Women and Leadership

Edited by Caroline Sweetman

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This book converted to digital file in 2010 Contents

Editorial 2 Caroline Sweetman

'Point of order, Mr Speaker': African women claiming their space in parliament 8 Sylvia Tamale

From palm tree to parliament: training women for political leadership and public life 16 Lesley Abdela

Towards realistic strategies for women's political empowerment in Africa 24 Sara Hlupekile Longwe

Collective action, organisation building, and leadership: women workers in the garment sector in Bangladesh 31 Petra Dannecker

'Empowered leaders'? Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 40 Kavita Datta and Cathy Mcllwaine

Transformational leadership: advancing the agenda for gender justice 50 Peggy Antrobus

Leadership for adolescent girls: the role of secondary schools in Uganda 57 Jill Sperandio

The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights: the Optional Protocol to the Women's Convention 65 Kwong-Leung Tang

Leadership for social transformation: some ideas and questions on institutions and feminist leadership 74 Aruna Rao and David Kelleher

Resources 80 Compiled by Erin Murphy Graham Publications 80 Organisations 84 Electronic resources 85 Videos 86 Editorial

espite the advances towards order to promote gender equality. Writers recognition of women's political, here make a clear distinction between Deconomic, and social equality with women's and feminist leadership, but men during the twentieth century, there is a discuss the complex relationship that exists continuing lack of women leaders to between these concepts. Some are personal determine the political, economic, and testimonies, describing the authors' social progress of humanity. Women are experience of the struggle to lead - whether largely absent from senior positions in the as politicians, activists, or 'change agents' national and international institutions that in development institutions. govern our lives. In contrast, women have set up Development, democracy, thousands of vibrant, visionary organi- sations of their own, which have and women had considerable success in influencing the The view of the male leaders of colonial policy of governments, international and post-colonial governments was that the financial institutions, and development 'backward' position of women in Third agencies over the past 30 years. However, World countries would be improved as a while this success is to be saluted, women's result of economic development, as this continuing absence from the key political would finance 'modern' education, and and economic institutions that shape encourage the formation of democratic, women's and men's access to and control social, and political institutions. over resources is a scandal. Why are However, contrary to the beliefs and women leaders still marginalised from hopes of many, a high level of national real power, and what will it take to wealth and the presence of a democratic change this? political system do not automatically lead Articles here attempt to answer these to equal numbers of women and men in questions, and offer insights for develop- government. In 1996, Switzerland ranked ment policy makers and practitioners, who 12th in the United Nations' Human aim to promote gender equality and Development Index (HDI) ranking, while support women would-be leaders, within Cote d'lvoire ranked 154th. However, wider society and their organisations. Switzerland and Cote d'lvoire each had 7.1 Moving beyond technical 'fixes', including per cent of positions in government at all training for leadership, they argue that the levels filled by women (UNDP 1999, 240-1). institutions that rule our societies Countries that have adopted commitments themselves need to be transformed, in to promoting women in leadership Editorial positions through policies of affirmative leadership position in democracies, would- action include South Africa and Uganda, be women leaders are in fact much less both of which have a far greater number of likely to be elected, since political parties women in political leadership positions and parliaments have cultures, systems, than many Western nations. and procedures that are biased in men's The Beijing Platform for Action, the favour. Those women who are elected are output of the UN Fourth Conference on often those who play according to the rules Women, sums up the issue as follows: of the game, rather than challenging them. 'Despite the widespread movement Ironically, as Sylvia Tamale points out towards democratisation in most countries, in her article on African women's women are largely under-represented parliamentary leadership, some political at most levels of government ... and have structures indigenous to Africa offered made little progress in ... achieving the women a greater degree of scope for target endorsed by the Economic and political and economic leadership then Social Council of having 30 per cent of they have under parliamentary democracy, women in position at decision-making and power was not so closely associated levels by 1995' (United Nations 1996, with men and maleness, but these Section G paragraph 181). It seems that, structures were swept away in the colonial despite the fact that women in North and and