UK Data Archive Study Number 66036 - Survey of Councillors in Glasgow, 1966
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DENNISTOUN Stop 3 the LADY WELL LIBRARY the Park Opened in 1870 (Category B-Listed) the Lady Well Is on and Was Named After the Library Opened in 1905
Stop 1 ALEXANDRA PARK Stop 2 DENNISTOUN Stop 3 THE LADY WELL LIBRARY The park opened in 1870 (Category B-listed) The Lady Well is on and was named after The Library opened in 1905. It is called a Carnegie the site of an ancient Princess Alexandra. At the Library because it was built using money donated by well that provided entrance is the Andrew Carnegie, a man born in Scotland who water for the people of Cruikshank Fountain. moved to America and became one of the richest Glasgow before it was common to have Look closely at the people who ever lived. He donated money to build running water inside fountain, what kind of over 2000 libraries across the world. The your home. animal do you see on the Dennistoun Library has a special statue which is inside? called the “Dennistoun Angel”. Can you find it? DENNISTOUN Don’t forget to look up! KIDS’ TRAIL Can you draw the well here? Inside the park there is lots to see and do, including ponds, a playground and the beautiful Saracen Fountain which is over 12 metres tall! There are four different statues on the fountain, can you see what they’re holding? Stop 4 BUFFALO BILL Stop 5 WELLPARK BREWERY Stop 6 NECROPOLIS Stop 7 CATHEDRAL (Category A-listed) (Category A-listed) In 1891 Buffalo Bill, One of the most famous and well Wellpark Brewery was first known as the Drygate Glasgow Necropolis Glasgow Cathedral is one of the oldest buildings known figures of the American Old West, brought his Brewery, a brewery is a place where beer is made.It was the first garden in Glasgow and the only mediaeval cathedral in “Wild West Show” to the very spot where his statue is was founded in 1740 by Hugh and Robert Tennent but cemetery in Scotland. -
Food Growing Strategy 2020 - 2025 DRAFT Information Contact Department
LET’S GROW TOGETHER Glasgow Food Growing Strategy 2020 - 2025 DRAFT information contact department... Contents Introduction 1.0 Our Vision • Achieving Our Vision • Strategic Context • National Strategies and policies • Local strategies and policies 2.0 Community Growing Options • Allotments • Community Gardens • Backcourts (and private gardens) • Stalled Spaces • School Grounds (or educational establishments in general) • Social Enterprises • Hospital Grounds • Housing Associations 3.0 What you said – Community Consultation 2015 to 2019 4.0 Increasing space for community growing and allotments • Allotment Sites • Community growing groups and spaces 5.0 How do I get started? • Finding land for growing • Getting permission to use a growing site • Who owns the land and do I need a lease? • Dealing with planning requirements • Getting community support or developing community group • Access to funding • Access to growing advice 6.0 How do I find out about community growing in my area? 7.0 Key Growing Themes / Opportunities Going Forward 8.0 Monitoring and Review 9.0 Next Steps / Action Plan 10.0 Appendices Appendix 1 – Food Growing Strategy Legislation Appendix 2 – Key Policies and Strategies Appendix 3 – Community Growing Matrix Appendix 4a – Food Growing Strategy Consultations Appendix 4b – Food Growing Strategy Appendix 4c – Allotments Consultation Appendix 5 – Help and Resources • Access to Land • Access to Community Support ■ Who can help you get your growing project off the ground ■ How do I set up my group • Access to funding • Funding Advice ■ Funding Guide • Access to Growing Advice ■ I want to grow fruit and vegetables – who can help me? ■ Lets Grow Glasgow Growing Guide Appendix 6 - Thanks Glasgow Food Growing Strategy 2020DRAFT Introduction I am delighted to introduce ..... -
Dr Anne Mullen, Chair, Deep End Group Scotland
SSC/S5/19/BTU/57 SOCIAL SECURTIY COMMITTEE BENEFIT TAKE-UP SUBMISSION FROM: DR ANNE MULLEN, CHAIR, DEEP END GROUP SCOTLAND DEEP END MONEY ADVICE PROJECT BACKGROUND For 2014/15, Glasgow Calton was judged to be the worst affected ward in the UK by welfare reform; an estimated £880 a year per working age adult was to be removed from the local economy, largely due to changes in incapacity benefits1. Since then, the four year benefit freeze has reduced the real-terms value of most working-age benefits, and the two- child limit has denied entitlement to thousands of families. THE PROJECT Since December 2015, the Deep End Money Advice Project has gradually embedded the delivery of money advice in 17 Deep End GP Practices in North East Glasgow. Deep End Practices serve the most socio-economically deprived populations in Scotland. The majority of the Practices in the Project are in the Glasgow Calton ward. GEMAP Scotland Ltd. Money Advisors are embedded in Practices in three GP clusters (Parkhead, Bridgeton and Dennistoun) for half a day per Practice per week. Advisors can access patient medical records (with consent) to assist completion of high quality benefit applications / reviews / appeals thus reducing the risk of vulnerable people spending unnecessary, and potentially stressful, time in the system. Typically, money issues raised by patients in GP Practices are more complex than in other settings2. GOVERNANCE The project is managed by the North East Health Improvement Team (Glasgow HSCP) and overseen by an Advisory Group which includes two GPs and representation from the Scottish Deep End Project, Clyde Gateway, Glasgow Centre for Population Health and GEMAP Scotland Ltd. -
