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Michelle Gang ENG 160 Korean and Repression Shamanism or Muism has strong cultural ties to . It has a history of repression after the conversion to a Confucian state. Various movements made within the century and the Japanese occupation dramatically changed he ’s public opinion. Many aspects of shamanism have fused into Korean . However, it is still seen as a combative religion to Christianity, despite it becoming an integral part of it and cultural significance. Many efforts are being made to obliterate parts of it from Christianity due to its negative influence. Also, recent events with the president. However, it should be established that shamans are not charlatans or fortunetellers. They are a cultural icon that should be protected, especially since so many things were lost culturally over the century. Since Korea, as a country, has transformed dramatically within the last century. Muism has transformed with its country over an extremely turbulent century and has suffered for it. Muism is the oldest religion documented within Korea. However, its actual origins are difficult to pinpoint. This difficulty is primarily tied into Muism’s complexity as a religion. While there are central ideas shared between areas, Muism developed into branches of various indigenous . American during the Korean independence, Hulbert describes Muism as a mosaic of religious beliefs in which “there is a jumble of the whole; that there is no antagonism between the different cults. (Ro 761)” In other words, and its specific beliefs are somewhat dependent on the region. Musim never historically solidified into a centralized religion like or Christianity. Despite the amalgamation of various individual beliefs, there are commonalties among the areas. For example, from shamanism comes the traditional creation myth of Korea. Although there are many branches to Muism, central points of have become part of the culture an identity of Korea. Shamanism had a decline when a huge majority of Korea converted to Buddhism. Buddhism came to the country around 328 CE (Mason 150). took partial influence from previous schools of thought and like Muism and . During the Goreyo dynasty, Buddhism experienced a rise in power and influence due to its status as the . Eventually as Buddhism grew, corruption of the state religion grew through false monks and (Ro 760-761). Throughout this period Muism remained on the fringes of intellectual thought. Following the collapse of Buddhism in the political sphere, during dynasty many shamanistic practices were suppressed in favor of the dominating Confucian state and diminished even further. Confucianist intellectuals of the Korean state often dismissed it as a form of irrationality that directly combated Confucian rhetoric. During the end of the Joseon dynasty, the entrance of Protestant Christian soon resulted in a movement to the destroy the old and practices of Muism in 1890’s. This movement is the beginning of contemporary repression of Korean shamanism in a systematic manner. Across the country shamanistic shrines, books, relics, clothing, and archival tablets were destroyed in systematic pyres to be burned (Kendall 4). These shamanistic items and symbols were destroyed because Christian missionaries associated them with false and demons. Although this was a much smaller scale movement, it precedent for the much larger and detrimental movement run by Park Chung-Hee. This 1890’s was accompanied by the Japanese propaganda and forced cultural assimilation. There were two separate methods used by the Japanese to smooth the transition of Korea from a country to a colony. The first method involved governing “with an iron fist” and harsh military policy. Muism, like Taoism, was pushed into mountainous, rural areas and away from cities. This was due to Japanese rhetoric that portrayed the practices as wasteful and should be disconnected from (Hongkoo 208). However, it should be noted that the Japanese repression did not collaborate with the Christian movement of the 1890’s, despite them occurring at the same time. The second method occurred after Japanese officials were forced to realize that harsher forms of assimilation were not compatible with the Korean national identity. Japanese colonists established the Committee of Compiling Korean History, which produced volumes of Korean history that would provide justification for assimilation policies. This new history stressed the parallels between Korean and Japan as evidence a Japan-led culture being present in its origins. These volumes argued that Muism and the worship of Tan’gun was merely a "variety of Japanese Shintoism. (Ch'oe 57)" There are comparable elements between the two religions in that they do not have one true and encompass a spiritual world. However, the concepts surrounding specific spirits and the origins of lore are completely different. Ch’oe’s argument encourages colonist discourse that was used to minimize shamanism as an individual religion and its deep connection to Korean history. The idea that Muism is an offshoot of Shintoism disconnected the religion from its country of origin and weakened its influence in Korea. Although these revisions on history did not have the dramatic effects that the previous method did, it is important to acknowledge that they targeted almost all distinctly cultural elements of Korea. When Park Chung-hee took power, he launched Saemaul Undong (New Community Movement), which contained a program to eliminate shamanism called Misin tapa undong (motion to destroy the gods). Saemaul Undong was a complete movement to industrialize and modernize the rural areas and communities throughout Korea. This was a movement paralleled within many Asian countries at time. was simultaneously undergoing its own Cultural Revolution, where it also suppressed local traditional beliefs. Cha Ok Soong explains that after independence from Japan, Korea experienced “a blind yearning for the rational and scientific thought of the West became a standard by which our traditional religions, including shamanism, were assessed and criticized. (78)” Misin tapa undong was the culmination of the previous motions put forth in 1870. Zelkova serrata trees, traditional known as guardians and protectors of villages, were cut down. Government agents poured gasoline all over the traditional shrines and burned them down. Police arrested practicing shamans (Kendall). The destruction and harassment of so many shamans and symbols were heavily detrimental to Muism. Although Musim, itself, no longer have the centralized support of the population, its influence has reached almost every religious denomination that has entered Korea. Korean Christianity has most famously been fused with the through comparable elements. The concept of a priest has correlated well with a concept of a shaman. Kim describes the shaman’s role