Party-Level Euroscepticism of the Radical
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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
European Left Info Flyer
United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Tusk's Agenda
2017 19 - 20 October 2017 • Migration: consolidation of the external dimension, including financing • Digital Europe: follow up to Tallinn Digital Summit • Defence: PESCO state of play, European Defence Industrial Development Programme • Leaders’ Agenda 17 November 2017 - Gothenburg Social Summit • Social Europe: Fair Jobs and Growth • Education and Culture (30th anniversary of Erasmus) 14-15 December 2017 • Defence: launch PESCO and general overview of the various defence files • Social issues, culture and education: follow up Gothenburg Social Summit • Migration: way forward on the external and the internal dimension • Euro Summit: EMU + Banking Union (agreement on timeline for decisions) 2018 Tusk’s Agenda 23 February 2018 - Informal meeting • Institutional issues: European Parliament composition/transnational lists, appointments, including Spitzenkandidaten • MFF: debate on political priorities 22-23 March 2018 • Single Market strategies (ensuring progress towards reaching the 2018 deadline) • Trade: trade defence, free trade agreements, screening of investments • Climate and Energy (orientation for further work) • Digital: issues requiring decision by the Leaders, such as e-commerce, copyright, taxation • Research and Innovation: steps necessary to ensure global competitiveness 17 May 2018 - EU-Western Balkans Summit (Sofia) • EU-Western Balkans Summit • (poss.) Migration: overall agreement on internal and external policy 28-29 June 2018 • European Council Decision on the composition of the European Parliament • Defence (orientation -
Misuse of Interpol's Red Notices and Impact on Human Rights
STUDY Requested by the DROI committee Misuse of Interpol’s Red Notices and impact on human rights – recent developments Policy Department for External Relations Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 603.472 - January 2019 EN DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY Misuse of Interpol’s Red Notices and impact on human rights – recent developments ABSTRACT International organisations continue to report the abuse by some states of Interpol’s Notice System to persecute national human rights defenders, civil society activists and critical journalists in violation of international standards of human rights. Available case studies, written reports and interviews with organisations working in the field confirm the reported abuses. Recent Interpol reforms have made significant impact on safeguarding individuals both substantially and procedurally. Nevertheless, and especially considering the significant increase in the number of Notices and Diffusions in the Interpol system, reforms remain to be fully implemented and transparency and enforcement mechanisms continue to leave room for improvement. Taking as a point of departure the responses from the EU institutions and bodies, and EU Member States, the study recommends taking further steps for Interpol to ensure full implementation of recent reforms, a fully transparent system and consistent legal and procedural safeguards for individuals in the Interpol Notice System. EP/EXPO/B/COMMITTEE/FWC/2013-08/Lot8/22 EN January2019 - PE 603.472 © European Union, 2019 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI) English-language manuscript was completed on 17 January 2019. Printed in Belgium. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: the Case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos
Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos To cite this version: Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos. Long Waves in Politics and Institutions: The case of Greece. 2015, http://bestimmung.blogspot.gr/2015/10/long-waves-in-politics-and-institutions.html. hal-01352167 HAL Id: hal-01352167 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01352167 Submitted on 5 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License LONG WAVES IN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS : THE CASE OF GREECE * by Jason Koutoufaris-Malandrinos Le grand homme dʼaction est celui qui pèse exactement lʼétroitesse de ses possibilités, qui choisit de sʼy tenir et de profiter même du poids de lʼinévitable pour lʼajouter à sa propre poussée. Fernand Braudel 1. I ntroduction It is known that Kondratieff waves reflect long-run movements in price indices and interest rates, and, by extension, fluctuations in general economic activity. Can we discern similar patterns in politics and institutional change? I will attempt a comparative sketch of the political institutions and ideologies in Greece during the periods 1821/1831 to 1910 and 1940/1949 to 2015. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Ta Matia Nov01.P65
www.goyanz.org.nz Issue No. 10 November 2001 GOYA 50th Reunion Greek Church Is By John Serepisos Destroyed In Wake of Towers’ Collapse abour weekend 2001 will long be remembered for the get- together of the original immigrants to New Zealand who arrived St. Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church, L here on the MV GOYA in three separate sailings in 1951. On a tiny church that for decades stood the Saturday afternoon a special commemorative function was held at alone in the middle of a parking lot the Greek Community Centre where a slide-show presentation was held across the street from the World Trade depicting immigrants and scenes from the GOYA voyage to New Centre, was swept away in the wave of Zealand. It was a good chance for many of the original voyagers to destruction as the complex collapsed. reflect and catch up with old friends and family. It was also a timely “I was down there on Wednesday,” says reminder to the younger generation and descendents of the hardships Father Romas, known as Father John among his congregants. “My and sacrifices that the GOYA immigrants had to endure. heart was broke in two. My church is gone — and to have so many people in the World Trade Centre that are dead.” Before the end came, the four-story building was known as a survivor, its plain white-washed walls cloaked in the shadows of the steel- and-glass skyscrapers that rose as the neighborhood evolved from a bustling immigrant enclave into a center of global finance. Property values soared, but despite developers’ continual efforts to get the church to sell out, St. -
Preliminary Report
Preliminary report The Truth Committee on Public Debt (Debt Truth Committee) was established on April 4, 2015, by a decision of the President of the Hellenic Parliament, Ms Zoe Konstantopoulou, who confided the Scientific Coordination of its work to Dr. Eric Toussaint and the cooperation of the Committee with the European Parliament and other Parliaments and international organizations to MEP Ms Sofia Sakorafa. Members of the Committee have convened in public and closed sessions, to produce this preliminary report, under the supervision of the scientific coordinator and with the cooperation and input of other members of the Committee, as well as experts and contributors. The preliminary report chapters were coordinated by: Bantekas Ilias Contargyris Thanos Fattorelli Maria Lucia Husson Michel Laskaridis Christina Marchetos Spyros Onaran Ozlem Tombazos Stavros Vatikiotis Leonidas Vivien Renaud With contributions from: Aktypis Héraclès Albarracin Daniel Bonfond Olivier Borja Diego Cutillas Sergi Gonçalves Alves Raphaël Goutziomitros Fotis Kasimatis Giorgos Kazakos Aris Lumina Cephas Mitralias Sonia Saurin Patrick Sklias Pantelis Spanou Despoina Stromblos Nikos Tzitzikou Sofia The authors are grateful for the advice and input received from other members of the Truth Committee on Public Debt as well as other experts, who contributed to the Committee’s work during the public sessions and hearings and the closed or informal consultations. The authors are grateful for the valuable assistance of Arnaoutis Petros Konstantinos, Aronis Charalambos, Bama Claudia, Karageorgiou Louiza, Makrygianni Antigoni and Papaioannou Stavros 2 Executive Summary n June 2015 Greece stands at a crossroads of improve its capacity to pay the debt back. The facts choosing between furthering the failed macroe- presented in this report challenge this argument. -
SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU.