14

Religion Outside the (God) Box

Religion and the “Old” Media Religion and Sport Print Publishing Muscular Christianity and the YMCA Radio Evangelical Protestant Sports Televangelism Ministries Religion and the “New Media” Religion and Spirituality at the Religion Online: Producing and Individual Level Accessing Information Invisible Religions On-Line Religion: Practicing Faith on Quasi-Religious Movements the Web Summary

Here are some questions to ponder as you read this chapter:

•• What effect have technologies like the printing press and the radio had on faith and faith communities? •• Who is using television for religious purposes, and what impact might this have on religion in the future? •• How might the Internet affect religion as a communal/shared experience, and how might it influence individual faith systems? •• Is sport an avenue to enhance faith (and does a religious faith contribute to athletics)—or are they competing systems, each needing the time, energy of participants, and socializing participants in quite different values? •• Are there other forms of religion that operate subtly in the society—forms of religiosity that are implicit or taken for granted?

348 Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 349

•• Is religion becoming privatized and individualized? If so, what might be some consequences of this? •• What is the place of movements like astrology, scientology, and similar quasi-religious organizations in society?

tudents are often told to think “outside Last, a number of social scientists maintain the box”—to think broadly, critically, that religion is undergoing significant transfor- S unconventionally. Sociologists of religion mation as new forms of religion are emerging. are well served to do the same. Not all religion or Some of these new forms are nontheistic, and religiousness is to be found inside the “God some even lack a supernatural dimension. For Boxes” we think of as churches, synagogues, this reason, many sociologists prefer to call these temples, and mosques. Thinking “outside the processes “quasi-religious phenomena” or “func- God Box” allows us to understand some tional alternatives to religion.” Regardless of important social changes that have taken place in what one calls them, these value perspectives modern society and the religious adaptations that provide many people with a sense of purpose in have resulted. life and with a center of worth (which is the ety- Two of the most important aspects of contem- mological basis for the word worship). When porary society are the media and sport. These any ideology or value system becomes a mean- arenas are often not taken seriously by students ing system—one that defines the meaning of life, of religion, however, because they are “mass” or death, suffering, and injustice—it usually takes “popular” cultural phenomena. Religion is seen on a sacred cast in the eyes of the adherents. By as serious and important while popular culture is looking only inside the God Boxes, we overlook silly and frivolous, yet the two commonly intersect. these new phenomena. One cannot understand some very important developments in religion without understanding its relationship to the media and sport. Religion and the “Old” Media Excessive association of “religion” with church, temple, or mosque (institutionalized Although a study of radio/television and religion forms of religion) is the starting point of had already been published by the mid-1950s Thomas Luckmann’s (1967) analysis of what he (Parker, Barry, & Smythe, 1955), sociological called “invisible religion.” The identification of study of media and religion really took off with religion with the God Box has narrowed the the rise of modern “televangelism” in the 1970s field of sociology of religion, which is espe- and 1980s. Those who lived through those cially problematic because, in his view, orga- decades could not escape the sight (if not the nized religion is becoming more marginal in influence) of “TV preachers” like Billy Graham, modern societies. Luckmann argued that Oral Roberts, Rex Humbard, Robert Schuller, emphasis should be placed on the individual’s Pat Robertson, Jimmy Swaggart, and Jim and struggle for a meaningful existence in society, a Tammy Faye Bakker. Even as those pioneers struggle which is fundamentally “religious.” If have passed from the earth or at least public we focus only on institutionalized forms, we consciousness, broader concerns about the will miss the key religious activity going on in relationship between religion and media have modern society. Much of religion has become been addressed by sociologists. privatized, as individuals work out religious As Stewart Hoover (2009) observed, “media solutions for themselves, on their own terms. are fundamentally technological in origin, and 350 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION technological change plays an important role this could have happened without the printing in their development and evolution” (p. 689). press. The printing press had similar revolution- Our survey of the relationship between reli- ary effects within Judaism (Brasher, 2004). gion and the media, therefore, will look at the Religious publishing today remains a evolution of media technologies from print vibrant cultural and economic phenomenon. and publishing to radio and television to “new According to the Association of American media” like the Internet. Of course, techno- Publishers (2010), net sales of books in their logical developments cannot be understood “religious category” grew 2.4% from $557 independent of their economic, political, and million in 2002 to $658 million in 2009. social environments, so we pay some attention Although this rate of growth was modest due to those factors as well. to the challenging economic conditions of the time, it more than doubled the overall rate of Print Publishing growth in the book publishing industry over the same time period (1.1%). These sales are The development of the mechanical (movable supported by organizations such as Christian type) printing press by Johannes Gutenberg in Retailing magazine (which serves the $4.6 billion 1440 was arguably the most important techno- industry in “Christian products”), the Evangelical logical innovation of the second millennium. It Christian Publishers Association, Religious had a monumental effect on all of the major Book Trade Exhibit, and the Association for institutions of society: education, medicine, poli- Christian Retail. tics, and, of course, religion. Indeed, the so- As in Gutenberg’s day, Bibles lead the way. called Gutenberg Bible was the first major book Indeed, nearly 28% of individuals surveyed by printed using the press. It played a central role in Publishers Weekly reported purchasing a Bible ushering in the print revolution and also had a in the previous year (Elinsky, 2005, p. 24). significant effect on the practice of religion itself Recently, religious fiction and self-help block- (Man, 2002). busters have also contributed to this market Prior to the wide distribution of religious texts segment. The “Left Behind” series of 16 nov- to people who were not ordained ministers, the els, written by Tim LaHaye and Jerry Jenkins, hierarchies of Christendom controlled what was have sold over 60 million copies. This is disseminated as Truth. The common (and typi- remarkable for a series of books that focus on cally illiterate) member of the local church did the “end times” from the premillennial dispen- not have any basis for challenging the Pope or sationalist perspective of some sectarian other ecclesiastical leaders. Those leaders were groups’ of the book of Revelation. Even more the authority. However, Martin Luther used the remarkable is that five of the books were New printed word in many powerful ways. He and York Times’ best sellers, indicating their mass other reformers claimed that the Bible alone was appeal. Another book that has dominated the the ultimate source of Truth and religious author- best seller list for years is megachurch pastor ity. The church leaders were to be believed only Rick Warren’s The Purpose-Driven Life. insofar as they were faithful to the scriptures. Published in 2002, it has sold over 25 million Luther himself used the printed word to spread copies and is the best-selling hardback book in his version of Christian Truth, and he did so with American history. It has also been translated a vengeance. He not only wrote more than other into 30 languages (Pew Forum on Religion & dissenters but he outpublished the entire legion Public Life, 2005). Highlighting the articula- of Vatican defenders (Brasher, 2004). He pub- tion between different media platforms, mega- lished in the common languages of the people church pastor and televangelist Joel Osteen’s rather than in Latin, and the Protestant book, Your Best Life Now, sold 700,000 copies Reformation was launched. It is doubtful that in the first month after its publication in 2004, Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 351 and his follow-up, Become a Better You, was By 1946, Time characterized “radio religion” also a New York Times’ best seller. as “a national institution,” one that was “preached to an estimated congregation of ten million” (“Religion: Radio Religion,” 1946). Radio Excluded from this national institution, how- This history of the development of radio ever, were evangelical Protestants. Radio sta- technology is complex, but for our purposes tions gave their free public interest time only to we can note that in the 1920s commercial mainstream Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish radio broadcasting began. Despite the fact that groups. Unable to take advantage of the free in 1930 the average cost of a radio receiver airtime, entrepreneurial Protestants like Paul was $78 (equivalent to $1,019 in 2010 dollars), Rader, Aimee Semple McPherson, and Charles 40% of all U.S. households owned one. As the Fuller bought airtime for their programs and price dropped, that proportion more than dou- thereby helped to transform the religious orien- bled to 83% by 1940, and by 1950 nearly tation of the American mass media in an evan- every household in the United States (96%) gelical direction (Hangen, 2002). In less affluent had a radio (Craig, 2004). parts of the world, like Latin America, radio Because broadcasting licenses issued by the remains the predominant vehicle for the dis- Federal Communications Commission (FCC) semination of religious ideas. required broadcasters to carry some program- ming that was directed to the public interest, from Televangelism the start radio programming was often religious in nature, because religious programming was In 1950, 96% of American households deemed to be for the public good. In the late owned radio receivers. In that same year, only 1920s, S. Parkes Cadman had a Sunday afternoon 9% had television sets. The decade of the radio program on the NBC radio network. In the 1950s was the key period of transition from hour before Cadman, one could listen to the one technology to the other. As televisions National Youth Conference of Dr. Daniel Poling, became widely available in the 1950s, what and Dr. Harry Fosdick’s National Vespers service was done by radio previously began to migrate followed in the hour after. The Columbia to television. (Note that just as the advent of Broadcasting System (CBS) also provided con- radio did not eliminate religious publishing, siderable religious programming. Together, they neither does the advent of television eliminate broadcast religious content from Protestants, religious radio.) Catholics (“Catholic Hour”), and Jews (“Jewish By 1960, an important change in the regula- Art Program Sundays”). By 1931, Time magazine tion of the airwaves took place when the FCC had taken note of the phenomenon, writing this: ruled that television stations could count paid programming toward their “public interest” con- tribution. This effectively opened the door for Enterprising evangelists and regularly employed those who carried on the entrepreneurial spirit clergymen snapped at radio’s religious opportunities Rader, McPherson, and Fuller had brought to quickly after Westinghouse began broadcasting radio. The first three mass-media evangelists to ten years ago. Three years ago first N.B.C., then have a major television presence were Billy Columbia systematized radio religion and offered time to Protestants, Catholics, and Jews. The three Graham, Oral Roberts, and Rex Humbard. They creeds took advantage of their opportunity . . . built not only on the radio evangelists who pre- Apart from such chain broadcasting are individual ceded them but also on the contributions of stations operated by churches, societies and revivalists Charles Grandison Finney (1792–1875), evangelists. They number about two score. Dwight L. Moody (1837–1899), and Billy (“Religion: Air Worship,” 1931) Sunday (1862–1935). 352 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

money to build a university (Oral Roberts Critical Thinking: The marketing per- University was founded in 1963) or a hospital spective that drives much of the televan- (ORU School of Medicine operated from 1981– gelism industry has its foundations in 1989) than they will to buy airtime. In the 1980s, late 19th- and early 20th-century urban Roberts made an infamous plea to the viewers of evangelism. At the website for this book his television ministry that if he did not raise $8 (www.pineforge.com/rsp5e), an essay on million by March 31, 1987, to help fund his “Evangelical Foundations of a Market­ medical center, God would “call him home.” His ing Perspective on Conversion and followers donated $9.1 million (Ostling, 1987). Recruitment” examines this foundation. The excess money brought in for building proj- This essay may help you address the ects can then be used to support other projects question of why evangelicals have been such as broadcasting costs. With the oligarchical more inclined to a marketing perspec- structure of the organization (with family mem- tive and more entrepreneurial as minis- bers serving on the oversight board), Roberts and ters of the gospel. How does this some other televangelists found they could make historical perspective help you under- such transfers without challenge. stand the contemporary patterns of tele- Rex Humbard (1919–2007) was the third of vision broadcasting? the original televangelists with nationwide pro- gramming. Humbard contributed two innova- Billy Graham (born in 1918) never established tions. First, he created an intensely personal a weekly program, and his televised programming style, using a family format (telling stories to his remained in the format of a worship service or a gathered children and to the audience who revival. Still, he was the first evangelistic funda- became part of his family), sharing personal mentalist to gain national recognition. Much of his troubles, and airing feelings publicly. Humbard early notoriety was because of an editorial direc- often cried on television and would bare his soul tive from publisher William Randolph Hearst, for his national audience. Whatever else this who sent a simple memo to the editors of his process did, it was highly profitable as people nationwide chain of newspapers: “Puff Graham.” responded with their hearts to a person they had Graham made the most of the subsequent public- come to know intimately—more intimately than ity and became a role model for younger evange- members of their own congregation. Later on, lists. More importantly, his career linked the other televangelists also found that open displays evangelical tradition to the new media of televi- of emotion build intense audience loyalty. sion and radio. Eventually, he came to be a spiri- Second, Humbard built a cathedral especially tual adviser to a number of U.S. presidents. designed and equipped for broadcasting. Graham Graham was the first evangelical to gain national and Roberts initially simply brought cameras credibility on television, and he was especially into their existing services. By contrast, Humbard influential in challenging evangelicals to adopt the invested in the most sophisticated modern tech- newest mass media technology to spread the faith. nology; he also established television effects as Unlike Graham, Oral Roberts (1918–2009) the highest priority in the architecture and decor was an innovative showman, introducing a vari- of the cathedral. ety of formats, using a wide range of entertain- Other televangelists have developed their ment forms, and showing the value of flexibility own distinctive styles, theological orientations, of material to meet changing markets. Most and formats, yet each has built on these early importantly, however, Roberts discovered that if foundations. Without these foundations, televan- a televangelist wants to raise money, the key is to gelism empires would probably not exist. Further, build buildings, even if they seem outlandish. He this legacy has encouraged religious leaders to discovered that people will contribute far more be entrepreneurs. Interestingly, most of them Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 353 would find that word—entrepreneur—to be a high estimate for the electronic church in the U.S. compliment. This is in sharp contrast to many alone is 130 million viewers; the low is 10 million. mainline clergy who find this an insulting meta- Televangelists tend to exaggerate the size of their phor for the caregiving of clergy. audiences, while their detractors tend to underes- timate. Even the “hard data” are difficult to inter- pret. Nielsen and Arbitron ratings indicate how many televisions are turned on and to which chan- nels. On the other hand, they do not necessarily tell us whether anyone is in the room or is paying attention and whether those television sets were turned to that channel for 5 minutes or for the duration of the program. Pollsters ask people whether they watched religious television in the past month, but surveys leave it up to the viewer to decide what is religious programming (they may be including a movie with a religious theme), and they allow respondents to recall their behavior from the past month (which may or may not be Television is medium in which the viewer has accurate) (Gerbner et al., 1984; Hadden & Shupe, much control—via the remote channel changer— 1988; Hoover, 1987). so there is pressure on televangelism programs to While we really do not know exactly what the entertain and to avoid too many complexities, viewership is for televangelism, several efforts which might turn the viewer off. This creates issues have been made to control for the many variables of marketing strategies and requires an entrepre- and the different sources of information. In 1986, neurial spirit, both of which have been more com- more than 15 million households a week tuned into patible with how evangelicals tend to see their religious broadcasts; by 1992, only 9.5 million ministries. were viewing each week. Still, the number of local religious TV stations grew from 25 in 1980 to 339 in 1990. By 1996, one report indicated that 16% of all television stations were religious in character. Critical Thinking: Has televangelism However, because of separation of religion and been an asset to the promotion of tradi- state, these broadcasters are not overseen by the tional orthodox Christianity, or does it government, and many are not even part of the threaten to undermine the faith through National Religious Broadcasters, an industry body introduction of other motives and the that oversees most religious stations. Thus, obtain- aspirations of “entrepreneurs”? ing complete figures is difficult, at best. Still, the viewership appears to be considerably higher and religious broadcasting more warmly accepted in The Televangelism Audience the United States than elsewhere in the Global North, though growth is apparent in the Global The importance of televangelism as a resource South. (The affluent or “developed” countries of to shape the larger culture depends in part on the the world are almost all North of the 25th degree nature of the audience: How large is the audience, latitude and are therefore called Global North and who is watching? Clearly, televangelists have countries; Global South refers to less economically the potential for an extensive audience, with some and technologically prosperous countries—the programs translated into other languages and areas that during the Cold War era with the Soviet broadcast into a dozen or more countries. The Union were called “Third World.”) 354 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

Those viewers who send money to support the No less a figure than Billy Graham (1983) has programming tend to increase their levels of com- spoken out against abuses, the most severe of mitment. By making an investment they develop a which he believes is the constant harangue for sense of loyalty to the organization. The top televan- money. However, the most common complaint gelists bring in tens or even hundreds of millions of of critics has been that televised Christianity dollars each year to finance their programs and their erodes support for local churches. projects (medical centers, universities, etc.). The The most consistent and most strident attacks electronic church has a committed core who provide on televangelism have come from mainline a base of support for some truly enormous empires denominations and from the National Council of (Hadden & Shupe, 1988; Peck, 1993). Churches. The primary conflict has been over Another issue concerning the televangelism resources: money and members. The first concern audience has to do with who regularly views and here is that significant numbers of people may supports the electronic church. Viewers tend to stay home and watch televised worship services already be evangelical in orientation. One rationale rather than attend and contribute in other ways to often given by televangelists for using television is their local congregations. Televangelism is feared to fulfill “the great commission” of Christ to spread by mainline denominations as an alternative to the gospel. The idea is that television allows preach- activity in the local faith community and therefore ers to reach people who might otherwise never have as a threat to the viability of individual churches. heard of Christ. Yet empirical evidence suggests that Yet research shows that the gratifications one televangelism has little persuasive impact in terms receives from watching a televised worship service of converting degenerates; most viewers are already are different from those gained by attending wor- sympathetic to the basic philosophy (Gaddy, 1984). ship services. Among those who are regular viewers This is not to say that religious broadcasting is insig- of television, experiencing solemnity and atmo- nificant; it serves as a reinforcer and a plausibility sphere, praying to God, experiencing God’s structure for those already committed. presence, feeling forgiven for sins, demonstrating solidarity with Christian values, and getting a sense Does Televangelism Undermine of distance from the worries of everyday life are all Commitment to Local Congregations? facilitated more by attending services in a local house of worship than by watching religious televi- Televangelism has come under heavy criti- sion (Petterson, 1986). Indeed, viewers of religious cism for several reasons and from a number of television attend community worship services more quarters. Former evangelist Charles Templeton, frequently than nonviewers, and only one viewer in who was himself involved in the production of seven reports watching services on television rather religious television programming, assessed con- than supporting the neighborhood congregation temporary televangelism in this way: (Wuthnow, 1987). Bibby found the same pattern in Canada, with religious television serving for most Television Christianity is an undemanding faith; a viewers as a supplement to attendance at worship media apostasy that tells listeners that to become a rather than as a substitute (1987a). Only among the Christian all they have to do is “believe.” . . . The very elderly is religious television a substitute. offerings, [extracted] mostly from the poor, the The second issue, of course, is whether financial elderly, and lonely women, amount to millions of contributions to television evangelists are replac- dollars annually. Few of these dollars are used to ing support to local faith communities. Most of the give succour to the needy, to put food in empty research indicates that money given to religious bellies or to help the helpless and dispossessed. . . . There are, among the host of televangelists, television programs is not in lieu of contributions exceptions to those I have described, but they are a to nearby congregations. They are donations made minority. . . . On balance I think the contemporary over and above the local church pledge and do not television evangelist is deleterious to society. (cited normally involve a decline in hometown contribu- in Bibby, 1987a, p. 36) tions. The only category of viewers that seems to Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 355 send money to televangelists that would otherwise Rex Humbard and Oral Roberts and the gradual be given to local churches are the very elderly withdrawal from ministry of nonagenarian Billy or disabled persons who find it difficult to get out Graham. Also, the ministry built by televangelist of the house to attend services (The Gallup Robert Schuller—whose Hour of Power has Organization, 1987; Petterson, 1986). broadcast from the Crystal Cathedral in Garden It seems clear that the charge of mainline Grove, California, for three decades—is being denominations—that televangelism is siphoning torn apart by debt and family division as he tries off support for the local religious communities in to transition out of the role of head minister. terms of both “bucks and bodies”—is unfounded. According to Quentin Schultze, who specializes Although there may be some dent in the coffers in the study of Christian media, “I don’t see a of local congregations because of televangelism, scenario for maintaining a TV-based megachurch the impact appears to be quite small. From a anymore. The days of doing that in the models of market standpoint, the two do not seem to be in Schuller and Jimmy Swaggart and Oral Roberts a win/lose competition. are over” (Associated Press, 2009). The most Arguably, the heyday of American televange- famous and influential evangelical Protestant lism was the 1980s, and thus much of the scholarly minister today, Rick Warren, has purposely cho- research on televangelism is about that period. By sen not to broadcast services regularly from his the 1990s, some serious scandals had undermined Saddleback Church, favoring attendance at live some of the cultural influence and social import of services instead. televangelism. Jimmy Swaggart, whose television Despite this, televangelism lives on, espe- ministry was transmitted to thousands of stations cially in the Global South (Leslie, 2003; see every week, admitted in 1988 to transgressions also the next “Global Perspectives” feature). It with a prostitute and tearfully apologized on televi- also lives on in the United States, if in an sion in his well-known “I Have Sinned” speech altered form. The new model of televangelism (available on YouTube). Also in 1988, Jim Bakker, may be seen in the work of Joel Osteen, as host of The PTL Club with his wife Tammy Faye, well as African American ministers like T. D. was convicted on 24 counts of fraud and conspiracy Jakes and Creflo Dollar (Walton, 2009). As for embezzling donations to their ministries. In the was noted in Chapter 8, each of these ministers course of this investigation it also came out that he leads one of America’s largest megachurches. had an affair with a supposed employee of PTL and Although they do engage in televangelism, paid hush money to cover it up. their ministries seem as much oriented toward The 2000s marked the passing of the founding the local congregation as their worldwide tele- generation of televangelists with the deaths of vision audience.

GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES Televangelism Beyond the Borders of the United States

The globalization of religious broadcasting was itself a product of a global event: World War II. Broadcast stations and equipment were constructed and distributed around the world to conduct the war. Following the war, many of these stations were abandoned and appropriated by Christians with evangelical intents (Hadden, 1990). There are now more than two dozen international radio broadcasting stations with evangelical Christian sponsorship, with the largest three producing (Continued) 356 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

(Continued) 20,000 hours of programming weekly in 25 languages. This makes Christian stations the largest block of international radio broadcasters in the world (Hadden, 1990). Televangelist Pat Robertson’s Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) is the largest of these, with offices in Africa, Asia, China, Europe, Indonesia, Latin America, the Middle East, Siam, and Singapore. An international edition of CBN’s flagship program, The 700 Club, can be seen in more than 180 countries (Leslie, 2003). Support for televangelism is much stronger in the United States than in most other parts of the Global North. In 1958, 1 out of 10 Canadians were regular patrons of religious broadcasts, but within 30 years, the count had dropped to 1 in 25 (Bibby, 1987a). Even a report in 1998 on The Christian Channel in Canada indicated an audience of only 300,000 viewers nationwide (Gross & English, 1998). This pattern seems to be consistent with the lack of growth of conservative evan- gelical Christianity generally in Canada. Televangelism is also not widespread in Britain or elsewhere in Europe. Kay (2009) noted that the United Kingdom’s highly regulated broadcasting industry (dominated by the state-run British Broadcasting Corporation or BBC) severely curbed the rise of televangelism until recent years. While there are religious broadcasting efforts in the Netherlands and Germany, most broadcasting is Sunday morning services of mainline churches. Viewers are primarily people who already attend church, and those numbers are very small in virtually every country in Europe (Davie, 2000). In Latin America, by contrast, where Pentecostalism is growing rapidly, locally owned and pro- duced religious broadcasting began to take off in the late 1980s. Prior to that, American Pentecostal televangelists like Jimmy Swaggart and Jim Bakker were dominant. Given the comparative eco- nomic underdevelopment in much of Latin America, it is radio rather than television, which contin- ues to dominate in religious broadcasting, since even the poor can own radios. For example, the Catholic Church operates 181 radio stations in Brazil and 7 in Guatemala, and much of the pro- gramming on those stations is produced by those involved in the Catholic Charismatic Renewal— basically Catholic Pentecostalism (Chesnut, 2010). The Indian government’s openness to satellite television makes it a fertile ground for televange- lism. Looking just at networks that broadcast 24 hours a day, there are four Christian, one Islamic, and one Hindu (James, 2010). A recent study of Christian Broadcasting Network India’s program- ming finds a blending of American and Indian influences. The authors cleverly call this “Masala McGospel.” (In Chapter 15, we will examine the concept of “glocalization” to describe the blending of the global and local in the process of globalization.) If masala here represents the Indian culture and McGospel the homogenized, globalized (“McDonaldized”) version of Christianity exported from America to India, the McGospel is trumping the masala. Christian televangelism in some Islamic countries is highly controversial and perhaps even dan- gerous for the sponsors. Muslims want the Christian televangelism to end, viewing it as a foreign intrusion into their cultures. In Nigeria, there have been concerted efforts to stop these broadcasts (“Muslims Aim to End Televangelism,” 1998). Some converts to Christianity have received death threats, and Christians at Nigerian television stations have been threatened, with assertions that they are fomenting religious crises in families and in the society at large. The hard sell evangelical approach has come to be viewed as a kind of religious colonialism (Hadden, 1990). In response to the constant barrage of messages from outside, a number of developing nations (Muslim and others) have signed a declaration objecting to broadcasts into their countries. They believe that this kind of conduct destroys their culture, undermines family relationships and social stability within their countries, and acts as an assault on their national sovereignty (Hadden, 1990, 1991). Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 357

Religion and the “New Media” source in research, we use Wikipedia here because it is, in fact, an example of “new media” If you are reading this textbook, chances are that itself. you were “born digital”—that is, you are part of As the Wikipedia definition makes clear, new the first generation in human history to have media are not reducible to the Internet, but the been born into and come of age in a postdigital Internet is the most important aspect of new revolution social environment. Some have media.1 Internet usage has been skyrocketing. suggested that this will create a generation gap According to the Pew Internet & American Life like never seen before between “digital natives” Project, in 2000, 55% of U.S. adults said they and their older kin (Palfrey & Gasser, 2008). used the Internet the previous day. By 2009, that This raises the possibility of a religious gap had grown to 73%. Internet use by teens and based on orientation to “new media.” young adults is even higher, with 93% of 12- to According to Wikipedia, 17-year-olds and 18- to 29-year-olds accessing the Internet daily.2 Of course, our interest here is in how the tech- New media is a broad term that emerged in the later part of the 20th century to encompass the nological changes represented by the new media amalgamation of traditional media such as film, affect the mass mediation of religion and in par- images, music, spoken and written word, with the ticular the new opportunities these media create interactive power of computer and communications for the practice of religion. As was the case with technology, computer-enabled consumer devices radio broadcasting, people have been using the and most importantly the Internet. New media Internet, and especially the World Wide Web, for holds out a possibility of on-demand access to religious purposes from the beginning. Just 6 content any time, anywhere, on any digital device, years after Tim Berners-Lee proposed the idea of as well as interactive user feedback, creative the web, Time magazine ran a story entitled participation and community formation around the “Finding God on the Web.” The story reported media content. (“New media,” 2011) the following:

Although many faculty will tell their students of Like schools, like businesses, like governments, the dangers of using Wikipedia as an authoritative like nearly everyone, it seems, religious groups

1Although they are very closely connected, the Internet and the World Wide Web are not the same thing—despite the fact that many people use the two terms interchangeably. The Internet is the network created by the linking of millions of computers worldwide. The term is an abbreviation of “inter-networking,” which was meant to describe networks of networks. These computers can communicate with one another by passing information over this network. The World Wide Web is a particular way of sharing information over the Internet based on the “hypertext transfer protocol” (HTTP) developed by computer scientist Tim Berners-Lee. HTTP specifies how information is shared between computers. Incorporated into web “browsers,” HTTP combines with web programming languages like hypertext markup language (HTML) to create a visually appealing, easy to use experience of connecting to other computers on the Internet, accessing information stored on them, and sending information to them. Therefore, “surfing the web” is just one way in which people use the Internet. People also use the Internet to connect to others using electronic mail (e-mail) and instant messaging (IM). The rise of interactive applications on the web has led some to speak of the second generation of the WWW, or “Web 2.0.” Unlike the first generation of the WWW, in which most users simply accessed (consumed) content created by others, Web 2.0 allows users to create (produce) content themselves, often in collaboration with others. Well-known examples are social networking sites (Facebook, Twitter, and MySpace), blogs, wikis, and video-sharing sites like YouTube. The situation is rendered still more dynamic by the fact that people access the Internet not only through computers but increasingly through personal digital media devices (smartphones, iPads). 2Calculated by the authors using data provided on the Pew Internet & American Life website: http://www .pewinternet.org/Static-Pages/Trend-Data/Usage-Over-Time.aspx 358 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

are rushing online, setting up church home transformative powers of the Internet in the area of pages, broadcasting dogma and establishing religion” (p. 705). In examining religion and the theological newsgroups, bulletin boards and chat Internet from the perspective of both producers rooms. Almost overnight, the electronic and consumers of content, we find that (so far, at community of the Internet has come to resemble least) much religion online is quite conventional. a high-speed spiritual bazaar, where thousands of the faithful—and equal numbers of the faithless—meet and debate and swap ideas about things many of us had long since stopped Religion Online: Producing and discussing in public, like our faith and religious Accessing Information beliefs. (Ramo, 1996) Much of the total online activity around reli- Books titled The Soul in Cyber-Space (Groothius, gion is what scholars call “religion online.” 1997) and Cybergrace: The Search for God in Religion online is “information about religion the Digital World (Cobb, 1998) soon followed. If that is accessed via computer-mediated net- today’s traditionally aged college students are works” (Cowan, 2007, following Helland, 2000). “digital natives,” a significant part of their native From both the supply and demand sides, this is culture is religious. One religious organization the bulk of the religious/spiritual activity that has now tried to claim that that adoption of takes place online. Religious organizations put technology is an inherent part of their Lutheran information online, and Internet users seek out heritage, as the screen shot from lutheran.org that information. In this sense, the Internet stands makes clear. in a continuous relationship with other media Gary Bunt (2009), a sociologist who special- that came before it—a medium for the transmis- izes in the study of religion on the Internet, recog- sion of information to consumers. nizes that the Internet “holds transformative The National Congregations Study (NCS; potential for religions,” but he also cautioned that discussed in Chapter 8) provides solid data on “there are dangers in overemphasizing the the growth in new media use by congregations in Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 359

America. This was the area of greatest change denominational and faith-related sites (76%) or to between Wave 1 and Wave 2 of the NCS. From scriptural and devotional material (60%); and to 1998 to 2006 and 2007, the proportion of congre- post schedules, meeting minutes, or internal gations with a website grew from 18% to 44%. communications (56%). The more interactive As Chaves and Anderson (2008) emphasized, capacities of the web, by contrast, were the least this large change in less than a decade suggests common features of congregational websites: that some 10,000 congregations per year are add- ing websites. Because larger congregations are Prayer requests 18% more likely to have websites, 74% of regular participants are in congregations with a web Sign-up feature for presence. Even greater growth was found in the classes/programs 8% use of electronic mail to communicate with Online fund-raising 5% members. In 1998, 21% of congregations used e-mail in this way, and by 2006 and 2007, the Webcast worship services 4% percentage had grown to 59. Looked at from the Discussion space for study individual perspective, the growth is even more or prayer groups 3% dramatic: from 31% of attenders in congrega- tions using e-mail in 1998 to 79% in 2006 and The Pew survey also allowed congregational 2007. respondents to indicate what they would like to Because of their greater resources, their add to their websites in the future. The responses evangelistic orientations, and their embrace of were quite conventional, emphasizing the what is current in the culture for marketing informational (photos, youth group material) purposes, we would expect megachurches to over the interactive. Thus, the Pew survey did be even more connected to the Internet than not exactly put congregations at the center of other congregations. This was true even in Web 2.0 developments. We await a follow-up early 2000 when Scott Thumma (2001) found study to see if and how things have changed that nearly every megachurch surveyed had an since this original research. e-mail address, and 99% had a website. This is Of course, congregational websites are just rather remarkable when considering that as one way that religion goes online—and maybe recently as 2010 less than half of all congrega- not the most important. Stewart Hoover (2009) tions had websites. wrote of the media generally, “The social and The growing online presence of congregations institutional autonomy of the media sphere can raises the question of how congregations use the thus be said to constitute a location for the mak- Internet. An early study of 1,300 congregations by ing of religion that is in many ways independent the Pew Internet & American Life Project found from the religious doctrine, institution, and his- that congregations were largely using the Internet tory” (p. 694). Just as the advent of satellite for informational purposes (Larsen, 2000). broadcasting and cable democratized television, Congregations most commonly viewed their web- so too does computer technology and the Internet sites as places to encourage visitors to attend democratize the ability to produce and consume (83%); to post mission statements, sermons, or information.3 The new media lowers barriers other texts about their faith (77%); to link to to entry, and consequently it is easier for all

3As in the political sphere, the ideals of democracy often run up against the realities of socioeconomic inequality. Thus, in thinking about the democratizing potential of the new media, we must remain cognizant of the “digital divide” and those who may not be able to fully participate in the digital revolution for economic or other social reasons. See the Pew Internet & American Life’s “digital divide” page (http://www.pewinternet.org/topics/Digital- Divide.aspx). 360 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION groups—including religious ones—to have a Although the number of individuals who have public media presence. In this view, the World used the Internet for faith-related reasons is Wide Web is the ultimate “spiritual market- impressive—some 82 million Americans—it is place.” In her 2004 book, Gimme That Online important not to overestimate this level of activity. Religion, Brasher (2004) reported that there were As Cowan (2007, p. 362) has commented regarding more than a million religion websites, and they this particular survey, although 64% have used the covered an extraordinarily wide range of reli- intent for faith-related reasons, less than 5% do so gious beliefs and practices. The democratizing for those purposes on any given day. potential of the web may be seen most clearly in In the end, the researchers conclude that the robust web presence of new religious move- most of the individuals are using the Internet ments (NRMs) and nonmajority religions to develop and express their personal religious (Dawson & Cowan, 2004). and/or spiritual beliefs, but they are not true Religion online is a mode of information dis- religious seekers. Instead, the cultivation of semination called “one-to-many.” There is one their personal faith online helps cement their source and many recipients. The other side of the preexisting beliefs and institutional attach- religion online equation, therefore, is how people ments. The authors find this access the information that is provided. One way to approach this issue is to look at how people use interesting because many analysts have assumed search engines to access religious information on that the Internet would make it more likely for people to leave churches in favor of more flexible the web. Using very new information science online options for religious or spiritual activity. methods to examine over 5 million web searches Faith-related activity online is a supplement to, from three search engines, Bernard Jansen and his rather than a substitute for offline religious life. colleagues found that most search terms employed (Hoover et al., 2004, p. ii) in religious searches are associated with estab- lished, mainstream religions (Jansen, Tapia, & It seems to function much the same way televange- Spink, 2010). Web search data do not support the lism does. idea of significant religious “seeking” online. This is perfectly in sync with the way most Another approach is to ask people how they religious groups are currently using the web: as use the Internet. A 2003 survey by the Pew online supplements to their “brick-and-mortar” Internet & American Life Project found that 64% operations. Although Gary Bunt (2009) noted of online Americans use the Internet for faith- that the “spiritual supermarket now has an online related reasons (Hoover, Clark, & Rainie, 2004), checkout” (p. 706), most religious groups are not including the following: yet ready to give up the shop and move their entire operations online, nor must they do so in •• 38% have sent and received e-mail with spiri- order to meet the market demands. tual content. •• 35% have sent or received online greeting cards related to religious holidays. Critical Thinking: Although more than •• 32% have gone online to read news accounts of 50% of residents in North America have religious events and affairs. •• 21% have sought information about how to Internet connections, only 5% of the celebrate religious holidays. world population has access to the •• 17% have looked for information about where Internet and the World Wide Web. they could attend religious services. Moreover, in some poor Global South •• 7% have made or responded to online prayer countries, less than 1% of women have requests. ever even heard of the Internet. What •• 7% have made donations to religious organiza- does this suggest about religion online? tions or charities. Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 361

Online Religion: Practicing On the final page, the unlit candle shows along- Faith on the Web side the dedication. Clicking on the wick “lights” the candle. The visitor is then encouraged to In contrast to “religion online” is what schol- “Stay here quietly, as long as you wish, before ars call “online religion.” Cowan (2007) defined continuing.” In addition to lighting her own this as “the various ways in which religious faith candle, the visitor can also click on any of the is practiced over [computer-mediated] networks” “burning” candles to see the source and dedica- (p. 361). The Pew Internet & American Life data tion. The day we visited, 13,541 candles from on the religious uses of the Internet suggest some 134 countries were lit, and it is possible to scroll of the ways in which individuals engage more through all 452 pages to look at them. Not all of interactively while online. For example, some the candles had a written dedication, but many people send greeting cards related to religious did, including the following: holidays (35%); some make or respond to prayer requests (7%). Although these more interactive modes of online religion are not as common as “Thinking of you and praying that you can find peace during this horrible time. the informational mode of religion online, the My heart aches for you.”—Anna from IL, examples are interesting and suggestive of a pos- United States sible future as the younger “digital generation” comes of age. “I pray that I can be a good father and One of the most common forms of online that my divorce will not harm my children religion is prayer sites. Many of these simply or my ex-wife.”—BT from CA, United allow people to submit prayer requests, but one States prayer site that has a strong interactive element is “Light a Candle.” Entering this site (http://www “Ancient Gods and Goddesses, I invoke .gratefulness.org/candles/enter.cfm?l=ENG), the thee. Waters from the sky, Let it be.” “I command thee now, to thee all. Listen to visitor is told, “In many different traditions light- my desire, Rain fall!”—Mother Nature ing candles is a sacred action. It expresses more from Jeffersonville, IN, United States than words can express. It has to do with grate- fulness. From time immemorial, people have lit candles in sacred places. Why should cyberspace Although the candles on this site exist only not be sacred?” Clicking Begin, the visitor is virtually, the sentiments expressed in all of the asked to “take a deep breath and quiet your candles we examined seem very real, and thoughts” and then continue on. The visitor is the process by which one proceeded to light the then taken to a page with 30 candles on it, some candle was thoughtful and deliberate—if the user lit, others not. The virtual flames on the candle brought that spirit with them to the action. flicker slightly and the lit candles actually get Another example of a website for prayer smaller over time as they “burn.” The visitor is actually has a real world dimension to it. The able to light any additional candles by hovering site virtualjerusalem.com has a 24-hour live the cursor over the wick and clicking on it. “wallcam,” a streaming video webcam fixed on Before the candle is actually lit, however, the the Western Wall (Kotel) in the Old City of visitor is told on an intermediary screen, “Before Jerusalem. The Kotel is the last remnant of the continuing, reflect for a moment on your reason Second Temple and therefore seen by many as for lighting a candle.” On the subsequent screens, the most important site in the world for Jews. the visitor has the opportunity to add a dedica- Millions visit the Kotel every year, but those tion for the candle, enter initials to be able to find who cannot can still partake of the tradition of the candle again later, give a country of origin writing prayers to be placed inside the cracks of and state (for United States), and enter a name. the walls by filling in a form on the Virtual 362 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