University Microfilms. a XER0K Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
72-11430 BRADEN, James Allen, 1941- THE LIBERALS AS A THIRD PARTY IN BRITISH POLITICS, 1926-1931: A STUDY IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms. A XER0K Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan (^Copyright by James Allen Braden 1971 THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE LIBERALS AS A THIRD PARTY IN BRITISH POLITICS 1926-1931: A STUDY IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By James Allen Braden, B. S., M. A. * + * * The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by ment of History PLEASE NOTE: Some Pages haveIndistinct print. Filmed asreceived. UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS Sir, in Cambria are we born, and gentlemen: Further to boast were neither true nor modest, Unless I add we are honest. Belarius in Cymbeline. Act V, sc. v. PREFACE In 1927 Lloyd George became the recognized leader of the Liberal party with the stated aim of making it over into a viable third party. Time and again he averred that the Liberal mission was to hold the balance— as had Parnell's Irish Nationalists— between the two major parties in Parlia ment. Thus viewed in these terms the Liberal revival of the late 1920's must be accounted a success for at no time did the Liberals expect to supplant the Labour party as the party of the left. The subtitle reads: "A Study in Political Communi cation " because communications theory provided the starting point for this study. But communications theory is not im posed in any arbitrary fashion, for Lloyd George and his fol lowers were obsessed with exploiting modern methods of commu nications. -
The 2011 Scottish Conservative Party Leadership Election
Edinburgh Research Explorer The 2011 Scottish Conservative Party Leadership Election Citation for published version: Convery, A 2014, 'The 2011 Scottish Conservative Party Leadership Election: Dilemmas for Statewide Parties in Regional Contexts', Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 67, no. 2, pp. 306-327. https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss035 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1093/pa/gss035 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Parliamentary Affairs Publisher Rights Statement: This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Parliamentary Affairs following peer review. The version of record 'Convery, A. (2014). The 2011 Scottish Conservative Party Leadership Election: Dilemmas for Statewide Parties in Regional Contexts. Parliamentary Affairs, 67(2), 306- 327.' is available online at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss035 General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 The 2011 Scottish Conservative Party Leadership Election: Dilemmas for Statewide Parties in Regional Contexts Abstract: The 2011 Scottish Conservative leadership election presented the party with two radically different visions for the future. -
Resisting Labour: Unionists, Liberals, and Moderates in Glasgow Between the Wars*
The Historical Journal, 46, 2 (2003), pp. 375–401 f 2003 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X0300298X Printed in the United Kingdom RESISTING LABOUR: UNIONISTS, LIBERALS, AND MODERATES IN GLASGOW BETWEEN THE WARS* JAMES J. SMYTH University of Stirling ABSTRACT. This article examines the co-operation between unionists and liberals in inter-war Glasgow. As with the parliamentary challenge of labour, unionists and liberals were confronted at the local level also. The usual response was some sort of municipal alliance or pact. In Scotland, where unionist support for continuing links with liberals was particularly pronounced, this took the form of specific ‘moderate’ parties created to contest local elections. This strategy was markedly successful in keeping labour out of office. The moderates secured their majority in Glasgow by completely dominating the middle-class wards and winning a number of working-class seats. Moderate success is examined through the essential unity of the middle- class vote, the more limited local franchise, and religious sectarianism. However, it became increasingly difficult for the moderates to satisfy both their middle-class and working-class supporters. The sudden emergence of a militant protestant party in the depths of the depression provided a temporary vehicle of protest, which split the moderate vote and allowed labour in to power in 1933. I In recent years considerable attention has been paid to the fortunes of the Con- servative party in the inter-war period. No longer are historians prepared to, -
Parishes and Congregations: Names No Longer in Use
