Nderstanding the Religious Nature of Terrorism in India: Four Case Studies with an Analysis for Proposals and Resolution
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UNDERSTANDING THE RELIGIOUS NATURE OF TERRORISM IN INDIA: FOUR CASE STUDIES WITH AN ANALYSIS FOR PROPOSALS AND RESOLUTION BY KAILASH KUMAR CHATRY A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Historical Studies College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham 17 October 2012. University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT India has faced the challenge of religious terrorism for almost three decades. This phenomenon – in-spite of the Indian government’s comprehensive effort to contain it – has been spreading its vicious influence and expanding its support base among the conflicting religious communities in many parts of the country. The existing views, in regard to the rise of religious terrorism, suggest that economic, socio-political or geo-political issues (that cropped up during the post-partition period) are responsible for the birth of the problem. However, so far no study is done collectively on the four (Sikh, Kashmiri Muslim, Hindu and Naga Christian) religious communities to explain the cause of the problem. Therefore, this thesis studies these four religious traditions together to further investigate the main cause of this problem. In this regard the first six chapters examine: the historical background of religious antagonism and religious ideological basis (religious texts and symbols); the significance of religion in the Indian society and the relationship between the sacred and secular; the effects of the partition of India and socio-political developments (following the partition till the late 1970s) on the aggravation of the communal problem; and the impact of the worldwide religious resurgence on galvanization of religious and ethno-religious nationalism, communalism and religious violence. In doing so the thesis argues that, in contrast to the existing explanations, religion (religious ideologies) and historical and socio- political factors are intensely interconnected for the rise of the problem. Finally, the thesis proposes that rebuilding of the communal harmony, by utilising the interconnecting social threads of the coexisting sections of the Indian society, is essential for the deconstruction of the religious terror in India. ***** THIS THESIS IS DEDICATED TO MY DEAR WIFE ASHA CHATRY AND MY THREE LOVELY DAUGHTERS ZIM ROSHNI CHATRY RESHMA CHATRY RANAJANA CHATRY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge the generosity of all the officers and members of the Cachar Hill Tribes (CHT) Synod. Without their kind permission (to do the study in the UK) and regular financial (as well as prayer) support I would not have completed the PhD degree. I give special thanks to Rev. David Thatkokai (ex-Executive Secretary of the Synod and present Administrative Secretary of the Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in India), Rev. Zathanga Ngirshim (ex- Executive Secretary of the Synod) and Rev. Laldongliana (ex-Administrative Secretary of the Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in India) – who encouraged me to do the study and, in the meantime, got the Council for World Mission (CWM) scholarship for my study. Thanks to Rev. Dr. Lalchungnunga (retired Principal of the Serampore College, West Bengal, India) for his kind encouragement and help to me and to my family at the early stage of my study. Meanwhile, I thank the CWM Office for the financial sponsorship (which covered my University fees and a part of house rent for three years). Thanks to the UK Baptist Missionary Society for providing free accommodation and food to me (in the International Mission Centre, in Birmingham) for the first eight months of my stay in the UK. At the same time special thanks to my thesis supervisors – Rev. Dr. David Cheetham and Dr. Andrew Davies – for their kind guidance and instructions. I will never forget their gentleness, generosity and help. Also, thanks to all my friends and well wishers in the UK and in India. Above all, thanks to God (who helped me to overcome every hurdle during the time of my study and finally let me succeed) and my wife and daughters (without their constant encouragement, help, struggle and support I would never have attained the goal). TABLE OF CONTENT Page No. AN OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH: ------- 1 - 14 Introduction ------- 1 The Research Problem ------- 5 The Research Questions -------- 8 Scope of the Research -------- 9 Methodology -------- 10 Sources of Research -------- 