Brexit: Where Do We Go from Here? February 2020
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It Could Get Much Worse Once Brexit Is Done!
It could get much worse once Brexit is done! By Dr. Steven McCabe, Associate Professor, Institute of Design and Economic Acceleration (IDEA) and Senior Fellow, Centre for Brexit Studies, Birmingham City University The current general election may be about Brexit. However, it is probably one of the most important since the second world war. It will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the way in which British society develops over not just the period until the next national vote, whenever that may be (depending on whether there is a majority for any party), but future generations. In any ‘normal’ general election, we’d be assumed to be voting on the basis of the range of promises made in the manifestos of political parties standing. Though each of the parties have floated a number of commitments, the one big question that still dominates debate is what approach they will take to the way in which the United Kingdom (UK) will, or will not, leave the European Union (EU). Assuming the opinion polls are correct, always dangerous, we cannot expect Jo Swinson’s LibDem Party to win enough seats to form a government. Accordingly, the notion that after 12th December the revocation of Article 50 which, following a majority vote by Parliament in March 2017, triggered the process for the UK’s departure from the EU, should be seen as utterly bizarre. Though surprises do happen, this would be off the scale of what is credible. Opinion polls suggest that Labour will probably not win a majority. Though, of course, the polls were wrong in the last election in 2017, Labour winning sufficient seats to form a majority government seems a stretch for the imagination. -
Attitudes to Infrastructure in Brexit Britain
Attitudes to infrastructure in Brexit Britain What do leave voters want from the government’s infrastructure revolution? Foreword The UK is going through a moment of change. But this leaves a number of questions: The election result indicated an ushering in of a new era. Austerity is making way for a post-Brexit • How is government going to use country where nations, regions, constituencies infrastructure to show that Brexit can make a and voters outside London and the South East real difference to people’s lives? play a greater role in political discourse. • What kind of infrastructure do people At no point in a generation have communities who voted to leave want? The vote across the UK played such a central role in leave demographic is one of the biggest government direction. constituencies and holds enormous power in the UK, having dominated the last election. The 2019 election debate was dominated by What does this group really want? Brexit and infrastructure, and how transformative forces can deliver change in seemingly forgotten • How is infrastructure going to address their parts of the UK. concerns and how should the industry build support amongst this demographic? People who voted to leave the EU in 2016 did so partly because of frustration with Europe, but also • What does the confluence of Brexit and in response to the sense that communities have infrastructure tell us about the UK in the been left behind. 2020s? Government now wants to take action and the In this report, we set out to consider these public is expecting to see results. -
Feasibility Study for the Resettlement of the British Indian Ocean Territory
Feasibility Study for the Resettlement of the British Indian Ocean Territory Draft Report 13th November 2014 CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 4 1.1 The British Indian Ocean Territory 4 1.2 Aims and overview of this study 5 1.3 Structure of this draft report 6 2 STUDY APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY 7 2.1 Guiding principles 7 2.2 Analytical framework 8 2.3 Key phases of activity 11 3 KEY ACTIVITIES AND RESETTLEMENT OPTIONS 13 3.1 Field visit to the British Indian Ocean Territory 13 3.2 Consultations and survey results 15 3.3 Overview of resettlement options 18 4 LEGAL AND POLITICAL ANALYSIS 20 4.1 Introduction and overview 20 4.2 Constitutional and governance framework 22 4.3 Treaty arrangements between the US and the UK 31 4.4 Environmental protection laws and conventions 32 4.5 Conclusions and implications for resettlement 35 5 ENVIRONMENTAL ANALYSIS 38 5.1 Introduction and overview 38 5.2 Assessment of key environmental issues 38 5.3 Evaluation of potential resettlement locations 48 5.4 Summary environmental comparison of resettlement options 55 6 INFRASTRUCTURE ANALYSIS 58 6.1 Introduction and overview 58 6.2 Assessment of key infrastructure issues 59 6.3 Summary of implications for resettlement 66 7 ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL ANALYSIS 68 7.1 Introduction and overview 68 7.2 Data sources 68 7.3 Indicative cost estimates 68 8 COMPARISON OF RESETTLEMENT OPTIONS 74 8.1 Choice of resettlement location 74 8.2 Environmental considerations 76 8.3 Comparative costs of resettlement options 79 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS BIOT British Indian Ocean -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
