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"SCOUNDREL TIME"

— Lillian Heilman on the McCarthy witch-hunts

by Tom Appleton

In a short autobiographical narrative and the film Julia — based on a story by titled Scoundrel Time, American playwright Lillian Heilman — to make her name Lillian Heilman has given a vivid account of internationally famous. what it was like to be cited before the Un- There's a photograph of Heilman in this American Activities Committee at the book, showing her in 1975, when she wrote height of the McCarthy era. Scoundrel Time. This is the face of a Although one of the foremost political survivor, one who's still able to smile. The dramatists of her generation, Heilman had, smile is much the same as that seen on an until recently, remained relatively unknown earlier picture from 1935: a good, hard, outside the U.S. It took the combined acting toothy smile — a thing worth rescuing power of Jane Fonda and Vanessa Redgrave across 40 years. 38 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 76

There's also 40 years of work, routine and experience behind her writing. This author is past her prime; but if Scoundrel Time appears in parts to have been put together in a rather slapdash manner, it never loses the dramatist's touch. There are occasional echoes of Dashiell Hammett in her writing — the creator of the tough, realistic crime novel, with whom Heilman lived the better part of 30 years, until his death in 1961 — just as there are echoes of Heilman in Hammett's work — notably Nora Charles in The Thin Man. Heilman's writing is generally superb, and there's no question of her "standing in the shadow of a great husband". Still, Hammett had a significant influence on her life. For one thing, he had become a member of the American Communist Party "in 1937 or 1938". Hammett believed th at he was "living in a corrupt society" and that "nothing less than a revolution could wipe out the corruption". When McCarthy's obviously corrupt henchmen cited him before their committee in 1951, Hammett made it a point of honor not to co-operate with them, and went to jail. After that, it was clear that, sooner or later, "McCarthy's boys" (as Lillian Heilman calls them with undisguised contempt) would get on to her, too; political Lillian Heilman and Dashiell Hammett, terrorism had arrived in America. Pleasantville, the late 1940s The political climate in the U.S. had they said: the time was ripe for a new wave in changed dramatically after President America, and they seized their political Roosevelt's death. His successor, Harry chance to lead it along each day's Truman, step by step, reversed all opportunity, spit-balling whatever and with progressive social legislation and severely whoever came into view...... The anti-Red cut the rights of trade unions. The Marshall theme was easily chosen from the grab-bag, plan and the Truman doctrine spelt out his not alone because we were frightened of Cold War policies. In order to achieve such a socialism, but chiefly, I think, to destroy the radical change in attitude towards a former remains of Roosevelt and his sometimes ally, the Soviet Union, Truman had to "scare advanced work .... " hell out of the country", as Senator Arthur After the 1946 congressional elections, Vandenberg put it at the time. which gave the Republicans their first The Cold War and the fable of a majority in 16 years, the House Un- communist threat were conceived with cold­ American Activities Committee (HUAC) blooded political cynicism, as Lillian began to grow in stature. Up to then it had Heilman observes: "Senators McCarthy and led a slimy, back-alley existence for about McCarran, Representatives Nixon (the ten years, specialising in racist and anti- subsequent president), Walter and Wood, all Semitic innuendo. Self-respecting members of them, were what they were: men who of Congress tried to steer clear of it. invented when necessary, maligned even In 1947, Trum an ordered a loyalty check of when it wasn't necessary. "I do not think all public servants, and his Attorney they believed much, if anything, of what General slapped together a list of all "SCOUNDREL TIME 39 organisations he deemed undemocratic. whatever questions it puts to them. Now the hunt was on for communists and Although this procedure has no juridical radical democrats. character, it differs little, in its methods and effects upon the individual, from a proper They seemed to be everywhere — even in court of law. Hollywood. The committee charged with the task of testing the ideological purity of However, under the provisions of the Fifth cultural workers, found no difficulty in Amendment (to the U.S. constitution), detecting "communist propaganda" in the citizens have the right to refuse an answer to movies. There was, for example, Song of a question if, by answering it, they would Russia, a film depicting smiling Russians. incriminate themselves. Those who made And an "expert" declared that it was one of use of the constitutional right before HUAC the basic communist propaganda tricks to were immediately branded as "Fifth show smiling Russians. The next thing was Amendment Communists". Those who did that scores of Hollywood actors were not take recourse to this law and yet refused dragged before the committee. Lillian to point a finger at friends and Heilman recalls how some of them met the acquaintances — as did the "Hollywood test: Ten" — were taken to court for "Gary Cooper was asked, in a most "contempt of Congress" and given jail deferential and friendly manner, if he had sentences. read much Communist propaganda in the But even accepting the shelter of the Fifth scripts submitted to him. Cooper, as a man Amendment had its tricky aspects. Thus, for who had not been called upon ever to speak example, one couldn't refuse an answer to very much, thought that one over and said the question whether one knew President no, he didn't think he had, but then he Roosevelt, as there was nothing self- mostly read at night. There were to be incriminatory in that. But if asked whether shudders as well as laughter when Charles one knew Charlie Chaplin or Dashiell Laughton, who had been a close friend of Hammett, one had to refuse an answer. The Bertolt Brecht, received a cable from the committee was thus able to point the finger East German government inviting him to at individuals and cast a slur upon them on attend his old friend's