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THE RELIGIOUS and SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE of CHENREZIG in VAJRĀYANA BUDDHISM – a Study of Select Tibetan Thangkas

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THE RELIGIOUS and SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE of CHENREZIG in VAJRĀYANA BUDDHISM – a Study of Select Tibetan Thangkas SSamaama HHaqaq National Museum Institute, of History of Art, Conservation and Museology, New Delhi THE RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF CHENREZIG IN VAJRĀYANA BUDDHISM – A Study of Select Tibetan Thangkas INTRODUCTION he tradition of thangkas has earned itself the merit of pioneering Tibetan art in the 21st century. The purpose behind the effulgent images Tis not to simply lure worshippers with their exuberant colours and designs; it also follows an intricate system of iconometric and iconologic principles in order to beseech the benefaction of a particular deity. As a result, a thangka is worshipped as a didactic ‘visual aid’ for Tibetan Buddhist reli- gious practices. Tracing the origin of the artistic and socio-cultural practices behind a thangka recreates a texture of Central Asian and Indian influences. The origin of ceremonial banners used all across Central Asia depicts a similar practice and philosophy. Yet, a close affinity can also be traced to the Indian art of paṭa painting, which was still prevalent around the eastern province of India around the Pala period.1) This present paper discusses the tradition of thangka painting as a medium for visualisation and a means to meditate upon the principal deity. The word thangka is a compound of two words – than, which is a flat surface and gka, which means a painting. Thus, a thangka represents a painting on a flat sur- 1) Tucci (1999: 271) “Pata, maṇḍala and painted representation of the lives of the saints, for the use of storytellers and of guides to holy places, are the threefold origin of Tibetan tankas”. 148 Sama Haq face with a ceremonial or religious purpose. The apotropaic formula behind it lies between the practitioner and his painting. Giuseppe Tucci recalls it as mthong grol2) or mental and spiritual liberation (through the sight of the deity) which can also be seen as an ‘intermediary between man and divinity.’3) It is can also be observed that not only does a thangka transform into a visual apparatus but also animates into a spiritual understanding between the deity and the practitioner. The practice based on visualisation orsgrub thabs in Tibetan Buddhism is conducive to the emergence of Tantric Buddhist prac- tices from the 8th century ce, with the coming of Guru Padmasambhava and his tantric teachings from India. To analyse the visual trope of a thangka, the deified representation of Buddha, bodhisattvas and other gods and goddesses alludes to pratibhāsa or appearance as a conscious cognitive principle. As ascribed in texts like Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa, before an image can be constructed, the artist goes through a purification ritual by the recitation/chanting of mantras or prayers in order to enter a meditative cycle until the deity emerges as a physical- psychological manifestation.4) The creation of the worldly or living order of the cosmic balance in the visual form is thus represented or reproduced in the painting ‘as a ritual act.’5) While understanding the nuances of rituals and visualisation through a painted form, this paper will also discuss the sacerdotal aspect of Avalokiteśvara or Chenrezig, the bodhisattva or changchubsempa of com- passion, also venerated as the patron deity of Tibet. He is ‘revered as an embodiment of pure and absolute compassion for all sentient beings and eternal devotion to their liberation from suffering.’6) In Tibetan, the word Chenrezig has an honorific meaning and is the translation of the Sanskrit word Avalokitasvara, wherein avalokita is the one who looks in all directions and svara is the intermittent sound for help intercepted by the bodhisattva. 2) Tucci (1999: 287). 3) Pal (1996: 183). 4) Wallis (2002). Although, this notion is highly debatable in the modern day context of thangka making. The religious and artistic context of recreating a sacred environment has been modified by Tibetan artists in today’s context. The ritualistic paradigm set by monks pre- viously (who were also adept painters) has now been re-established within workshops/ studios by modern day thangka artists worldwide. 5) Bernstorff (2003: 306). 6) Huntington, Bangdel, Thurman (2004: 180). Th e Religious and Social Signifi cance of Chenrezig in Vajrāyana Buddhism 149 Lokesh Chandra has further discussed this development or rather the canoni- cal shift, from ‘Avalokitasvara’ to ‘Avalokiteśvara’ by assessing various Indian and Chinese sources.7) BRIEF HISTORIOGRAPHY Through an exegetical survey of the cult of Avalokiteśvara we find its ear- liest mention in the text Mahāvastu8) (3rd century bce), wherein he is the bodhisattva who is meant to overlook avalokita( ) for the sake of instructing and for the general well-being of the people.9) However, a substantial and more individualistic side of Avalokiteśvara emerged in the Amitāyus Sūtra of the Sukhāvatī Vyūha Sūtra (dated to 100 ce approximately). In the text, Śākyamuni Buddha, while preaching to Ananda, exalts Avalokiteśvara and his bodhisattva-hood. ‘The light of a bodhisattva shines a hundred yojanas. There are two bodhisattvas who are the most dignified; their majestic light shines everywhere in the universe of a thousand million worlds.’ Ananda asked, ‘What are the names of those two bodhisattvas?’ The Buddha replied, ‘One is called Avalokiteśvara and the other, Mahāsthāmaprāpta.’10) In the Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra (dated to 1st–2nd century ce) the twenty-fourth chapter in Sanskrit and twenty-fifth chapter in the Chinese translation, dedicated to the deification of Avalokiteśvara, refer to him as Lokeśvararāja-nayaka (one whose master is Lokeśvararāja or Amitābha Bud- dha) and Samantamukha (looking in every direction).11) ‘This sutra is called the Sutraraja. Those who write it themselves will obtain the heavens of the thirty-three gods and be waited upon by 84,000 apsaras.’ 12) Such is the merit associated for worshipping the sūtra and the bodhisattva. In the Kāraṇḍa Vyūha Sūtra (dated to 4th century ce), Avalokiteśvara is hailed as Arya Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva Mahāsattva as he enters the avīci 7) Chandra (1988: 18–23). In fact, Lokesh Chandra has presented an interesting anal- ogy with the Indian and Chinese terms i.e. Avalokiteśvara and Kuan Shih Yin, which is also enumerated by Anupa Pande. See, Pande (2004). 8) Jones (1949). 9) Pas (1995: 346, notes.10); Bhattacharya (1958: 143). 10) Inagaki (2015: 24). accessed on 22 June 2015 http://www.purelandbuddhism.com/ Infinite_life_sutra.pdf. 11) Vaidya (1960); Kern (1963,1968). 12) Pande (2004: 10). 150 Sama Haq hell. He is also represented on a par with Bodhisattva Samantabhadra and also referred to as an emanation of Adi Buddha or the primordial Buddha.13) One also finds a mention of him subduing the Hindu god, Śiva, establish- ing a hierarchical subordination between the two religious sects in a rather inclusivist approach.14) Just like the thirty-three manifestations of Avalokiteśvara in the Sadd- harma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra, the Sādhanamālā (compiled roughly between 5th–11th century CE) describes fifteen different aspects of Avalokiteśvara in thirty-one sādhanas or prayers.15) The creation of Avalokiteśvara or Chenrezig, through his spiritual father, Amitābha, is later propounded in Mani Kabum, a seminal Tibetan text written by King Songsan Gampo in 7th century ce. It recalls the creation legend of how the patron deity of Tibet was formed out of a medita- tive ray of light from the head of the dhyani Buddha, Amitābha. CHENREZIG – THE QUINTESSENTIAL CHANGCHUB SEMPA Of the myriad forms of Chenrezig, this paper will present a comparative and iconographic case study of his four specific forms culturally signifi- cant in Tibetan Buddhism. These are – Ekadaśamukha Avalokiteśvara or eleven headed Avalokiteśvara, Ṣadakṣarī Avalokiteśvara or the Six-Syllabled Avalokiteśvara, Vajrapāṇi or a wrathful emanation of Avalokiteśvara and lastly Rakta Avalokiteśvara or Red Avalokiteśvara.16) EKADAŚAMUKHA AVALOKITEŚVARA The eleven-headed form of Chenrezig is also known as Arya Avalokiteśvara. In a long prayer dedicated to Arya Avalokiteśvara Ekadaśamukha, Chenrezig is venerated as namo avalokite/ mahā sattvāya/ mahā karuṇikāya. According to Mani Kabum, a popular legend for this inherent deification of the multi- headed Avalokitesvara alludes to how the bodhisattva’s head broke into ten pieces when he looked at the sorrow, dismay and evil in the world. Since 13) Studholme (2002). 14) Williams, Tribe (2000). 15) Bhattacarya (1958). 16) The various museum collections studied for this paper include National Museum, New Delhi, India; Hermitage Museum and State Museum, Saint Petersburg, Russia and Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, USA. Th e Religious and Social Signifi cance of Chenrezig in Vajrāyana Buddhism 151 Avalokiteśvara is an emanation of Amitābha Buddha, his broken heads are placed together by Amitābha Buddha, his spiritual father, by assembling the broken pieces and re-shaping it as a new face.17) Each level of the three heads indicates that the Ekadaśa is looking at three worlds, the world of desire (kāmadhātu), the world of living forms (rūpadhātu) and the world without form (arūpadhātu); overlooked by Amitabha Buddha himself. The twenty- fourth chapter of Saddharma Puṇḍarīka Sūtra recalls him as samantamukha or facing all four directions. This also symbolises Avalokiteśvara’s limitless capacity to perceive suffering and to help all beings. Fig. 1: He is shown seated on a lotus throne with eight hands and eleven heads and a prominent third eye on every tier of heads. His two main hands are folded together in salutation. The remaining six arms are each shown holding standardised attributes. On the right side, he holds a wish-fulfilling jewel, a rosary and he makes varada mudrā or boon granting gesture, whereas on the left side, he is holding a bow and arrow, a water pot for ambrosia and making a vitarka mudrā or gesture or preaching. The tiered setting of the head is stylistically closer to the sahasrabhuja-sahasarcakṣu or 1000-armed and 1000-eyed Avalokiteśvara invariably seen in Tibet, China, Japan and Southeast Asia.
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