Jerusalem website, providing name, e-mail presence in Second Life. The same simulcast address, and a prayer of up to 200 characters. video that unites the church’s physical cam- As the website explains, “Whatever your mes- puses is streamed into the Second Life sanctu- sage, we will place your prayer among the ary on Experience Island and projected onto countless others: a testament to the connection large screens at the front of the auditorium so between God, Israel, and the Jewish People that that those in the virtual world can worship in refuses to be extinguished. Your prayers will be sync with those in the real world. One story on collected every week and taken down to the this development reported 3,912 Second Life Wall by Virtual Jerusalem staffers.” avatars visited the church in a single day According to Christopher Helland (2007), the (Simon, 2007). Not long after LifeChurch was virtual world known as Second Life (www.second established, the Anglican Cathedral of Second life.com) has an increasing religious presence Life opened it virtual doors. It offers seven ser- within it. Virtual worlds are three dimensional vices a week, including a Sunday Bible study, online spaces that people access in real time. In which people from 20 nations attend. In addi- the case of Second Life, people create “avatars” tion to its main cathedral, it also has a commu- (three-dimensional characters that represent nity center, peace garden, and labyrinth. The themselves) who live “second” lives inside the website Islam Online created a replica of the virtual world. They have houses and jobs, they holy site of Mecca (Saudi Arabia) in Second shop and party, they have relationships, and Life so that individuals could learn about (and sometimes they attend religious services. perhaps even perform) the Hajj, a pilgrimage Because the content of Second Life is user- that a Muslim is expected to undertake, accord- generated, these services take place in meeting ing to the five pillars (duties) of Islam, at least places designed by other users who can purchase once in a lifetime. and build on land within the virtual world. These online religion developments are still Religious groups from all traditions have begun relatively new, so not much research has been to explore the possibilities of having a presence published examining how people experience this in virtual reality. There are Buddhist and Hindu form of virtual faith and practice. Some ques- temples, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans- tions do necessarily arise, though. First, are these gender) friendly churches, Unitarian Universalist practices likely to generate authentic religious services, Wiccan covens, mosques, and syna- experiences? Second, are these religious prac- gogues (see Radde-Antweiler, 2008). tices and communities sustainable over time in Of course, some Second Life religions are the absence of face-to-face interactions? Third, bigger than others. With an average attendance how will the economic costs and technological of almost 27,000 a week, LifeChurch of limits of the Internet affect the durability of these Edmond, Oklahoma, is the second largest mega- sorts of interactive websites?4 These are among church in the United States, according to the the most important questions about online reli- Hartford Institute for Religion Research’s con- gion that sociologists will be attempting to tinually updated database. Also known as answer in the future. LifeChurch.tv, it describes itself as a “multi- Although this discussion has treated religion site” church with campuses in six states and one online and online religion as mutually exclusive that meets exclusively via the Internet (called categories, Cowan (2007) has argued that they “Church Online”). In addition, LifeChurch.tv are actually ends on a continuum (see Figure 14.1). has spent thousands of dollars developing a Most websites fall somewhere in the middle: They

4For example, in his scholarly analysis of virtual pilgrimages on the Internet, MacWilliams (2002) discussed Joseph Rice’s Croagh Patrick (Ireland) Holy Mountain virtual pilgrimage. That website no longer exists. Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 363

Information about Religion religion is accessed via Online computer-mediated Faith is practiced over Online networks. computer mediated Religion networks.

Figure 14.1 Continuum of Types of Internet Religion SOURCE: Cowan, Douglas. (2007). Religion on the Internet. In J. Beckford & N. J. Demerath III (Eds.), Sage handbook of the sociology of religion. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

provide some information and allow for some (Yamane, Mellies, & Blake, 2010). Any casual interactivity. This is especially true as more and observer surveying the world of sport cannot more religious groups use Web 2.0 social media help but notice scenes like these: With a gold like Facebook and Twitter to connect with the cross dangling from his ear, Barry Bonds hits people. The exact ratio of information to activity another home run; when he touches home plate, varies from site to site, though we think it is safe he points to the sky. U.S. soccer star Landon to say that at this point in time, the balance tips Donovan makes the sign of the cross prior to tak- heavily in the direction of religion online over ing penalty kicks, as do countless baseball play- online religion. Nonetheless, it is important to ers before stepping into the batter’s box, bear this continuum, and not fall into false binary American football kickers prior to attempting thinking, in mind in considering any incarnation field goals, and basketball players before shoot- of Internet religion. ing free throws. After leading the St. Louis Rams to a Super Bowl victory, quarterback Kurt Warner was asked by an interviewer on national televi- Critical Thinking: How “real” do you sion, “Kurt, first things first. Tell me about the think online religion can be for people? final touchdown pass.” Warner responded, “Well, What are some of the drawbacks? How first things first, I’ve got to thank my Lord and might this new phenomenon affect reli- Savior up above. Thank you, Jesus!” After get- gious communities that exist in your ting injured in the first game of the season, Wake own community? Forest University quarterback Riley Skinner thanked God for the opportunity to play college football. Religion and Sport Sociologists, however, are not casual observ- ers of the social world. The vast amount of reli- Another “outside the box” arena of social life in gious activity we see in and around sport today which religion figures prominently is sport can obscure from view the long-term trend 364 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION toward the secularization of sport. A comment by for the elites. Victory usually allowed the com- sports commentator Frank Deford made the petitor to survive, so winning was pretty impor- point well: “Sport owns Sunday now, and reli- tant (Guttmann, 1978)! Modern sports, though gion is content to lease a few minutes before the less extreme, have adopted this Roman value as big games” (Price, 2005, p. 198). In fact, secular- part of their secularization. According to Kliever ism is a key characteristic that distinguishes (2001), the secularization of sport parallels the modern sport from ancient athletics (Guttmann, general pattern of societal-level secularization 1978). Secularism is particularly evident in the (discussed in Chapter 13)—religion “has lost changing purpose of modern sport. From the effective control over vast areas of cultural life beginning of human history, people aimed to that were once conducted under its watchful eye” please the gods through ceremonies, dance, and (p. 43). As with other institutional spheres— athletic activity. Originally, athletic competitions science and the arts, politics and economics, were fundamentally religious enterprises, meant health care and social welfare—sport “operates to show special talents to the gods, express under its own rules and pursues its own ends” thanks to them, or implore them to take certain (Kliever, 2001, p. 43). beneficent actions such as assuring the earth’s This societal-level secularization changes the fertility (Guttmann, 1978). overall relationship between sport and religion as Examples abound. The Mayans and Aztecs social institutions; it diminishes the religious erected stone ball courts next to their places of significance of sport. At the same time, the insti- worship and often used stories of athletic compe- tutional differentiation of religion from other tition to explain nature, believing, for example, social institutions facilitates the development of that the sun and moon resulted from a game a free market for religion. This free market is a between the gods and a set of twin brothers. As a fertile soil in which organizations can freely result of losing, the twin brothers lost their heads compete for attention and adherents. Evangelical as a sacrifice. This tradition continued, with one Christians in the United States in particular have player from every game being sacrificed. The been very adept at using sports organizations to secular Olympic Games we know today were advance religious ends—from the YMCA of created as an exercise of devotion to the Greek yesterday to the sports ministries of today. god Zeus. Athletes had to swear on the highest deity that they had been training for at least 10 months and would abide by the rules of competi- Muscular Christianity tion. Violations of this oath led to fines that were used to construct statues of Zeus. The original and the YMCA Olympics lasted 5 days, of which only half of the The idea of “Muscular Christianity,” a time was used for competition; the entire first Christian commitment to health and “manli- day was devoted to religious ceremonies. Native ness,” can be found in sections of the New American tribes used sport to explain nature and Testament, but the term was not coined until the to please the gods. Southwest Apaches used mid-1800s. Indeed, many Puritans were suspi- unwed males in relay races in honor of the mas- cious of sport for moral reasons. Like dancing, culine sun and the feminine moon (Baker, 2007). playing games was considered sinful—as an In the Western world, athletics began to be idle waste of time that could be better spent approached more secularly by the Romans, and working or worshipping. Eventually, even these their principal purpose became not religious Protestant sects came to embrace sport, in part expression but entertainment. Roman athletes through the ideology of Muscular Christianity. focused on fighting, as in gladiator contests, and Religious leaders who supported connecting Roman sport often pitted the members of the religion and sport promoted the idea of the body lower classes against each other as entertainment as a temple. This notion provided a framework Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 365 in which both a sound mind and sound body young men, American YMCAs used popular became essential in worship. The term Muscular activities to recruit and convert non-Christians. Christianity was coined by the press to describe In 1860, the annual convention of the American the work of authors Charles Kingsley and YMCA decided that gymnasiums should be Thomas Hughes. Their “adventure novels built at all YMCA locations, and by 1890 more replete with high principles and manly Christian than half of the 400 YMCAs in the United heroes” sparked an interest in the social bene- States had on-site gyms (Baker, 2007, p. 50), fits of athleticism (Putney, 2001, pp. 12–13). which were soon followed by bowling alleys, Muscular Christianity’s main focus was to boxing rings, and swimming pools. Through address the concerns of boys directly, not use of these facilities, as well as camping trips abstractly, so that they could apply religion to and baseball leagues, the YMCA used sport and their lives. The idea did not catch on quickly in teamwork to expose young men to Muscular the United States, but over time it has become Christianity and “lead men to Christ.” one of the most notable tools employed in It is difficult to underestimate the contribution Evangelical Protestant outreach ministries. to modern sport made by individuals associated The Young Men’s Christian Association with the YMCA. The term bodybuilding was first (YMCA) was started in England with strict reli- used in 1881 by Robert Roberts, a devout Baptist gious ideals. Appalled at city lifestyles, George and gymnasium superintendent at the Boston Williams created the YMCA as a place where YMCA, and William Morgan invented volley- men could fellowship together. The YMCA’s ball while serving as an instructor at the Holyoke, initial activities in England were Bible studies, Massachusetts, YMCA in 1895 (“The YMCA in Christian readings, and prayer; all amusements the United States,” 2010). However, the YMCA’s were prohibited. The YMCA was designed to greatest contribution to sport came from James educate and promote Christian responsibilities in Naismith, a Presbyterian seminary graduate who a world of temptation and self-indulgence (Baker, was in residence at the YMCA Training School 2007, p. 47). Card playing, billiards, secular in Springfield, Massachusetts, when he devel- reading, and physical activity were forbidden by oped the modern game of basketball in 1891 early English leaders, only to become a vital part (Baker, 2007, p. 61). The sport’s popularity grew of the American YMCAs. exponentially over the years, and it has become In 1851, under the leadership of Captain the most popular organized YMCA sport. It has Thomas Sullivan and the Reverend Lyman also become one of the leading evangelical tools Beecher, Boston became the first city in the for other Christian organizations such as Athletes United States to open a YMCA. The Boston in Action (AIA). Association modeled its facilities after those of Sport remains integral to YMCA program- its English counterparts and emphasized the ming today. The “Y” sponsors leagues for library and reading rooms where Bible classes baseball, soccer, tennis, football, basketball, vol- could be held (Putney, 2001, p. 65). By 1856, leyball, and gymnastics. The prevalence of these there were over 50 YMCAs in the United secular activities marks a dramatic change in the States, from Georgia to California (Baker, 2007, means employed by YMCAs today as compared p. 48). In time, American YMCAs began recruit- with those at the time of their founding, but what ing young men from all walks of life and of the ends? Although the mission of the YMCA employing a more secular approach than that of remains “to put Christian principles into practice their English counterparts. Cards, secular nov- through programs that build healthy spirit, mind els, and athletic competition began to bring and body for all,” there is little organized effort young men into the building, where leaders at the Y to proselytize today. According to could preach the Word. Whereas English William Baker (2007), “in 1888, most YMCA YMCAs acted as safe havens for Christian men agreed with Luther Gulick, who reminded 366 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION

of young men, other organizations arose to fill the void. Professional athletes began openly sharing their testimonies, a practice that opened the door for many prominent religious leaders to use famous athletes in their efforts to attract young people to meetings. Billy Sunday, the famous evangelist, had begun his career in professional sports in the early 20th century. The first of several evangelical sports organizations, Sports Ambassadors (SA), was established in 1952. SA accelerated the use of ath- letes as spokespersons for Christ by organizing exhibition games in order to draw large crowds; during halftime, players would share their personal testimonies (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999, p. 129). As the popularity of sports grew on college campuses, so did the opportunity for ministry. The Fellowship of Christian Athletes (FCA) was cre- ated in 1954 as a student–athlete Christian minis- try and grew into an organization of summer camps and retreats designed to promote Christian ideals among high school and collegiate athletes (Ladd & Mathisen, 1999). Campus Crusade founder Bill Bright envisioned a more evangelical Christian ministry that he hoped would travel the Although many players today do not know it, basketball was world and preach the Gospel through sport. This founded as a YMCA sport—part of an attempt to link Christian approach became the focal point of its offshoot, faith with sport through an idea of Muscular Christianity. Athletes in Action (AIA), founded in 1966 and Interestingly, this game is being played a few hundred yards intentionally positioned to the theological “right” from the first YMCA building ever built on a college campus of FCA. Today, AIA has a presence on nearly 100 in North America in 1883. The wood frame building is on the U.S. college campuses and 35 professional sports campus of Hanover College in Indiana, but it is now an teams. It fields summer teams in baseball, basket- Environmental Science Education Center—having become ball, soccer, tennis, volleyball, wrestling, track secularized like the YMCA itself. The sport spawned by the “Y” and field, power lifting, and sports medicine to is alive and well on campus. promote the Christian message and personal testi- monies of Christian athletes. them that the gymnasium should always be a As Mathisen (2006) observed, the founding of means to the end ‘of leading men to Christ’” SA meant that “an entirely new genre of reli- (p. 55). More than 100 years later, that end has gious organizational forms was created, with long been lost at the YMCA as the organization sport occupying an essential presence” (p. 299). has internally secularized. SA, FCA, and AIA are the “Big 3” Protestant sports ministries. Unlike in the formative years of the YMCA, which used religion to legitimize Evangelical Protestant Sports sport, the roles are now reversed: These organi- zations use sport to legitimize religion, which Ministries suggests the increasing social significance of As the YMCA decreased its emphasis on sport sport and the relatively decreasing social signifi- as a method of increasing the religious sensibilities cance of religion. Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 367