memorial service. Mr. the basis of nothing more than a vague Laughton immediately phoned J. Edgar suspicion. Hoover (the director of the F.B.I.) to say th at he had received the wire, but after all that it Lillian Heilman had no intention of wasn't his fault and shouldn't be counted becoming either stigmatised as a "Fifth against him." Amendment Communist" or of giving information about her friends. Her lawyer, In mid-1952 the McCarthyist hysteria too, agreed it was time somebody took a would reach its peak. On February 21, the moral stand vis-a-vis the committee. Thus bell was rung at Lillian Heilman's door: "An she wrote. over-respectable-looking Black man, a Sunday deacon, in a suit that was so correct- "I am ready and willing to testify before incorrect that it could be worn only by the representatives of our Government as to somebody who didn't want to be noticed, my own opinions and my own actions, stood in the elevator, his hat politely regardless of any risks or consequences to removed. "He asked me if I was Lillian myself.... But to hurt innocent people whom Heilman. I agreed to that and asked who he I knew many years ago in order to save was. He handed me an envelope and said he myself is, to me, inhuman and indecent and was there to serve a subpoena from the dishonorable. I cannot and will not cut my House Un-American Activities Committee. I conscience to fit this year's fashion .... I was opened the envelope and read the subpoena. raised in an old-fashioned American 1 said, 'Sm art to choose a Black m an for this tradition and there were certain homely job. You like it?' and slammed the door." things that were taught to me: to try to tell the truth, not to bear false witness, notT® The HUAC was dangerous: harm my neighbour, to be loyal to my under American law, any congressional country, and so o n .... It is my belief th a t you committee has the right to call citizens will agree with these simple rules of human before it and demand that they answer decency and will not expect me to violate the 40 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW No. 76 good American tradition from which they the question. The 'must' in that sentence spring .... annoyed Mr. Wood — it was to annoy him I am prepared to waive the privilege again and again — and he corrected me:' You against self-incrimination and to tell you might refuse to answer, the question is anything you wish to know about my views asked, do you refuse?' But in the middle of or actions if your Committee will agree to one of the questions about my past, refrain from asking me to name other people. something so remarkable happened that I If the Committee is unwilling to give me this am to this day convinced that the unknown assurance, I will be forced to plead the gentleman who spoke had a great deal to do privilege of the Fifth Amendment at the with the rest of my life. hearing." A voice from the press gallery had been for Naturally, the committee refused her at least three or four minutes louder than the request (or offer) and she was obliged to other voices. (By this time, I think, the press appear at a hearing on May 21, 1952. "The had finished reading my letter to the opening questions", writes Heilman, "were Committee and were discussing it.) .... standard: what was my name, where was I Suddenly a clear voice said, 'Thank God born, what was my occupation, what were somebody finally had the guts to do it.' .... the titles of my plays. It didn't take long to Wood rapped his gavel and said angrily, ‘If get to what really interested them: my time th at occurs again, I will clear the press from in Hollywood, which studios I had worked these chambers’. ‘You do that, sir,’ said the for, what periods of what years, with some same voice. mysterious emphasis on 1937. (My time in Spain, I thought, but I was wrong.) Had I Shortly afterwards the hearing was over. met a writer called Martin Berkeley?" HUAC had suffered its first major defeat, even if, strictly speaking, Heilman's This Martin Berkeley, whom she never defiance of the committee was based on even knew, had claimed that in his home the relatively narrow political grounds and Hollywood chapter of the C.P.U.S.A. had succeeded by working its way around one of been formed — and that Lillian Heilman the more dubious legal propositions in the was one of the foundation members. committee's methodology. Heilman: "When this nonsense was The HUAC hearings pursued three aims: finished, Mr. Tavenner (one of the to elicit names; to achieve defamation of inquisitors) asked me if it was true. I said individuals as "Fifth Amendment that I wanted to refer to the letter I had sent, I Communists" or to set in train legal would like the Committee to reconsider my procedures against them. Heilman wasn't offer in the letter .... Mr Wood (the chairm an) going to name names; she had offered to said that in order to clarify the record Mr. speak freely about herself, and could thus Tavenner should put into the record the not be defamed; and legal procedures correspondence between me and the couldn't be taken against her because she Committee. Mr. Tavenner did just that, and had been forced into taking the Fifth when he had finished Rauh (Heilman's Amendment. counsel) sprang to his feet, picked up a stack Lillian Heilman had escaped the of mimeographed copies of my letter, and McCarthyist inquisition — but not handed them out to the press section. I was unscathed. Life for her had changed. Many puzzled by this — I hadn't noticed he had the people avoided contact with her and, worse copies — but I did notice that Rauh was still, she was black-listed in Hollywood looking happy. which meant that she could not get Mr. Tavenner was upset .... Then (he) employment there. A British producer asked me if I had attended the meeting eventually offered her a job — at a fifth the described by Berkeley, and one of the salary she had earned in Hollywood. But in hardest things I ever did in my life was to order to travel to Britain she needed a swallow the words, 'I don't know him, and a passport and had to fight hard and long to little investigation into the time and place get it, because as a rule "unfriendly" would have proved to you that I could not witnesses were refused passports. Civic have been at the meeting he talks about.' rights and political liberty had been severely Instead I said that I must refuse to answer curtailed. SCOUNDREL TIME" 41