On Parliamentary Representation)
House of Commons Speaker's Conference (on Parliamentary Representation) Session 2008–09 Volume II Written evidence Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 21 April 2009 HC 167 -II Published on 27 May 2009 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 Speaker’s Conference (on Parliamentary Representation) The Conference secretariat will be able to make individual submissions available in large print or Braille on request. The Conference secretariat can be contacted on 020 7219 0654 or [email protected] On 12 November 2008 the House of Commons agreed to establish a new committee, to be chaired by the Speaker, Rt. Hon. Michael Martin MP and known as the Speaker's Conference. The Conference has been asked to: "Consider, and make recommendations for rectifying, the disparity between the representation of women, ethnic minorities and disabled people in the House of Commons and their representation in the UK population at large". It may also agree to consider other associated matters. The Speaker's Conference has until the end of the Parliament to conduct its inquiries. Current membership Miss Anne Begg MP (Labour, Aberdeen South) (Vice-Chairman) Ms Diane Abbott MP (Labour, Hackney North & Stoke Newington) John Bercow MP (Conservative, Buckingham) Mr David Blunkett MP (Labour, Sheffield, Brightside) Angela Browning MP (Conservative, Tiverton & Honiton) Mr Ronnie Campbell MP (Labour, Blyth Valley) Mrs Ann Cryer MP (Labour, Keighley) Mr Parmjit Dhanda MP (Labour, Gloucester) Andrew George MP (Liberal Democrat, St Ives) Miss Julie Kirkbride MP (Conservative, Bromsgrove) Dr William McCrea MP (Democratic Unionist, South Antrim) David Maclean MP (Conservative, Penrith & The Border) Fiona Mactaggart MP (Labour, Slough) Mr Khalid Mahmood MP (Labour, Birmingham Perry Barr) Anne Main MP (Conservative, St Albans) Jo Swinson MP (Liberal Democrat, East Dunbartonshire) Mrs Betty Williams MP (Labour, Conwy) Publications The Reports and evidence of the Conference are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. -
Alastair Campbell
Alastair Campbell Adviser, People’s Vote campaign 2017 – 2019 Downing Street Director of Communications 2000 – 2003 Number 10 Press Secretary 1997– 2000 5 March 2021 This interview may contain some language that readers may find offensive. New Labour and the European Union UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): Going back to New Labour, when did immigration first start to impinge in your mind as a potential problem when it came to public opinion? Alastair Campbell (AC): I think it has always been an issue. At the first election in 1997, we actually did do stuff on immigration. But I can remember Margaret McDonagh, who was a pretty big fish in the Labour Party then, raising it often. She is one of those people who does not just do politics in theory, in an office, but who lives policy. She is out on the ground every weekend, she is knocking on doors, she is talking to people. I remember her taking me aside once and saying, ‘Listen, this immigration thing is getting bigger and bigger. It is a real problem’. That would have been somewhere between election one (1997) and election two (2001), I would say. Politics and government are often about very difficult competing pressures. So, on the one hand, we were trying to show business that we were serious about business and that we could be trusted on the economy. One of the messages that business was giving us the whole time was that Page 1/31 there were labour shortages, skill shortages, and we were going to need more immigrants to come in and do the job. -
1 Mr Speaker's Speech to the Hansard Society, the Attlee Suite, June 9, 2010. Reform in a New Parliament