Religion and Spirituality lower levels of religious commitment, but the at the Individual Level authors believe that sport is better understood as a secular competitor to religion. Religion and In a secularized society, people can choose sport, in this view, are part of a zero-sum game whether to be religious and, if so, how they are (only one can win), since both require invest- religious. They can choose to make religion part ments of time and energy. Indeed, the most visi- of their identity as an athlete or to make athletics ble manifestations of religion in sport—wearing part of their religious identity—or not. As the religious symbols or making religious gestures— examples provided earlier suggest, many indi- require no real religious commitment by the viduals do visibly choose to connect religion and individuals in question (think Barry Bonds). sport. Still, for every Bob Cousy, who made the Generally, when push comes to shove for college sign of the cross before shooting free throws, athletes, sport wins out over religion. how many Catholic professional basketball play- Of course, in the contemporary United States, ers do not? Moreover, of all individuals who it is important to distinguish between religion and shoot free throws, how many make a religious spirituality. Whereas religion is sometimes asso- sign prior to shooting? Unfortunately, efforts to ciated with inherited tradition and dogmatic measure this sport/faith relationship scientifi- beliefs, spirituality is seen as a quality of an indi- cally have lagged behind its media visibility. vidual, particularly as relates to his or her per- Some smaller-scale studies suggest a link. sonal experience. Spirituality is seen as a more For example, Storch and his colleagues (Storch, primary and pure relationship to the divine than is Bravata, and Storch, 2004) compared 57 inter- “religion.” This distinction raises the possibility collegiate athletes and 169 nonathlete under- that college athletes are perhaps spiritual but not graduates at the University of Florida and found religious. If so, this might be accounted for in two that athletes had higher levels of conventional ways. First, one can more easily be spiritual on religious faith. There are good reasons to expect one’s own terms, making it easier for athletes to this finding. Sport shares many of the same val- accommodate spirituality in their busy lives. ues as certain religions, particularly evangelical Second, for some, athletics itself can be a form of Christianity (Mathisen, 2006). Overman (1997) spiritual practice (Hoffman, 1992), and their peak highlighted the connection between sport and or flow experiences during performance (Jackson the Protestant ethic of success, self-discipline, & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999) may sensitize them to and hard work. The Protestant ethic—with its a spiritual dimension of life in general. emphasis on delayed gratification—is especially Yamane and Blake (2008) find no general conducive to participation in organized sporting support for this position. Their analyses of the competition rather than in free and expressive UCLA data suggest that college athletes are play (Coakley, 2007, p. 538). actually less spiritual than students in general. How generalizable are the findings of Storch Why? Perhaps, according to Mathisen (2006), and his colleagues? That is a question taken up because modern sport is the antithesis of play, by David Yamane and Teresa Blake using repre- “If play is free, sport is highly structured; if play sentative data on college students collected by is outside the ordinary, sport has become work- UCLA’s Higher Education Research Institute. like; and, importantly, if play is intrinsic, sport is Using multiple regression models that control for extrinsic” (p. 288). Therefore, as Mathisen several other variables, Yamane and Blake (2006) noted, it may be precisely outside of for- (2008) found that college athletes are less reli- mally organized sporting activity that we may gious than college students in general. It is pos- see the true “signals of transcendence” (p. 287) sible that there is a value conflict between sport that Peter Berger spoke of when examining play. and religion (competitive aggression versus Kliever (2001) also emphasized the notion that a cooperation and compassion) that could lead to modern ethic of work in sport trumps the ethic 368 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION of play. Play, then, may be closer to spirituality Invisible Religions than is sport. Although college athletes appear generally to As we discussed in Chapter 5, several scholars be less religious and spiritual than their fellow have stressed the individualization of religion— college students, one important exception the way in which each individual in modern emerges in Yamane and Blake’s (2008) analyses. society constructs his or her own meaning system Evangelical Protestant athletes are more reli- by drawing from many religious and secular gious and spiritual than college students in gen- philosophies. Perhaps the most important work eral. This is not surprising given the history of developing this thesis is that by Thomas “Muscular Christianity” in the United States, as Luckmann (1967). Luckmann used an well as the popularity of groups such as AIA and extraordinarily broad definition of religion, FCA on college campuses (Cherry, DeBerg, & referring to religion as the “symbolic universes Porterfield, 2001, p. 27). The theology of of meaning” that infuse all of life with a sense of Muscular Christianity allows evangelical transcendent purpose. He emphasized worldview Protestants to sacralize sporting events and also as an elementary and universal manifestation of provides a framework that allows athletes to religion (Luckmann, 1967). In this respect, negotiate conflicts between sport and their reli- Luckmann’s definition of religion is similar to gious beliefs (Coakley, 2007, p. 556). This theol- other functional definitions (Geertz, 1966; ogy gets activated by AIA and FCA ministers Yinger, 1970). However, rather than limiting and groups that provide strong systems of social religion to macrosystems of meaning—meaning support for belief and practice—“plausibility systems that address death, suffering, and structures” (Berger, 1967), as we called them in injustice—he sought to understand worldview at Chapter 8—that are key to sustaining religiosity. all levels of generality and specificity. He insisted Of course, more systematic studies on more that “no single interpretive scheme performs the general populations are necessary in order to religious function. It is rather the worldview as a draw conclusions with certainty. For now, we whole, as a unitary matrix of meaning” that would provisionally say that religion and sport in defines one’s identity and serves as one’s the lives of individuals are separate spheres of religious orientation (Luckmann, 1967, pp. existence that connect at some times and for 55–56). In essence, he pointed to personal some people. However, as we would expect from identity as “a form of religiosity” (Luckmann, the theory of secularization, there appears to be 1967, p. 70). A person’s sense of identity—his or no inherent connection between them today. her values, attitudes, dispositions, and sense of Thus, to characterize the relationship between self-worth—are part of his or her religiosity religion and sport in modern America as a because all these are related to feelings about “fusion” is an overstatement (Price, 2005). At what makes life worth living. These are certain times and places, religion and sport do “invisible” forms of religion in that they do not have a close relationship. Still, this is not the have the social manifestations one normally same as saying that sport has a constitutionally associates with religion. religious dimension, as in Mayan ball games or This is certainly a broad definition. Many sumo wrestling under Shinto. The idea that social scientists have objected that it makes sporting activity is fundamentally religious, or everything religious—or makes nothing at all that religious authorities can regulate sporting specifically religious. They make an important activity, is a thing of the past. The secularization point. The aspect of this definition that we find of sport as a social institution is thus a reality. It intriguing is that Luckmann has defined religios- is also a reality that sport instills values into ity in a way very compatible with that of a num- young people that can have a pervasive and life- ber of 20th-century theologians. Richard long impact—rather like religion. Niebuhr, Paul Tillich, and a number of other Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 369 modern theologians have strongly resisted the tracts, Playboy magazine, psychological theories idea that one’s faith or one’s religiosity is expressed in best-selling books and magazines, expressed primarily through cognitive beliefs. and underlying themes and values in popular Rather, they insisted that one’s faith is most fully television programs can all affect a person’s manifested in everyday assumptions, in actions, sense of the meaning of life and one’s individual and even in personality structure. Hence, Niebuhr “philosophy of life.” and Tillich sought to discover one’s “real” center Other organizations, social movements, or of worth by exploring the issue of what one ulti- businesses also compete in the philosophy-of- mately trusts. Given the fact that some of the life marketplace. Libertarianism is a political most widely acknowledged theologians (whose movement that exalts the rights of the individual trade is meaning systems) have defined religios- to seek his or her own self-interests without ity similarly to Luckmann, his formulation interference. The prime formulator of libertarian- deserves our attention. ism was the late Ayn Rand, whose newsletter Luckmann believed that as society has was faithfully read by believers and whose pub- become increasingly complex, and as institutions lic addresses packed houses with enthusiastic have specialized their sphere of influence, tradi- followers. Rand stressed individual initiative and tional religions influence a decreasing range of the survival of the fittest and believed that altru- human behavior and thinking. Combined with ism was the worst sort of vice. Selfishness, if one this is the tendency of traditional religions to followed the logic of her argument, was the most freeze their systems of belief so as to make them exalted virtue and would ultimately lead to the seem more eternal, absolute, and unchanging. At best type of society. At the opposite end of the the same time, technological, political, and eco- political spectrum, Marxism offers a coherent nomic changes have continued to occur; indeed, outlook on life and a constellation of values that in the modern world, change occurs at ever promises to bring a better life in the future increasing rates. Luckmann maintained that this through collective action and collective con- has caused traditional forms of religion to sciousness. Each of these social movements become irrelevant to the everyday experiences of offers a philosophy of life and a set of values that the common person. He denied that this repre- compete with traditional religions in defining the sents a decline of religiosity. The common per- meaning and purpose of life. son is as religious as ever, but the religiosity of Even business enterprises, like Amway the laity has taken on new forms. Luckmann Corporation, seek to motivate by stressing the insisted that claims of a decline in religiosity are primacy of financial independence, the ultimate due to the fact that sociologists have usually value of free enterprise economics, and the asked questions that measure only traditional rewards of close friendship with other distribu- religiosity (formal affiliation and attendance, tors. In fact, the regular Amway weekend belief in traditional doctrines, frequency of regional rallies can be analyzed as plausibility prayer, and so forth). structures (see Chapter 8) that operate to rein- In the modern world, people derive their force the believability of the values and outlook sense of meaning by drawing on a wide range of presented by the corporation. Privatization of religious and secular philosophies. Each of these religion involves each individual developing a competes for the loyalties of the citizen, who is personalized meaning system or philosophy of basically a consumer at the marketplace (an idea life by drawing from many sources in modern consistent with rational choice theory of reli- life, including secular media, the traditional reli- gion). The product that each philosopher is sell- gions, and popular televangelism programs. ing is a worldview—with its own center of worth Talcott Parsons and Robert Bellah viewed the or system of values and its own definition of privatization process as a good and healthy sign, what makes life worth living. Popular religious while Peter Berger pointed to the phenomenon as 370 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION evidence of a decline in religion (discussed in (1973) found substantial variations in the per- Chapter 13). While Luckmann did not see the sonal theologies of seminary students—many process as indicative of a decline in religion, departing significantly from traditional Christian neither did he view it as a particularly healthy theology. In any case, most social scientists trend. When individuals must construct their would grant that the meaning systems of most own meaning systems, those systems may seem Americans seem to be somewhat eclectic, with less eternal and less compelling. The individual traditional religiosity, patriotism, and other value may therefore experience anomie or normless- systems converging. At the present time, we do ness. Further, those who do construct a sustain- not know for sure whether this phenomenon is able meaning system often develop one that is so any more common in the modern world than it privatized that it offers meaning only to the was in past eras. individual—ignoring the larger social structure. Readers may find it interesting and worth- Because many privatized meaning systems in while to reflect on their own sense of meaning modern society exalt the autonomy of the indi- and their own system of values. Do all your val- vidual (self-realization, individual social and ues evolve out of a traditional religion? Most of geographic mobility, etc.), the locus of meaning them? Some of them? What other sources have is in the individual biography (Luckmann, 1967). affected your outlook on life? What about the With this locus of meaning, individuals are not sense of meaning and the personal values of your likely to make sacrifices on behalf of the larger friends and acquaintances? Does it make sense to society. If this orientation continued indefinitely, you to refer to personalized systems of meaning the needs of the society itself would go unmet. as a form of religiosity? Why or why not? Is it For this reason, the privatization of religiosity essential for a meaning system to address the could be unhealthy in the long run for the larger meaning of suffering and death in order for it to society. be called religion? These are important issues Hence, Luckmann insisted that religiosity is that have divided sociologists in their approaches not declining in the modern world; it is under- to studying religion and in their generalizations going transformation. An alternative form of about religious trends in this country. religiosity has been developing—a form that does not look like religion to many people Critical Thinking: Do you think religion because it lacks the institutional structures and is taking “invisible” forms? If it is hap- the conventional dogmas characteristic of tradi- pening, is this a destructive trend for tional religions. religion and for society? Give your ratio- Luckmann’s thesis has drawn a great deal of nale for your answer. attention. Several attempts have been made to measure the relative influence of traditional reli- gious views and other “popular” meaning sys- tems in personal philosophies of life. The results Quasi-Religious Movements are mixed: Richard Machalek and Michael Martin (1976) found evidence to support Loosely integrated societies, in which the Luckmann’s thesis regarding invisible religions; intensity of commitment to cultural tradition is Hart Nelsen and his colleagues (Nelsen, Everett, low, are more likely than tightly integrated ones Mader, & Hamby, 1976) did not. William to generate cults and other nontraditional social Bainbridge and Rodney Stark (1981) studied lay movements (Stark & Roberts, 1982). So it is not attitudes toward traditional religious doctrines surprising that in the United States—a pluralistic and found that they may not be as impotent and and rather loosely integrated society—there irrelevant to the average citizen as Luckmann are many new religious and quasi-religious implied. On the other hand, Robert Wuthnow movements. Some of these movements hold Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 371 rather esoteric beliefs; others are based on found that 5% of the population firmly believe in concepts from popular psychology literature astrology, and another 44% remain open to the and movements. Among the quasi-religious possibility that it is true. He found that fully 77% movements that we discuss in this section, none of those polled read their horoscopes at least attracts a large following, and most do not occasionally (Bibby, 1979). attempt to articulate a comprehensive worldview Astrology is sometimes integrated into the that explains the meaning of death, suffering, worldviews of persons who are members of and injustice. Nonetheless, they have collectively mainline religious groups. Their religiosity is a affected a significant segment of the North synthesis or blend of a traditional religion and American population, especially in urban areas. astrology. For others who are not active in tradi- Some of these kinds of movements elaborate tional religious groups, astrology may play a their ideologies, develop theodicies, and evolve more significant role in their overall worldview. into full blown NRMs. One study found that astrology seems to serve as One such quasi-religious orientation is astrol- an alternative to conventional religion for some ogy, a set of beliefs about impersonal forces in people—especially marginal or subjugated mem- the universe that profoundly influence human bers of society: the poorly educated, nonwhites, life on Earth. These forces can be “read” or pre- females, the unemployed, the overweight, the dicted through an understanding of the stars. The unmarried, the ill, and the lonely (Wuthnow, zodiacal sign under which a person is born is 1976a). thought to influence significantly (or even deter- Another form of quasi-religious movement mine) one’s personality structure and one’s has focused more on the development of thinking processes. Astrology is not a new phe- untapped human capabilities. Transcendental nomenon, nor is it limited to any particular age Meditation (TM), Silva Mind Control, and group. It is not organized around a particular Scientology, are examples of this type of move- group of people (there is no “faith community”), ment. TM is a meditation technique that bears there is no ordained clergy or other sanctioned some resemblance to yoga. Its advocates insist leadership hierarchy, and there is no formal doc- that it is not a new religion, and practitioners trine. Yet certain principles and beliefs, which include both people who are active in traditional are transmitted through books and word of religious groups and those who are by traditional mouth, are common to those who believe in measures nonreligious. Some persons use this astrology. technique as a means of relaxation; others seek A surprisingly high number of Americans to tap the “cosmic consciousness” that is the believe in astrology. According to a study by the ultimate source of energy in the universe. National Science Foundation, 6% of the respon- TM was started in the late 1960s by a Hindu dents reported that they read their horoscopes teacher, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. It involves daily, and 7% of Americans reported that they chanting a mantra—a word, phrase, or sound believed astrology was very scientific (National which is given to each recruit. A mantra is not to Science Foundation, 2000). Many others follow be shared with others, but chanting one and con- the horoscopes printed in newspapers, know centrating exclusively on it offers one a channel their zodiac sign and the characteristics of per- to inner bliss. TM masters maintain that such sons under that sign, and “half-believe” in the social problems as war, poverty, crime, and rac- efficacy of astrology (i.e., they are not fully con- ism would disappear if everyone would engage verts, but they remain open to astrology and in TM. They maintain that if everyone were in believe that there is probably something valid tune with the cosmic consciousness, most seri- about it). Roughly 44% of Americans check their ous social problems would not exist. People horoscopes at least occasionally (National would be more relaxed and more able to fulfill Science Foundation, 2000). In Canada, Bibby their cosmic purposes (Needleman, 1970). TM 372 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION claims it is not a religion but only a discipline and eastern spirituality with modern science of meditation. Still, the organization’s webpage (Scientology, 2010). describes them in terms that have quasi-religious Some writers have attempted to formulate an overtones: eclectic philosophy that purports to synthesize these diverse orientations into a unitary—but The Transcendental Meditation technique is based very diffuse—movement called the New Age on the ancient Vedic tradition of enlightenment in movement. Proponents such as actress Shirley India . . . handed down by Vedic masters from MacLaine and writer Marilyn Ferguson (1987) generation to generation for thousands of years. have claimed that a compelling new religion is About 50 years ago, Maharishi—the representative emerging from these movements and from scien- in our age of the Vedic tradition—introduced tific sources. The most systematic statement for Transcendental Meditation to the world, restoring the knowledge and experience of higher states of this perspective is Ferguson’s book The Aquarian consciousness at this critical time for humanity. Conspiracy. New Age theology is very mystical When we teach the Transcendental Meditation (intuitive) in its source of knowledge, but it also technique today, we maintain the same procedures blends popular psychology, “holistic medicine,” used by teachers thousands of years ago for process philosophy, and—from the natural and maximum effectiveness. (TM, 2010) social sciences—general systems theory. Some advocates of New Age thought are theistic, but While TM was founded by a Hindu leader, it is not all adherents believe in a deity. The New Age used by some Christians and by persons unaffiliated movement does seem to have a strong supernatu- with any religious group. The organization claims 5 ral spirituality as a common core. Ferguson million practitioners worldwide (Bickerton, 2003). insists that this emerging form of spirituality has Scientology is a highly organized and fully no organization but is an unplanned and uncoor- institutionalized movement related to popular dinated groundswell. Because it has no organiza- psychology and parapsychology (belief in clair- tion and takes so many forms, the New Age voyance, telepathic communication, and psy- movement seems to be largely in the eye of the chic healing) and uses an educational model. It beholder. Because its advocates are very process offers to help people become “clear” and to oriented (denying any absolute answers in life) maximize their human potential. The more and because they so fully embrace humanistic courses one takes, the higher one moves in the values, the New Age theology has become a stratification system of the group. This, of favorite point of attack for conservative course, enhances instrumental commitment, for Christians. one makes a financial investment (the courses Another form of quasi-religious movement is are not cheap) and begins to rise in the system focused generally on science fiction and more of respectability and esteem within the group specifically on the TV and film series Star Trek. (Bainbridge, 1978; Bainbridge & Stark, 1980; Star Trek fan clubs have many characteristics Wallis 1977). The Silva Method is a similar that resemble religious bodies (Jindra, 1994). training-based meditation movement that offers Michael Jindra (1994) argued that “without its to help people develop their psychic powers institutional and confessional forms, we often (extrasensory perception) and move people to a fail to recognize religion in our own society” new stage of human evolution (Silva Method, (p. 31), yet the Star Trek cult involves an origin 2010). Some observers view these movements myth, a set of beliefs, an organization to support as essentially business enterprises (the courses and foster the beliefs, a network of fans who are substantial sources of income). However, cultivate social bonds with one another, and ritu- Scientology, in particular, is very explicit about als performed at collective gatherings. At one its claim to being a religious movement, stress- national Star Trek convention, a child was even ing that its philosophy is a synthesis of western playfully “baptized” into the pseudochurch. Chapter 14. Religion Outside the (God) Box • 373