in Christianity as the “mediator between gods and human beings helped to easily accept the idea of a Savior who came to this world to intercede between God and human beings. (106)” Kim’s observation not only reveals the parallels between the figures, but also the origin of the fusion. Comparisons between Christianity and Shamanism were made to ease the transition of Christianity into Korea. Some scholars believe the cultural fusion between Christianity and Korean Shamanism has elevated religion in the country and a mutually beneficial relationship between the religions. Professor Kim asserts that “…due to the introduction of Christianity, the multilayered and pluralistic nature of the Korean religious culture, formed by indigenous traditional religions, was capable of extending itself to a cross-cultural and global level by breaking the Eastern provincialism and combining the Western religious cultures. (6)” While it is important to acknowledge elements of more traditional religions have been fused into Korean Christianity, this result was produced through the need to widen Christian influence not that of the indigenous religions. For example, to successfully transition the foreign concept of a singular and supreme God, Korean Christianity adopted Hanunim (The Heavenly Emperor), an absolute figure of Muism (E. Kim 116-7). These elements were primarily used to further the understanding of Christian concepts and convert more Koreans. However, this fusion did not dissuade notions within the church at the time that Musim was incompatible with Christianity and anti-biblical. Even though certain elements were chosen to be preserved, the movement to suppress Muism, as a practicing religion, still occurred. Kim’s assertion fails to recognize that Korean Christianity only accepted Musim partially and did not practice or mutually extend the involved religions’ influence. There has also been the ongoing debate within Korean Christian churches about the connection to shamanism. This has led to conflicting views on Muism’s influence on the church and Christians. There are natural discrepancies between the idea of one, supreme god and financial ideals. Lee rejects shamanistic influence on the church stating “…it interferes with a one and only concept of God. In Christianity, God is immanent through all things and risen above all at the same time. Many people in Korean churches don't have a personal relationship with God, but consider Him as a tool for achieving their desires. This is a shamanistic factor. (51)” Lee’s argument acknowledges the complications religious diffusion brings with incompatible conceptualization. However, the argument also suggests that shamanism is the cause for heretical activity like using as a “tool” for personal gain. Lee’s opinion of shamanism corrupting Christian prayer comes from the belief that “believers in shamanism are merely interested in enjoying every present moment of their lives and sitting around waiting for a stroke of good fortune, instead of planning and preparing for the future by themselves. (Lee 66)” Lee argument falter when considering the actual shamanistic equivalent of prayer. Asking for blessings, still practiced by many modern Koreans, involves restoring the balance in one’s life (Cha Ok Soong). Rituals for blessings involves praying for other’s well-being and fulfilled blessing as well as one’s own. Muism teaches that blessings do not come from nothing or a “stroke of good luck”, they arrive when the person asking is fulfilled. The portrayal of shamanism is still up for debate and remains a delicate situation. The recent step down of South Korean president Park Geun-Hye stirred conversation surrounding spirituality and the public stance on shamanism. Part of the scandal surrounding President Park Geun-hye centered around her long-time friend Choi Sil-il. Her friend’s father was one of the president’s mentors, Choi Tae-min, who has been accused of being a “Korean Rasputin” (Hu). He was previously a police officer before becoming a Buddhist monk and then converting to Catholicism. He went on to form a cult-like Christian called Yeongsegyo, Church of Eternal Life, and claimed that he had visions of Park’s mother soon after her assassination (Choe). His daughter has been revealed to have been influencing many of Park’s speeches, decisions, and even clothing choices. Choi Sil-il, officially charged with abuse of power and fraud, has since escaped to Germany. Choo Mi-ae, chairwoman of the main opposition, asserted that Park “never communicated with the people. She never communicated with the public servants, vice ministers or ministers. She only had her spiritual communication with Choi. (Hu)” As a result of this scandal, the association of Muism with fortunetelling has grown. Many modern shamans have spoken up about the scandal and have publicly denounced Park Geun-hye and the Choi family. Lee Won-bok, leader of Shaman Korea said “We are so angry. She made all of us look like corrupt charlatans, whether Choi Soon-sil is really a shaman or not, she soiled the reputation of genuine, hard-working shamans in this country. We are not like her. (Chung)” Muism has often been associated with fortune-tellers and charlatans, who appropriate some mythology and practice to get some financial gain. The historical rise of these fortune tellers has created misinformation of the actual rituals and values of Muism. Korean shamans are often equated with fortune tellers and palm readers, who are associated with negative intentions and false premonitions. If there is a center for Muism in the world, it is . It is one of the strongest examples of remaining shamanism as its people still perform shrine rituals. As Muism is a regionally dependent religion, Jeju shamanism is very different from main land shamanism. Many of the differences come from its sea-oriented stories and rituals. It involves a of 18,000 , who receive individual, complex stories of their very own (Mizuk). They are often referred to with the Korean words for grandfather and grandmother, indicating a nurturing relationship between man and . Each grandmother and grandfather receive shrines, sometimes grouped together (Rositano). Rituals and dances are performed annually and there are still practicing Haenyo. Haenyo are spiritually guided women, who act as deep-sea drivers. It is believed that because they exist so closely with death, due to their dangerous role, Haenyo are some of the most spiritually connected individuals. Furthermore, Jeju island’s unique brand of shamanism is mostly practiced by the older generation. Rositano explains that

when the old people complain about young people going to hospitals instead of asking the gods to cure them, it’s not that they are opposed to hospitals or development. They think hospitals and development are good. What they are unhappy about is that the world they grew up in is disappearing.