MR SPEAKER'S SPEECH TO THE HANSARD SOCIETY, THE ATTLEE SUITE, JUNE 9, 2010. REFORM IN A NEW PARLIAMENT – REVIVING THE CHAMBER Peter. Thank you for those kind words of introduction. There is much about the political circumstances in which we find ourselves that has changed but, perhaps mercifully, there is also some continuity. Peter, you continue to be the both the Chairman of the Hansard Society and among the most outstanding analysts of Whitehall and Westminster, while the Hansard Society continues to have the kindness, some might argue the sheer masochism, to host my speeches. It was a pleasure and privilege to offer two setpiece lectures to this distinguished forum last year and it is an honour to have the chance to set out further thoughts today. This is, manifestly, a very new political era, one which has witnessed far more radical change than I suspect any of us thought would take place when the old Parliament was dissolved on April 12th, a date that now seems almost a lifetime ago. The most dramatic example of this novelty is, of course, the creation of the first peacetime coalition since the 1930s with all the innovations which this requires in the way that both the executive and the legislature work. But that should not overshadow the considerable change which has occurred in the composition of the House of Commons itself. We have some 227 new MPs and 5 members who have re-entered the House. This is a slightly smaller intake than that of 1997 but still more than a third of the whole House, a figure which represents a massive turnover. -
Financial Report 2019
Financial Report 2019 The Corporation of the City of London This document is available in alternate formats upon request. For more information about obtaining an alternate format, please contact [email protected] london.ca THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF LONDON Consolidated Financial Report Year ended December 31, 2019 Page Contents 2019 City of London at a Glance 5 Message from the City Treasurer 7 Financial Reporting 9 External Audit 9 Accounting and Financial Reporting Requirements 9 Consolidated Financial Statements Overview 9 Consolidated Statement of Financial Position 10 Consolidated Statement of Operations and Accumulated Surplus 10 Consolidated Statement of Net Financial Assets 11 Budgetary Process 12 Financial Management 13 Capital Financing Policies 13 Investment Policy 13 Property Taxation Policy 13 Future Tax Policy 14 Credit Rating provided by Moody’s Investors Services 15 Economic Overview 16 Employment Perspective 17 Investment Outlook 19 Local Outlook 20 Rebound for construction in 2020 23 2019 Financial Results 26 Financial Results Summary 26 Net Financial Assets 26 Total Revenues 26 Revenue Budget Variance 26 Total Expenses 27 Expense Budget Variance 27 Financing Sources for Municipal Operations 28 Property Tax Rates and Assessment Growth 28 Capital Additions and Disposals 30 Annual Surplus and Accumulated Surplus 30 Analysis of Debenture Issuance and Net Long-term Debt ($000’s) 31 Future Balances on Existing Debt and Long-term Liabilities 33 Reserves and Reserve Funds 34 Five Year Review and General Statistics -
Northern Ireland and the EU Referendum
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 HC 48 House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 May 2016 HC 48 Published on 26 May 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Northern Ireland Office (but excluding individual cases and advice given by the Crown Solicitor); and other matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (but excluding the expenditure, administration and policy of the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Northern Ireland and the drafting of legislation by the Office of the Legislative Counsel). Current membership Mr Laurence Robertson MP (Conservative, Tewkesbury) (Chair) Tom Blenkinsop MP (Labour, Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) Oliver Colvile MP (Conservative, Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport) Mr Nigel Evans MP (Conservative, Ribble Valley) Mr Stephen Hepburn MP (Labour, Jarrow) Lady Hermon MP (Independent, North Down) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Danny Kinahan MP (Ulster Unionist Party, South Antrim) Jack Lopresti MP (Conservative, Filton and Bradley Stoke) Dr Alasdair McDonnell MP (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South) Nigel Mills MP (Conservative, Amber Valley) Ian Paisley MP (Democratic Unionist Party, North Antrim) Gavin Robinson MP (Democratic Unionist Party, Belfast East) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No. -
ENG304 the Rise of the Novel