S E C T I O N 9 A Parishes and Congregations: names no longer in use The following list updates and corrects the ‘Index of Discontinued Parish and Congregational Names’ in the previous online section of the Year Book. As before, it lists the parishes of the Church of Scotland and the congregations of the United Presbyterian Church (and its constituent denominations), the Free Church (1843–1900) and the United Free Church (1900–29) whose names have completely disappeared, largely as a consequence of union. This list is not intended to be ‘a comprehensive guide to readjustment in the Church of Scotland’. Its purpose is to assist those who are trying to identify the present-day successor of a former parish or congregation whose name is now wholly out of use and which can therefore no longer be easily traced. Where the former name has not disappeared completely, and the whereabouts of the former parish or congregation may therefore be easily established by reference to the name of some existing parish, the former name has not been included in this list. Present-day names, in the right-hand column of this list, may be found in the ‘Index of Parishes and Places’ near the end of the book. The following examples will illustrate some of the criteria used to determine whether a name should be included or not: • Where all the former congregations in a town have been united into one, as in the case of Melrose or Selkirk, the names of these former congregations have not been included; but in the case of towns with more than one congregation, such as Galashiels or Hawick, the names of the various constituent congregations are listed. -
Municipal Socialism and Anti-Socialism in Contestation, 1889–1939
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sussex Research Online 'HILQLQJ3URJUHVVLYH3ROLWLFV0XQLFLSDO6RFLDOLVPDQG$QWL6RFLDOLVPLQ&RQWHVWDWLRQ ² (PLO\5RELQVRQ -RXUQDORIWKH+LVWRU\RI,GHDV9ROXPH1XPEHU2FWREHUSS $UWLFOH 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI3HQQV\OYDQLD3UHVV '2, KWWSVGRLRUJMKL )RUDGGLWLRQDOLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKLVDUWLFOH KWWSVPXVHMKXHGXDUWLFOH Access provided by University of Sussex (2 Nov 2016 13:46 GMT) Defining Progressive Politics: Municipal Socialism and Anti-Socialism in Contestation, 1889–1939 Emily Robinson INTRODUCTION Reinhart Koselleck halted his inquiry into the history of the term ‘‘prog- ress’’ in the late nineteenth century, on the grounds that at this point it became ubiquitous; merely ‘‘a political catchword’’ used right across the political spectrum.1 However, this is exactly the moment when a very spe- cific form of ‘‘progressive’’ politics has been seen to emerge, based on a reformulation of liberalism and involving a new conception of the role of the state.2 This has been described as an ‘‘ideological turn’’ which ‘‘changed This article has been a long time in development and has incurred too many debts to list here. The principal ones are to the University of Nottingham for funding the research, to Steven Fielding, Philip Cowley and Michael Freeden for their support during that time, to Peter Mandler who read and commented on a draft, and to the anonymous reviewers, all of whom all engaged with the piece and pushed me to improve it. Previous versions of the paper were given at the Institute for Historical Research and at the European Social Science and History Conference; I benefited greatly from the comments and suggestions made by the audiences there. -
1978 11 Districtcouncilelections.Pdf
"" 11 THE DISTRICT COUNCIL ELECTIONS OF MAY 1977 J. M. BOCHEL Lecturer in Political Science, University of Dundee. D. T. DENVER Lecturer in Politics, University of Lancaster. In the relatively short tim that has elapsed since the fundamental reform of the structure of local government in Britainl there has been a marked increase in the interest shown in local elections by national politicians, newspapers and tele vision, political commentators, political scientists and, even the voters. This increased interest is, to a large extent, a consequence of the reaction of the major political parties to the new structure. The creation of new authorities frequently involved the com bination of urban with rural areas and this meant that partisan local politics - long the rule in urban local authorities - spread more widely into areas where previously they had been non partisan. This extension of party competition has meant that local elections have taken on the appearance of mini general elections and they have, accordingly, attracted more attention. For the press and the politicians local elections are im portant in two main ways· Firstly, they do determine who is to control the local authorities and, since the latter administer a variety of important services, employ large numbers of people, and raise and spend a great deal of money, this is clearly important, especially if it is thought that a controlling party can significantly affect the policy of a local authority. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly for national politicians, local election results are now widely employed as indicators of the current popularity of the national parties amongst the electorate. -
Women Candidates and Councillors in Scottish Local Government, 1974-2012