14 INTRODUCTION: -------- 15–41 1. Disproportionate Religious Demography -------- 15 2. Religiosity of the Indian Society -------- 16 3. Secularization versus Religious Life of the Indian Society------- 18 4. Religious Reawakening and Rise of Religious Terrorism -------- 20 5. Meaning and Definition of (Religious) Terrorism -------- 26 6. Why and When Religion Sanctions Violence? -------- 34 6.1. Two Dimensions of Religion -------- 35 6.2. Sacred Symbols and Holy Violence -------- 37 7. Importance of This Research -------- 38 8. Arrangement of the Chapters --------- 40 CHAPTER I: RELIGIOUS TERRORISM IN INDIA --------- 42–69 I.1. Introduction --------- 42 I.2. Post-independent Indian State ---------- 43 I.3. Secular State and Role of Religion in the Public Life ---------- 45 i I.4. State Secularism under Congress and BJP Regimes ---------- 51 I.4.1. Nehru and His Administrative Policy ---------- 52 I.4.2. State Secularism under Indira, Rajiv and Rao ---------- 54 I.4.3. BJP Government and State Secularism ---------- 59 I.5. Critique of the Secular State ---------- 61 I.5.1. Critique by Hindutva Based Organizations ----------- 62 I.5.2. Indian State Secularism and Christians, Sikhs and Muslims ---------- 64 I.6. An Assessment ---------- 66 I.7. Conclusion ---------- 68 CHAPTER II: SIKH RELIGIOUS TERRORISM ---------- 70–119 II.1. Introduction ---------- 70 II.2. Various Theoretical Standpoints on the Rise of the Sikh Terrorism --------- 72 II.2.1. Involvement of External Forces --------- 72 II.2.2. Socio-Economic Aspects Responsible in the Rise of the Problem --------- 73 II.3. Historical Context --------- 75 II.3.1. Guru Nanak and Formation of Sikh Community --------- 75 II.3.2. Transformation of Sikhism: Formation of Khalsa Panth ---------- 78 II.3.3. Realization of Khalsa Aspiration ---------- 80 II.4. Identity Crisis and Sikh Resurgence after the Collapse of Sikh Empire --------- 82 II.5. Post-1947 Sikh Issues --------- 85 ii II.5.1. Demand for Punjabi Suba (State) ---------- 88 II.5.2. Formation of Punjabi Suba ---------- 88 II.6. Socio-Political Issues in Post-1966 Punjab ---------- 89 II.6.1. Economic Transformation and Its Negative Effect ----------- 91 II.6.2. The Akali’s New Strategy: Anandpur Sahib Resolution ----------- 92 II. 6.3. Launching of Dharm Yudh (Righteous War) ----------- 93 II.7. The Rise of Sikh Religious Terrorism in Punjab ---------- 95 II.7.1. Sikh Resurgence ---------- 95 II.7.1.1 . Change of Course of the Sikh Resurgence ---------- 98 II.7.1.2. Bhindranwale’s Authority ---------- 100 II.7.1.3 . Bhindranwale’s Entry into National Limelight ---------- 101 II.7.1.4. Bhindranwale’s Theology ---------- 102 II.8. Terrorist Violence during pre-Blue-Star Phase ---------- 106 II.9. Post-Blue Star Terrorism ---------- 109 II.9.1. The Babbar Khalsa --------- 111 II.9.2. Transformation of Terrorism in the Post-Blue Star Phase -------- 114 II.10. Sikh Religious Terrorism: An Assessment ---------- 115 II.11. Conclusion ---------- 117 CHAPTER III: ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS TERRORISM --------- 120–167 III.1. Introduction ----------- 120 III.2. Beginning, Aim and Objective of the Kashmiri Militant Movement ---------- 121 III.3. What prompted the rise of the Kashmiri Militancy in the late 1980s? ----------- 124 iii III.3.1. Disintegration of the Traditional Bond of Kashmiriyat -------- 125 III.3.2. Assertions of Religious, Ethnic and Secular nationalism ------ 127 III.3.3. Breakdown of the Original Relationship between the Centre and the State of Jammu and Kashmir --------- 129 III.3.4. Re-eruption of the Problem left Unsolved in 1947 --------- 131 III.3.5. Hindu Organisations, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were Accountable for the Crisis --------- 132 III.3.6. Political Mobilization and Institutional Decay ---------- 134 III.4. Pre-1947 Jammu and Kashmir: Socio-Political Context during the period of Dogra Rule --------- 138 III.4.1. Religio-Political Economy of Dogra Regime --------- 140 III.4.2. Theological Discourse during the Dogra Period --------- 142 III.4.3. Muslim Uprising in Jammu and Kashmir in 1931 --------- 145 III.5. Post-1947 Jammu and Kashmir: Betrayals and Broken Promises -------- 148 III.5.1. Why There was no Insurgency before 1988? --------- 151 III.5.2. Islamic Theological Ideologies in the Rise of Terrorism in Kashmir ---------- 155 III.6. Islamic Terrorist Groups: Lashkar-e-Taiba and Its Ideology ---------- 158 II.7. Towards a Solution ---------- 161 III.8. Outline of the Contributions in this Chapter ---------- 162 III.9. Conclusion ---------- 167 iv CHAPTER IV: HINDU RELIGIOUS TERRORISM