Easier Said than Done: The Brexit Saga from the Perspective of Northern Ireland Jan Jędrzejewski University of Ulster Lille, 23 January 2020 Britain in the EU: a brief timeline • 1973 – Britain joins the EEC during the premiership of the Conservative PM Edward Heath • 1975 – a referendum organised by Harold Wilson’s Labour government confirms Britain’s membership • 1985 – the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher ratifies the Single European Act • 1992 – the Conservative government of John Major ratifies the Maastricht Treaty Euroscepticism in Britain • early Labour opposition to joining the EEC • 1983 – Michael Foot’s Labour electoral campaign including a pledge to leave • increasing scepticism towards political unification in the Conservative Party • 1991 – the UK Independence Party founded by Alan Sked • 1994 – the Referendum Party founded by Sir James Goldsmith • 2010s – increasing support for UKIP under the leadership of Nigel Farage (from 2006) In the run-up to the referendum • increasingly strong presence of the Eurosceptic lobby within the Conservative party from the late 1980s onwards • pro-European Conservative PM David Cameron under increasing pressure from within the party, and from UKIP, to promise a referendum on Europe in his 2015 electoral campaign • Cameron’s 2015 victory and subsequent renegotiation of terms of Britain’s membership • date for the referendum set for 23 June 2016 23 June 2016 referendum campaign (1) • formal party support for Remain: Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, Scottish Nationalists, Plaid -
By Professor Paul Webb (Sussex University) Who Addresses the Issue of Disaffection with Party Politics in Democratic Systems
democracy and p olitical parties bbyy PProrofessofessorr PPaaulul Webb With commentaries by John Healey MP, Geoff Mulgan and Baroness Shephard Democracy Series Editorial Board: Alex Brazier, Director, Parliament and Government Programme, Hansard Society Kate Jenkins, Vice Chair, Hansard Society Peter Riddell, The Times and Hansard Society Council Publications in the Democracy Series: Democracy and Islam Democracy and Voting Democracy and Capitalism Published by Hansard Society, 40-43 Chancery Lane, London WC2A 1JA. Tel: 020 7438 1222. Fax: 020 7438 1229. Email: [email protected] © Hansard Society 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the Hansard Society. The Hansard Society is an independent, non-partisan educational charity, which exists to promote effective parliamentary democracy. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. The Hansard Society and the DCA are neither for nor against. They are, however, happy to publish these views and to invite analysis and discussion of them. For further information on Hansard Society publications, visit our website at www.hansardsociety.org.uk ISBN: 978 0 900432 68 3 Design, print and production by Premier Corporate Mail Limited Cover design by Ross Ferguson Sub-editing by Virginia Gibbons The Democracy Series Democracy and Political Parties Contents Page No. Preface 2 Biographies 3 Political Parties and Democratic Disconnect: A Call for Research 5 Professor Paul Webb The challenge is to meld representation and participation 26 Geoff Mulgan The evidence is on the doorstep 29 Baroness Shephard Research is helpful – but action is essential 32 John Healey MP 1 Democracy and Political Parties The Democracy Series Preface Alex Brazier Editor, Democracy Series Political parties were, by far, the most dominant method of political organisation in 20th century Britain and they remain central to the functioning of the democratic system. -
Brexit: What Are the Lessons?
Brexit: What are the lessons? Frank Vibert* London School of Economics The political setting In June 2016 the electorate in the United Kingdom voted in favour of leaving the EU where the UK had been a member since 1973.Turnout was high (over 70%) but the margin was small (52% for leave and 48% for remain). The vote in favour of leaving ushered in a period of great instability in British politics, unprecedented since the end of the Second World War. It lasted until December 2019 when the Conservative party won a general election under a new Prime Minister (Boris Johnson) providing it with a decisive parliamentary majority that has enabled it to pass the Withdrawal Agreement. The UK is now no longer a member of the EU. During this same period, the EU itself has been under strain for reasons in addition to the UK’s exit. There has been a lack of agreement on the appropriate fiscal policy stance across countries belonging to the Eurozone. The construction of a more resilient single currency is seen as “unfinished businesses”. In addition, a number of member * Associate researcher at the Center for Risk Analysis and Regulation (carr) at the London School of Economics. Member of the Foundation for Law, Justice and Society at Wolfson College. Oxford. The author is grateful to professor Thierry Madies, University of Fribourg, for comments on an early draft, Temas de coyuntura and to John Madeley, Research Associate, Dept. of Government, London School of Economics. 705 states in Eastern Europe are seen to be in breach of the 1993 Copenhagen criteria relating to the requirement for member states to adhere to demo- cratic values, human rights and the rule of law.