Engaging the Expanded Nigrescence Theory with a Diasporic Consciousness Patrick S De Walt
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De Walt SpringerPlus 2013, 2:233 http://www.springerplus.com/content/2/1/233 a SpringerOpen Journal RESEARCH Open Access Discourse on African American/Black Identity: engaging the expanded nigrescence theory with a diasporic consciousness Patrick S De Walt Abstract This manuscript theoretically explores the application of a stretched expanded nigrescence theory (NT-E) by making notions of consciousness explicit, thereby building on the research involving first generation U.S.-born Africans (FGAs). In taking this approach, a theoretical framework of a diasporic consciousness emerged an alternative for exploring the identity development of Africana people. To facilitate this process, a shift from conceiving identity along the lines of race and ethnicity was begun towards a conception that is solely culturally based on eight identified factors. The process Africana people have used to self-identify in- mind, De Walt (2009), proposes that the NT-E as dividually and collectively has gone through much iteration. currently formulated does not account for the identity Cross (1971, 1991, 1995; Vandiver et al. 2002) is, perhaps, development of several groups of Africana people such as one of the most widely known and researched of these first generation U.S. born Africans (FGAs). This position iterations. Cross’s (1971) original formulation (NT-O), regarding FGAs’ self-perceptions of their identities relates revised version (NT-R) (Cross 1991) and the subsequently to notions of Blackness that are fundamental to the theory expanded nigrescence theory (NT-E) (Cross and Vandiver itself. 2001) suggest that Black identity development results from It should be argued that what “Blackness” traditionally a progression through levels of racial consciousness and means, within the conception of NT-E, is situated in the identification demonstrated in response to political aware- discourse around black identity as experienced and ness and/or forms of oppression. Cross, Grant, and enacted in the U.S. context which translates from the Ventuneac (2012) suggest that “Nigrescence Theory pre- Black Power period’s clear delineation from prior impo- supposes there is not a single form or type of black identity sitions that promoted senses of inferiority, instead for and that a large sample of black adults reveals a broad purposes of empowerment Ogbar (2004). In taking this rangeofidentityorientations,resulting in a classification fluid conceptualization of “Blackness” into consideration, challenge” (127). from a U.S. perspective, the cultural representation of Furthermore, Cross and Vandiver (2001) identify several “Blackness” as considered within the discourse still has premises regarding Nigrescence theory, within this discus- foundational tenets within it that are situated in the sion, the focus is on two particular areas in which the “Black struggle” as experienced within the U.S. first and authors address:1) “that there is more than one type of foremost as opposed to something that is truly Pan- Black identity, which results in the delineation of a range African. This historically significant factor can be seen in of identity exemplars… [and 2)] that great variability exists the many ways that the Africana globalized struggle has in the way Black people make meaning of and interpret made use of the struggle as it has evolved within the their social sense of self” (380–181). With this “classi- United States. This implicitly creates a cultural discon- fication challenge” and the emphasis on these premises in nection between members of the diaspora when applying U.S. centered frameworks that are based on U.S. Black Correspondence: [email protected] Nationalistic norms as opposed to those that offer a Psychological and Social Foundations, College of Education, University of South Florida, 4202 East Fowler Avenue –EDU105, Tampa, FL 33620-5650, more globalized perspective. For this reason, as it relates USA © 2013 De Walt; licensee Springer. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. De Walt SpringerPlus 2013, 2:233 Page 2 of 10 http://www.springerplus.com/content/2/1/233 to those who are culturally connected yet separated as evidenced through the narratives of FGAs (see De Walt what Du Bois (2003) references in double consciousness 2009) indicating that this framework seems primarily as a “two-ness” that manifests itself culturally. With this based on fundamental facts and periods of U.S. history. in mind, Blackness can be describes in terms of “Black Findings from Worrell et al. (2006) support the position identities” as Rahier (1999) states, “are defined and taken within this paper that the NT-E is not yet fully redefined, imagined and re-imagined, performed and inclusive. performed again within the flux of history and within There is little research exploring identity development specific, changing, spatially determined societal struc- of Africana people who are descendants of those enslaved tures” (xxiv). The intent of this paper is to explore how beyond the current constructs of race and ethnicity within NT-E could be further expanded by illuminating NT-E’s the U.S. The following studies position themselves in ways implicit connections with early and more recent concep- that are linked to race and ethnicity but align more so tions of Africana consciousness, which includes a more with a cultural identity framing. Bailey (2001) and Saucedo inclusive depiction of Blackness or Africanity, as a (2002) sought to reject outright that notion that a Black means of ultimately increasing the inclusiveness of NT-E identity existed universally. Bethea (2006) and Hall and to all Africana peoples. Carter (2006) also found little support for U.S. concep- This article extends the discussion regarding the aug- tions of being “Black” among non-U.S. born African popu- mentation of the NT-E, which began in De Walt (2009) lations. Bailey (2001) identifies the challenges associated as a result of the application of NT-E, to a population of with Black racial identification as well as the rejection of FGAs as opposed to Generational African Americans notions of being “Black” by over 30 Dominican-American (GAA), children of African Americans born in the U.S., high school students between the ages of 16–18. Bailey attending a predominantly white institution (PWI) of (2001) found that Dominican-Americans strategically em- higher education. This paper continues to investigate the braced the identity labels “Spanish/Hispanic/Latino” and features that contribute to the racial identities and atti- rejected “Black” identity as well as absorption into a U.S. tudes of Africana people particularly as related to the racial hierarchy where a large number of Dominicans were concept of Blackness as applied within the theory as excluded from the category of White. In terms of their enacted and perceived in a U.S. context. The discussion identities, this population chose to self-identify in a man- will then turn to Diasporic Consciousness, a theoretical ner that does not fit into the racial dichotomy of Black framework that works with NT-E, and the concepts that and White historically and legally constructed in the U.S. underpin this conception with a focus on culture. regarding race as visible phenotypes (Davis 1993; Harris 1995; Gordon 2000; Mills 1998). This is important to note Racial identity development and consciousness as they personify what many other Africana people within Racial identity development the U.S. contend (De Walt 2009, 2011; Romo 2011) based Racial identity development of Africana people has been on an array of cultural enactments (e.g., language). discussed by a number of researchers (Akbar 1989; Hocoy (1999), who studied racial identity development Cokley 2002; Cross 1971, 1991, 2012; Cross 1978, 2001; in South Africa, offers three important features when Cross and Vandiver 2001; Helms 1990; Nobles 1989; discussing racial identity outside of the U.S. These are: Sutherland 2011; Vandiver et al. 2002; Worrell, Cross the unique importance and salience of race in the coun- and Vandiver 2001). Worrell, Vandiver, Schaefer, Cross try, the greater degree of societal discrimination based and Fhagen-Smith (2006) examined how well the on race, and South Africa’s indigenous African context nigrescence profiles generated by using the Cross Racial and the omnipresent influences of African heritage” Identity Scale (CRIS) would match other identity charac- (131). These three areas are important to acknowledge teristics of an Africana population at a PWI and at a his- when addressing the continental African elements that torically Black college (HBCU). are a part of FGA identity. Although Worrell et al. (2006) support the premise that Discourses on immigrant populations underscore the CRIS takes when engaging NT-E in regard to the significant points that coincide with those of FGAs who referent group orientations (RGOs) of some Africana are themselves children of immigrants. The works of students, this recognition of Blackness is not inclusive of Waters (1994, 1999), Ogbu (1991, 1992), Rumbaut all forms of Africanity within the U.S., particularly those (2002) and others highlight the experiences of Black who are categorized as African American or Black by the immigrant populations who migrate to the U.S. and U.S. Census and higher education. While Blackness,