post-colonial era. South played a central role in the struggles of the twentieth century to achieve political, civil, and social rights, 'women's represen- Women's leadership and tation ... is not a necessary consequence of development greater degrees of democracy in civil and Policy makers in Northern governments, political institutions' (Goetz 1998, 241). This international development agencies, and is because citizenship and democracy are international financial institutions, are not gender-neutral concepts (Lister 1997). gradually coming to the realisation that If women are to become leaders, this just and sustainable economic development depends on them attaining 'social as well as depends on women being free to make civil and political rights, and upon gaining decisions on a par with men at all levels institutional power' (Molyneux 1998, 241). of society. In particular, it is essential to Studies of gender and institutions over the have more women in political leadership past 15 years have highlighted that if women's gender interests are to be women's chances of attaining leadership advanced. If leadership is male-dominated, are limited by gender biases, which are gender biases in distribution and control of inherent in the institutions - whether resources will remain, and women will parliaments or bureaucracies - that run the continue to be more vulnerable to economic world. Their admission procedures, rules, poverty and social marginalisation. and working culture reflect their roots in Taking its lead from the international Western Europe, three centuries ago, when women's movement in setting an agenda citizens were assumed to be male and for equality, peace, and prosperity, the white (Lister 1997). Because of the male Beijing Platform for Action stressed that bias of parliamentary and bureaucratic women's full citizenship, and right to lead, institutions, women will not automatically need to be pursued as ends in themselves. find their interests represented, or This would ensure that democratic themselves in leadership positions, as a governments fulfil their role of representing result of a transition to democracy. While the interests of all, and not just those of voters often assume that women and men elites. It states, 'Achieving the goal of equal stand an equal chance of attaining a participation of women and men in decision-making will provide a balance that However, development policy and more accurately reflects the composition practice informed by a commitment to of society, and is needed in order to 'empowering' women has not often focused strengthen democracy and promote its on promoting women's leadership at the proper functioning' (United Nations 1996, level of the state and national institutions. paragraph 181). Since Beijing, many Thus, the current popularity of promoting development organisations have given women's leadership as a development goal attention to the issue of promoting has heralded a shift towards funding women's leadership. With differing degrees different kinds of activities. Strategies for of success, they have started to confront the promoting women's leadership focus either issues of male bias in their culture, on building the capacity of women systems, and procedures, outlined in the themselves, or on overcoming the previous section. Two articles here - from structural barriers that they face. Peggy Antrobus, and David Kelleher and Aruna Rao - challenge leaders of develop- Building women's capacity for ment organisations to join in this work of leadership transforming institutions, and offer their A growing number of international and thoughts on how to do so. national development organisations have started to support training courses that aim From 'empowerment' to to promote 'women's leadership', chiefly through stressing the importance of 'leadership' education, and of skills- and assertiveness- A focus on women's leadership may seem training. For some, this is merely another to be a logical progression from the example of taking a political issue and commitment to 'women's empowerment' neutralising it through providing a made by many development organisations technocratic response. In her article, Sara in the late 1980s. The impact of Longwe focuses on women's leadership 'empowerment' initiatives on gender training in the context of Zambia, arguing relations has been highly variable, and the that development organisations should topic of heated debates among researchers. support women's campaigning and Many development interventions that advocacy activities, and challenge aimed to promote the empowerment of governments to put their commitment to women focused on women's leadership at gender equality into action. She sees household and community level. For leadership training as an apolitical strategy example, countless development projects favoured by development agencies that aim to promote women's 'participation have adopted the language of power and in decision-making' at community level, politics, while doing little to challenge while others focus on the 'economic unequal relationships between women and empowerment' of women leaders of men, the South and the North, and political households. Attempts have been made to elites and grassroots communities. In increase women's autonomy within