperity with a social dimension, supposedly inherent to the project, which sealed the political com- pact that emerged after the fall of the Junta. Joining the euro seemed the logical conclusion of that process. Having the same currency as the most advanced countries has a tremendous power over people’s imagination—carrying in your pocket the same currency as Germans or Dutch, even if you are a low-paid Greek worker or pensioner—which new left review 97 jan feb 2016 45 46 nlr 97 those of us who’d been in favour of exiting the euro since the start of the crisis tended to underestimate. -
Greece: Media Concentration and Independent Journalism Between
Chapter 5 Greece Media concentration and independent journalism between austerity and digital disruption Stylianos Papathanassopoulos, Achilleas Karadimitriou, Christos Kostopoulos, & Ioanna Archontaki Introduction The Greek media system reflects the geopolitical history of the country. Greece is a mediumsized European country located on the southern part of the Balkan Peninsula. By the middle of the nineteenth century, it had just emerged from over four centuries of Ottoman rule. Thus, for many decades, the country was confronted with the task of nationbuilding, which has had considerable consequences on the formation of the overextended character of the state (Mouzelis, 1980). The country measures a total of 132,000 square kilometres, with a population of nearly 11 million citizens. About 4 million people are concentrated in the wider metropolitan area of the capital, Athens, and about 1.2 million in the greater area of Thessaloniki. Unlike the population of many other European countries, almost all Greeks – about 98 per cent of the popu lation – speak the same language, modern Greek, as their mother tongue, and share the same Greek Orthodox religion. Politically, Greece is considered a parliamentary democracy with “vigorous competition between political par ties” (Freedom House 2020). Freedom in the World 2021: status “free” (Score: 87/100, up from 84 in 2017). Greece’s parliamentary democracy features vigorous competition between political parties […]. Ongoing concerns include corruption [and] discrimina- tion against immigrants and minorities. (Freedom House, 2021) Liberal Democracy Index 2020: Greece is placed in the Top 10–20% bracket – rank 27 of measured countries (Varieties of Democracy Institute, 2021). Freedom of Expression Index 2018: rank 47 of measured countries, down from 31 in 2016 (Varieties of Democracy Institute, 2017, 2019). -
The Thessaloniki Programme
SYRIZA WHAT THE SYRIZA GOVERNMENT WILL DO The Programme announced in Thessaloniki on the 15th of September 2014 by Alexis Tsipras THE CONTEXT OF NEGOTIATION We demand immediate parliamentary elections and a strong negotiation mandate with the goal to: . Write-off the greater part of public debt’s nominal value so that it becomes sustainable in the context of a «European Debt Conference». It happened for Germany in 1953. It can also happen for the South of Europe and Greece. Include a «growth clause» in the repayment of the remaining part so that it is growth-financed and not budget-financed. Include a significant grace period («moratorium») in debt servicing to save funds for growth. Exclude public investment from the restrictions of the Stability and Growth Pact. A «European New Deal» of public investment financed by the European Investment Bank. Quantitative easing by the European Central Bank with direct purchases of sovereign bonds. [1] . Finally, we declare once again that the issue of the Nazi Occupation forced loan from the Bank of Greece is open for us. Our partners know it. It will become the country’s official position from our first days in power. On the basis of this plan, we will fight and secure a socially viable solution to Greece’s debt problem so that our country is able to pay off the remaining debt from the creation of new wealth and not from primary surpluses, which deprive society of income. With that plan, we will lead with security the country to recovery and productive reconstruction by: Immediately increasing public investment by at least €4 billion. -
Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3Rd
www.ssoar.info Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece Kotroyannos, Dimitrios; Tzagkarakis, Stylianos Ioannis; Mavrozacharakis, Emmanouil; Kamekis, Apostolos Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kotroyannos, D., Tzagkarakis, S. I., Mavrozacharakis, E., & Kamekis, A. (2017). Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece. European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities, 6(2), 55-66. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51523-4 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de European Quarterly of Political Attitudes and Mentalities EQPAM Volume 6, No.2, April 2017 ISSN 2285 – 4916 ISSN-L 2285 - 4916 4 Utopian Left-Wing Expectations and the Social Consequences of the 3rd Memorandum in Greece1 _____________________________________________________________________________________________ Dimitrios Kotroyannos, Stylianos Ioannis Tzagkarakis, Emmanouil Mavrozacharakis and Apostolos Kamekis Centre for Human Rights (KEADIK), Department of Political -
Syriza's Rise and Fall
King’s Research Portal Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Kouvelakis, S. (2016). Syriza's Rise and Fall. NEW LEFT REVIEW, (97), 45-70. file:///C:/Users/k1508570/Downloads/Stathis%20Kouvelakis,%20Syrizas%20Rise%20and%20Fall,%20NLR%20 97,%20January-February%202016.pdf Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.