Women Candidates and Councillors in Scottish Local Government, 1974-2012 Abstract While significant attention has been paid to the levels of representation of women in both the Westminster Parliament and the Scottish Parliament, much less considered has been given to the position within local government. This article addresses that deficit for Scotland. It shows that for twenty-five years following the reorganisation of local government in Scotland in 1974 there was a slow but relatively steady increase in the numbers of female candidates and councillors, although more recently this appears to have since plateaued somewhat, together with a similar increase in the number of women councillors taking up more senior roles in Scotland’s councils. The article analyses the representation of women in Scottish local government over the period from 1974 to 2012 against the backdrop of significant change in Scotland, including a further restructuring of local government and the introduction of the Single Transferable Vote for council elections, the creation of the Scottish Parliament, the rise of the SNP and the decline of the Conservative Party. Keywords: women, local government, Scotland, representation Over the past forty years or so there have been strong arguments made for greater descriptive representation in elected political institutions. The groups that most commonly feature in such claims are women and ethnic minorities, although women have arguably been the group which have seen the greatest level of attention and of institutional change. The arguments underpinning these ideas are wide ranging, but frequently draw upon notions including legitimacy (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler, 2005), justice (Phillips, 2005), democracy and participation (Electoral Commission, 2004), links with substantive representation (Celis and Childs, 2008), and better policy making (Bochel and Evans, 2007). -
The Progressive Alliance: Why Labour Needs It Jeremy Gilbert
The Progressive Alliance: Why Labour Needs It Jeremy Gilbert A publication by Compass Published March 2017 by Compass By Jeremy Gilbert © Compass All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievable system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Compass . Compass 11-12 The Oval Bethnal Green London E2 9DT Compass is a home for those who want to build and be a part of a Good Society; one where equality, sustainability and democracy are not mere aspirations, but a living reality. We are founded on the belief that no single issue, organisation or political party can make a Good Society a reality by themselves so we have to work together to make it happen. Compass is a place where people come together to create the visions, alliances and actions to be the change we wish to see in the world. CONTENTS 4 About the author 5 Labour’s Reality 8 The Progressive Alliance Proposal 10 What Have the Liberal Democrats Ever Done For Us? 11 But..The Coalition!… 13 The Politics of Class 14 What is Labour For? 15 But the Liberals Don’t Like Us… 16 But there isn’t a Natural anti-Tory Alliance… 18 What about the Greens? 20 And What About the Nationalists? 21 If Not Us, Who? If Not Now, When? 3 The Progressive Alliance: Why Labour Needs It ABOUT THE AUTHOR ABOUT THIS PROJECT Jeremy Gilbert is Professor of Cultural and The progressive alliance, or indeed alliances, is Political Theory at the University of East London based on a series of local and national agreements and a member of the Compass Management to cooperate to secure the most progressive Committee. -
Glasgow, Dennistoun Branch Review Our Branch at Glasgow, Dennistoun Is Closing on 10 February 2021
Glasgow, Dennistoun Branch Review Our branch at Glasgow, Dennistoun is closing on 10 February 2021. What you need to know We’ve looked carefully at our Glasgow, Dennistoun branch at 424 Duke Street, Dennistoun, Glasgow, G31 1PX and how it is used, and we’ve taken the decision to close it. The way customers bank with us is rapidly evolving with the vast majority of everyday transactions now being done digitally. Over 2.1 million of our customers now choose to bank online, and over 1.3 million use our Mobile Banking App. Even prior to COVID-19 customers were choosing other ways to bank with us, with 50% using services at our cash machines, and 20% using a Post Office®. Over 190,000 customers have been supported through our new online chat service, helping them with queries and other services. 67% of all our customers are now using mobile, online or telephone banking, and at this branch 87% of our personal and 88% of our business customers, now choose to use another branch or channel instead. We need to make sure our branches meet the current and future needs of our customers, and TSB remains committed to face to face services in branch through a network that covers the whole country. In Glasgow City we will still have 7 branches serving 167,065 customers. This Branch Review explains how we can support you through the changes and the alternative services you can use. What does this change mean for you There are a number of other branches you can visit, including Glasgow, St.