male- contrast, Lesley Abdela provides a more headed households by promoting their optimistic view of leadership training, involvement in income generation, and drawing on her own experience of working resources have been poured into projects to promote gender parity in parliament in and programmes which aimed to promote the UK and other countries, and discussing women's participation in community-level the role of leadership training courses for decision-making, and to alleviate the women in different countries. Abdela sees poverty of women household heads and such training as a necessary part of their dependants. promoting women's leadership in politics, Editorial while she acknowledges the need for A strategy that aims to overcome structural change to counter male hostility structural barriers in male-biased to women. institutions is affirmative action (also While education cannot be assumed to known as 'positive discrimination'), which lead to women attaining leadership has been adopted within political parties in positions in parliament, good-quality some countries, and by some bureaucracies. education does play a key role in building Recruitment procedures are developed with women's capacity to become leaders the aim of redressing an imbalance of men in society. Education is needed that and women at senior levels. In both Uganda encourages independent, critical thought, and South Africa, governments-in-waiting fosters self-confidence, and provides young have agreed a policy of affirmative action, girls with a vision of what they might in order to gain women's support at the become. In her article in the role of polling booths (Goetz 1998). In her article, secondary schools in promoting women's Sylvia Tamale discusses the experience of leadership, Jill Sperandio discusses Ugandan the significant number of Ugandan women women's and girls' views of the roles of who entered parliament as a result. She schooling, and exposure to female role highlights the fact that continuing models, in encouraging them to become discrimination, as well as internalised ideas leaders in later life. about male and female behaviour, hamper female MPs and prevent their full Overcoming the structural barriers participation in governance. A key structural barrier to women's leadership is lack of legal equality. Until every national legal system enforces Alliance-building: women's women's rights on a par with men, women organisations and 'change will continue to be second-class citizens. agents' Violence and mental intimidation will continue to be the ultimate barrier to In view of the huge difficulty that women women's leadership at all levels of society, have in entering leadership positions in from household to state. Women need laws governments and bureaucracies through that assert their full citizenship and enforce the normal procedures, many women their rights. Kwong-Leung Tang discusses activists choose to further their concerns by the recent process of obtaining the Optional lobbying and campaigning outside Protocol to the Women's Convention (often mainstream government and bureaucratic known as CEDAW, although this acronym structures. As Peggy Antrobus shows in her actually refers to the Committee that article, the success of the international enacts the Convention). The Optional women's movement over the past two and Protocol provides women in ratifying a half decades is particularly impressive countries with an international legal because of two things. First, women's instrument to use if their own national legal organisations differ extremely widely in system fails to enforce their rights. She their aims and agendas. There is no single points out the huge role of the international set of 'women's interests', 'because of women's movement in obtaining the differences between women by class, Optional Protocol, but highlights the fact ethnicity, race, religion and so on' (Goetz that ongoing work is needed to ensure 1998, 243). Collective action depends on that governments ratify it, and that agreeing to differ on some issues, in order women have access to it through legal to further a common goal. Second, this literacy and resources to enable them to use collective action has been undertaken in the the law. face of the attempts of conservative forces, including right-wing women's organis- no guarantee that women leaders will ations, to derail the process by undermining promote gender equality, and there is also the principle of gender equality. It should no guarantee that male leaders will not do be recalled that there is a very important so. Bureaucratic and democratic principles difference between women's action and dictate that leaders should represent the feminist action (in the sense of action that interests of others, even when these seeks to transform unequal gender power interests are at odds with their own. relations), which is not always brought However, while some leaders can and do out strongly enough in debates and represent agendas that they do not share documents: not all women are feminists, personally, this principle is often forgotten: and not all feminists are women. there is a very clear relationship between In order to achieve real change for personal identity and experience, and women, however, engagement with commitment to furthering a