Even the television program’s writer and direc- The nature of religiosity in North America tor, Nicholas Meyer, has said that Star Trek “has does seem to be in transition. Worldviews of both evolved into a sort of secular parallel to the Canadians and Americans, including those who Catholic Mass” (quoted in Jindra, 1994, p. 32). are active in traditional religious groups, appear The program is built on a positive view of the to be somewhat more this-worldly (or secular, if future and is based on rational decision making, you prefer that term). There also seems to be less egalitarian values, a universalism of all living willingness to assent to traditional doctrines. beings in the universe, and belief in the ultimate This may very well be a sign of an increase in the progress of humanity. In one sense, the move- privatization of religiosity and an increase in ment deeply expresses both an American and a syncretistic worldviews—patching together a modernist worldview. Much like many religious meaning of life from diverse sources. At this groups, the most profoundly committed fans also point, we have little comparative data for firm cope with stigma for their beliefs. Yet many of generalizations. The meaning systems of people these superfans suggest that Star Trek provides have, no doubt, always been characterized by a models and myths that influence them pro- good deal of syncretism, but because of changes foundly in everyday decisions and in making in access to the mass public due to television and sense of the meaning of life. other mass media, self-help groups, and others The quasi-religious movements discussed espousing their own philosophy of life probably here are only illustrative of a number of such have more influence on common citizens than in movements that offer inner peace, ultimate ful- earlier eras. This may account for more individu- fillment, spiritual expansion, or insights into the ality in meaning systems. “truth” about human existence. Meher Baba, Whether this is a trend that will have unfortu- Spiritual Scientists, Association for Research nate consequences for the society as a whole and Enlightenment, Spiritual Frontiers remains to be seen. The trend may have negative Fellowship, and I Ching are only a few of the effects for the established religious communities: many other religious movements one might If fewer people feel committed to the theology explore. Whether some of these are actually new that traditional religions espouse, it could involve religions may be debatable, but they do seem to a decrease in commitment to those organizations. represent a form of spirituality that might influ- On the other hand, privatization may bestow ence traditional religiosity or serve as an alterna- other offsetting benefits to the society—and per- tive mode of religion. For example, a person may haps even to religious organizations. Predictions use TM simply for stress reduction, to get into at this point are highly speculative. The recent deeper touch with his or her inner self, or to tap downturn in traditional forms of religiosity may a cosmic source of energy. Yet that person may be the beginning of a pattern, but at present the not consider this activity “prayer” and may not attendance levels at conventional faith communi- respond positively to other traditional measures ties are much higher than they were in 1776— of religiosity (doctrinal orthodoxy, worship when only 10% of the American population attendance, etc.). Likewise, a person who believes belonged to a church (Finke & Stark, 1992; Stark in astrology may not be religious in traditional & Finke, 1988)—and are higher than other ways, but he or she may use astrology as a Global North countries in the modern world. worldview that offers to explain the meaning (or Our own interpretation is that religion is not at least the cause) of events. Any empirical stud- in a declining phase—but readers should remem- ies of religiosity that attempt to explain current ber that we use a broad definition of religion. trends and likely patterns for the future must Systems of meaning that offer to explain the take into account the possibility that religiosity meaning of human events through a worldview, is not declining but is changing in both form and an ethos, and a system of symbols are not likely substance. to disappear. However, certain traditional views 374 • PART VI. SOCIAL CHANGE AND RELIGIOUS ADAPTATION and certain established religious institutions production and consumption sides, action has may well decline in their influence. Whether the been fairly traditional. reader views this change of religiosity as a A second focus was on religion and sport. As decline in religion will be determined largely by the historical connection between religion and his or her operational definition of religion. sport was broken in modern society, action moved to the organizational level, with para- church groups like the YMCA taking center Critical Thinking: In our society there stage and negotiating the secular environment. are a wide range of quasi-religious At the individual level, there is no integral con- movements affecting Americans. Their nection between religion and sport; as in other core values often come from conflicting matters of faith in modern society, athletes can sources: traditional Judeo-Christian the- choose to integrate these two identities or not. ology, or patriotism, or pop psychology, A third line of thinking emphasizes what Thomas or playboy philosophy, or consumerism, Luckmann called “invisible” expressions of religi- or astrology. What are the consequences osity. Individuals may create their own systems of of this for religion? Why? meaning, compiled from the philosophies expressed in popular religious tracts, best-selling pop psychol- ogy books, popular television programs, or inde- Summary pendent political organizations of the far left or far right. Such invisible religion is often vulnerable In this chapter, we highlighted the benefits of because it lacks a plausibility structure, and it often “thinking outside the (God) box” for understanding is relevant only to one individual. religion in modern society. Looking only at Our fourth and final consideration was quasi- religious organizations proper—churches, temples, religious movements. Astrology, TM, Silva Mind sects, denominations, and congregations—we get a Control, Scientology, and the New Age move- different view than if we look at the many ways that ment are among these. They each attempt to religion has changed its relationship with our social explore supernatural forces and/or philosophies institutions and taken on a more fluid form in our of life that can bring greater fulfillment. culture. Some scholars believe that these alternative Our first focus here was on religion and the forms of religion mean that religion is not so media. These two institutions have long had a much declining in North America as changing in close relationship, with religious leaders and significant ways. New forms are emerging and groups using the media to reach far beyond the old forms are taking on modified form. Religion walls of their congregations. The new media in North America clearly does adjust and adapt based on computer technology and the Internet at to the larger society of which it is a part. As we first blush would seem to pose revolutionary new will see in the next chapter, religion is also possibilities for religion, but thus far, both on the affecting and being affected by globalization.