In spring 1954 the M cCarthy era officially ism as essentially deeply immoral and came to an end. The popular mood had judged its protagonists on moral grounds. swung against the witch-hunts. In Unlike Hammett, who converted his addition, the Senator from Wisconsin, in his righteous indignation into a party-political tireless struggle against world communism, affiliation, Heilman internalised the had picked on an adversary that was several problem: "My belief in liberalism was mostly times too large for him: the U.S. army. gone. I think I have substituted for Before he could even begin his hearings on it something private called, for want of the alleged communist infiltration of the something that should be more accurate, army, McCarthy himself was called before decency .... It is painful for a nature that can an investigative committee and charged no longer accept liberalism not to be able to with inciting government employees to accept radicalism." commit illegal actions. The Senate censured The judgment appears accurate not only him on two points, a rare occurrence. His about Heilman as an indivdual, but as a political career was over. But McCarthyism comment on one sector of the urbane, was neither dead nor discredited, and many "civilised" intelligentsia. There are obvious of McCarthy's co-workers (Richard Nixon as political shortcomings in a "resistance" to a prime example) continued to have political state persecution of the individual that careers in spite of it. limits itself to an assertion of human The prevailing liberal view of decency. Nevertheless, the political McCarthyism (and Viet Nam, and significance of what she did cannot be Watergate ....) seems to be that the American measured solely by its relatively narrow political system is basically sound and, legal definition. Hers was a challenge to all given time, will rid itself of most of its the sanctimonious "Cold War liberals" and political cankers. Lillian Heilman disagrees: ex-radicals who rationalised their way into "We were not shocked at the damage becoming informers, using anti-communism McCarthy had done, or the ruin he brought as a justification to protect fortune and on many people .... There were many broken career. lives along the path the boys had bulldozed, but not so many that people needed to feel Her bitterest words Lillian Heilman has guilty if they turned their backs fast enough kept for America's intellectuals, anti­ and told each other, as we were to do again communist or no: "I am still angry that their after Watergate, that American justice will reason for disagreeing with McCarthy was always prevail no matter how careless it too often his crude methods — the standards seems to critical outsiders. It is not true that of the board of governors of a country club.... when the bell tolls it tolls for thee: They went to too many respectable conferences that turned out not to be under "It was no accident that Mr. Nixon respectable auspices, contributed to and brought with him a group of high-powered published too many C.I.A. magazines .... operators who made Cohn and Schine (two None of them, as far as I know, has yet found of McCarthy's side-kicks) look like cute little it a part of conscience to admit that their rascals from grammar school. The names Cold War anti-communism was perverted, and faces had been changed; the stakes were possibly against their wishes, into the higher, because the prize was the White Vietnam War and then into the reign of House. And a year after a presidential Nixon, their unwanted but inevitable leader scandal of a magnitude still unknown, we .... None of them, as far as I know, has have almost forgotten them, too. We are a stepped forward to admit a mistake." people who do not want to keep much of the past in our heads. It is considered unhealthy in America to remember mistakes, neurotic to think about them, psychotic to dwell upon (The book is called Scoundrel Time, by them." Lillian Heilman. Quartet Books, 1978, pp. 172. $4.30 in N.Z. Yet some, like Heilman, could not simply forget. The wounds inflicted by The author of this article says: "I thought McCarthyism were deep, and when they had if the National Times starts printing healed what hurt were the scars. Like Lillian Heilman's cooking recipes, it's time Hammett, Heilman considered McCarthy­ to remember where the woman's really at.")