cause. mainstream institutions is necessary. A key In their article, Kavita Datta and Cathy strategy for the international women's Mcllwaine ask whether women household movement has been to build alliances with heads adopt a different style of leadership feminist women - sometimes referred to as from their male counterparts. Their 'change agents' (Macdonald et al. 1997), who conclusion is that it is mistaken to assume are working inside the mainstream. In her that individual women household heads article, Peggy Antrobus considers the will necessarily adopt different leadership scope for women inside bureaucracies to styles. Factors that influence an individual further feminist agendas, and shares her woman's leadership style include her age, own experience of what she terms ethnicity, and economic status, and the fact 'transformational feminist leadership' that surrounding culture and social which transforms the agenda of a structures remain biased in men's favour. bureaucracy from within, and transforms While some women do pursue more an international agenda to ensure it reflects egalitarian leadership styles, others emulate the concerns of feminists. Throughout the those associated with men. United Nations conferences of the past In her article on Bangladeshi women's 25 years, the international feminist experience of leadership in the garment movement has worked with huge skill to industry, Petra Dannecker discusses the ensure that the outcomes of the conferences case of a union set up by women garment have included a strong feminist element. workers themselves - the Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers Union - What is different about and compares women's experiences within women's leadership? this union with their feelings of alienation from the formal trade union, dominated by It is obvious that half the leaders of men. The organisation aims to improve humanity should be female on grounds of employment conditions and support equity alone, because women make up half members in ways that they define the human race. Debates on how women's themselves. Through cultural programmes leadership may or may not differ from and legal literacy training, among other that of men should not distract us from activities, it aims to generate a feeling of this point. Having said this, the world solidarity. needs leaders who will further the Peggy Antrobus's article concentrates on agenda of peace, equality, and sustainable women leaders only, rather than focusing development. on men's potential to advance the feminist The link between personal identity and agenda. In the context of bureaucracies, leadership style is a complex one. There is she points out that women who have not Editorial previously advanced gender concerns may References be influenced to do so. It is also possible for women leaders to switch allegiances at Goetz, A-M. (1998), 'Women in politics and strategic moments. For example, within gender equity in policy: South Africa and 'mainstream' political or bureaucratic Uganda', Review of African Political institutions, it is very rare for women to Economy, 76: 241-62. have risen to leadership positions on a Lister, R. (1997), Citizenship: Feminist platform of women's gender interests, and Perspectives, Macmillan. advancement may depend on their loyalty Macdonald, M., E. Sprenger, and I. Dubel, to another cause. However, when there are (1997), Gender and Organisational Change, many women in leadership positions, they KIT Press. may be able to advance the cause of women Molyneux, M. (1998), 'Analysing women's despite the risk that their actions may not movements', in Jackson, C. and R. please those in authority. Pearson (eds), Feminist Visions of Considerable attention has also been Development: Gender Analysis and Policy, given over the years to the issue of Routledge. organisational structure. Is a hierarchical United Nations (1996), Platform for Action command structure inherently inappro- and the Beijing Declaration, New York: priate to further women's interests? Some United Nations Department of Public argue that a form of politics that is Information. genuinely democratic and respectful of the right to self-determination should reject bureaucratic organisational structures in favour of flat, co-operative structures. However, it is extremely hard to envisage a substitute. Indeed, there is considerable evidence from women and men who work in flat organisational structures that formal forms of dominance and control are replaced by informal forms - resulting in a 'tyranny of powerlessness' (Molyneux 1998). However, it is true that collaborative work between different organisations in the women's movement has led to networks and coalitions in which it is sometimes hard to discern leadership. In their article, Aruna Rao and David Kelleher discuss the different values and ways of working associated by many with feminist commitment, and identify key qualities in transformational leaders. If hierarchical organisational models and notions of top-down control are completely rejected, the notion of leaders as those who have power over others has to be questioned. Social transformation is about recognising the power within all of us to become leaders. 'Point of order, Mr Speaker': African women claiming their space in parliament1 Sylvia Tamale