Exposure and development naturally alter the regions they affect. As time progresses, both on Jeju and the mainland, shamanism continues dwindle in the population. Despite Jeju island’s strong example of still practicing shamanism, it too has had problems with maintaining it. In 2013, the Sulsaemit’ Bonhyang Shrine was desecrated six weeks before a Lunar was to be performed. It is the home to grandmother Go and grandfather Kim Younggam (Rositano). Locals believe it to be a Protestant Christian, who came from the mainland. The shrine is one of the most powerful shrines on Jeju island. The surrounding hackberry trees were cute down along with its two shinmok, godly-praised trees. Its concrete base was smashed into pieces. Recently placed offerings of soju, alcohol commonly sued for , were also destroyed. This is not the first account of the Sulsaemit shrine being desecrated. Historically, Jeju island’s pantheon was assaulted by incoming Protestant Christians during 1948-1960, under Seungman’s supervision (Kendall 320). Over 400 shrines were destroyed. In 1948, a Protestant preacher cut down the original shinmok, which had been growing for hundreds of years. This was also the year of the Jeju uprising, where one fifth of the island’s population had either been massacred or killed in combat. The Jeju uprising is famous for the brutal treatment and execution of innocents and civilians by the Korean government. Displaced citizens from these uprisings were the main rebuilders of the Sulsaemit shrine and continued to worship there until its desecration in 2013. Although not as strong as Jeju island, recent revival attempts have been made on the Korean mainland. In 2016, ’s first shamanism museum opened in northwestern . The shrine was founded to appease the spirit of Prince Geumseong, who was executed in 1457 after trying to reinstate King Danjong. In 2008, the Geumseongdang shrine was set to be demolished in a new building project but was reconsidered after being named a key site by the Cultural Heritage Association (Dal-sol). The shrine contains valuable historical artifacts and shamanistic offerings. It is the only remaining shrine on the Korean mainland. The new museum offers on shamanistic practices of Korea, Mongolia, China, and the Himalayans. The Eunpyeong-gu Office released a statement “…we hope this museum can work as a platform for as well as an experience zone for Korea’s traditional culture. (Dal-sol)” The original building project of 2008 has been halted in place of a new project to transform the area into tourist spot. Korean shamanism has received only two forms of preservation in the modern day. Jeju island provides an example of the first, which is the continuation of practicing shamanism. Rositano advocates for maintaining Jeju’s traditions explaining that “once it’s gone, it’s something which can never be revived … if you want to preserve it, it has to be preserved as a living tradition.” Preserving shamanism by passing tradition through the generations remains the optimal solution. Rositano’s stance implies that letting go of practicing tradition marks a shift from something living and growing to something dead. In the long term, however, this solution is not likely to work as most Koreans converted from Muism after Misin tapa undong. Furthermore, only older generations are more likely to practice shamanism and its rituals. The second solution is preserve Muism in memory. Jeju scholars have taken painstaking lengths to record the deities and rituals of Jeju shamanism. The establishment of the Museum of shamanism provides proof that Koreans are still interested in educating themselves with their indigenous roots. Korean shamanism is just one element of traditional, indigenous culture that has undergone a tumultuous history of suppression. Despite South Korea’s status as technologically advanced society, it is still relatively young. Within one lifetime it had transformed from a poor, war torn country to having one of the biggest economies. Such a sudden transformation meant dramatic actions against the pre-existing norms of the 1960’s. As time has passed, people have acknowledged the social significance of Korean Shamanism. It can be found in other religions and even practiced to this day. Museums and cultural institutions have begun to educate the younger generations of the history and practices of Muism. Perhaps, Muism will be able to rise up from years of repression and make a resurgence.

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Ro, Young-chan. “The Journal of Asian Studies.” The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 64, no. 3, 2005, pp. 760–761. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/25075863. Rositano, Joey. "Isn't It Time to Talk About the Desecrated Shrine at Juksung" Paganswere, https://pagansweare.com/2015/01/29/isnt-it-time-to-talk-about-the-desecrated-shrine-at- juksung/. Accessed 11 Nov. 2017.