At the close of the millennium, there is a wave of invigorating air sweeping across the African continent. The refreshing breeze can be felt in the form of women smashing the gendered 'glass ceiling' in a bid to overcome the cultural and structural barriers that impede their political careers. In this short article, I examine the relationship of African women2 to parliament. In the first section, I look at women's involvement in politics in pre-colonial Africa, and then examine the barriers to women's political activity thrown up by colonialism. This history explains much about women's absence from contemporary African national assemblies. I then focus on one state - Uganda - looking closely at the policy of affirmative action there, and the reality of male bias, prejudice, and sexual harassment that women MPs confront when they manage to enter parliament.

frican women are currently giving represent a very small minority of state men a run for their money in the national legislators. South Africa has the Ahighest political offices of their highest number of women representatives land. They include Eileen Sirleaf-Johnson among national legislatures in Africa, and of Liberia, Rose Rugendo of Tanzania, was the first African country to achieve the Charity Ngilu of Kenya, Inonge Mbikusita- 1995 UN target of 30 per cent for the Lewanika of Zambia, and Margaret Dongo representation of women in parliament of Zimbabwe. Specioza Wandira-Kazibwe, (United Nations 1996, para 182). Seychelles from my own country, Uganda, is the first stands second at 27.3 per cent, followed woman to ascend to the second highest by Mozambique, Namibia, Eritrea, and political position in the land: a true rarity in Uganda. At the other end of the spectrum Africa, and across the world. But African are countries such as Djibouti and the women remain grossly under-represented Comoros, where the assemblies are in the institutions that make decisions for exclusively composed of men. Have their nations. By the close of the last African women always been absent from millennium, in only 17 African countries the decision-making process in their did women account for ten per cent or communities? more of parliamentarians. This article is based on research I Clearly, we have a problem here. conducted between 1995 and 1998. The African women were active participants in information on Ugandan women parlia- the struggle for political independence all mentarians comes from notes I made from over the continent. More recently, they observations in the National Assembly, and have also played active roles in liberation interviews with legislators - 40 women, movements, in countries including Uganda and 15 men.3 (Byanyima 1992). But in spite of these contributions, women in Africa still African women claiming their space in parliament 9 Understanding women's In her work, Kamene Okonjo contrasts absence: history revisited the 'dual-sex' political structures of West African traditional societies with the Pre-colonial Africa 'single-sex' system existing in much of Male-authored, male-biased history texts the North. She shows that despite have failed to acknowledge women's past the patriarchal structure of much of contributions to the political life of most pre-colonial Africa, women were not African societies. Recently, a growing totally subordinate. In a single-sex system, literature has aimed to correct the record, 'political status-bearing roles are predomi- by highlighting the important roles of nantly the preserve of men ... [and] women African women as political actors in the can achieve distinction and recognition pre-colonial period (for example, Staudt only by taking on the roles of men in 1989; Agorsah 1990). This scholarship seeks public life and performing them well' to document certain structural features of (Okonjo 1976, 45). Okonjo describes in pre-colonial African political economy that detail how authority structures in Africa provided specific roles for women. were distinctly sex-separate. She The status of African women was not demonstrates how the dual-sex system equal to that of men (Hafkin and Bay 1976; worked among the Igbo of Nigeria, where Amadiume 1987); patriarchal societies the functions of the Obi (male monarch) predominated on much of the continent. were parallel to, and complementary However, African women played extremely with, those of the Omu (female monarch). important and diverse social roles, and Okonjo argues that 'within this system, wielded substantial economic and political each sex manages its own affairs, and power all over the continent. While a sexual women's interests are represented at all division of labour preceded the colonial levels' (ibid.). Sex-separate institutions were period in many African societies (Schmidt also found in East Africa. For example, 1991), this was not divided along among the Kikuyu of Kenya, women productive and reproductive lines. During performed economic, social and judicial pre-colonial times, most African women functions through an age-segmented were fully engaged in both reproductive institution called ndundu (Stamp 1975). and productive activities (Okeyo 1980). Women's participation in trade was so The colonial period vigorous that in many African contexts they However, the colonial intrusion into formed women's market networks, which African societies 'added new dimensions to gave them a high degree of economic the differentiation between the sexes' power. Women in Ghana, for example, had (Chazan et al. 1988, 87). When Europeans total control of the proceeds from their colonised Africa, they transplanted their trade sales - a factor that gave them relative ideas of male-dominated politics, and autonomy from men (Agorsah 1990). In ignored African women's political and addition, the well-organised market economic activities. This created the networks often formed a strong basis for conditions for denying adulthood to women's political activities. For example, in women, defining them as wards of men 1929, when the Igbo and Ibibio women of (Staudt 1989). By eroding most of the power Nigeria rose against the British colonial and autonomy that African women had authority in the famous 'Women's War', previously enjoyed, colonialism pushed communication and co-ordination them to the limits of subordination. throughout the war was accomplished For example, when the British through marketing networks known as colonialists took over power in Nigeria, mikiri (Mba 1982). they only recognised the male Obi (to 10

whom they offered a monthly salary); they consumer who could motivate her completely ignored the female Omu. husband's productivity. Kamene Okonjo concludes that 'the absence of women from meaningful She must be educated to want a better home, political representation in independent better furnishings, better food, better water Nigeria can be viewed as showing the supplies, etc. and if she wants them she will strength of the legacy of single-sex politics want them for her children. In short, the that the British colonial masters left sustained effort from the male will only come behind' (Okonjo 1976, 58). when the woman is educated to the stage when her wants are never satisfied (Roddan 1958, A systematic and deliberate colonial quoted in Staudt 1989, 78). policy ensured that African women were excluded from politics. Women were distanced from decision-making in Independence and beyond agricultural production and other forms At the time of formal independence from of production, due to Western views about colonial rule, most African countries the '..."proper" place of men and women in accorded full political rights to women. societies' (Staudt 1981, 5). It has also been Not only did they have full suffrage rights, argued that shifting decision-making from but they were also free to stand for any 5 community level to the colonial capital political office. Susan Geiger suggests that cities lessened women's opportunities to it was in the best interest of African influence political decision-making, nationalist leaders to present themselves as because women had relied on influencing 'enlightened proponents of Western their male kin informally (Strobel 1982). democracy and equality' (Geiger 1990, 227). Several scholars cite missionary However, at independence, Africa education as the single most important inherited political ideologies and structures policy that adversely affected African designed to consolidate male privilege women in relation to men (for example, and power, and women's subordination. Weis 1980). In order to participate in Male authority in post-independent competitive party politics and parlia- African states was so ubiquitous that for a mentary democracy, one needs some basic very long time it was taken for granted. education in subjects such as English, Recently, feminist theorists have begun to civics, the law, and political science, fields question the concept of 'the state', and that at the time were the exclusive preserve challenge the patriarchal power encoded in of men. The education given to girls in the it. They have shown that the division colonial era certainly did not provide between the 'public' and 'private' spheres women with the intellectual skills needed is artificial, and has had a huge negative to participate in Western-style politics impact on women (MacKinnon 1989). imposed on the colonies at independence. There was no political ideology at Education for women was primarily geared independence - or, to put it another way, no towards providing the educated men with strong women's movement - to challenge good wives and home-makers, and focused men's domination (Strobel 1982, 126). on domestic skills, nutrition, and home Where women's organisations existed, economics. As in Victorian Europe, not these were often closely connected to only were educational opportunities the male elite who were to rule after disproportionately provided to males, but independence. For example, at the time of men's education was also accorded higher independence in 1963, Kenya had a priority than that of women (Staudt 1981). 4 nominally autonomous national women's Moreover, the educated African housewife organisation called Maendeleo ya Wanawake was viewed by the colonisers as a potential (Women's Progress) which held the African women claiming their space in parliament 11 mandate for promoting the advancement of quential, and increased representation African women. Although it started by would not be likely to produce significant criticising the Kenyan government, its change' (Staudt 1981,19). leaders were soon co-opted as wives and kin of male national leaders. Audrey Affirmative action: lessons Wipper asks the rhetorical question: 'With husbands, brothers and fathers occupying from Uganda some of the most powerful positions in One of the ways that African governments the country, do they have too much at stake have sought to redress the problem of to query certain practices, let alone take women's paucity in decision-making action to oppose the power structure?' positions is through the introduction of (Wipper 1975, 116). African women's affirmative action programmes. Ugandan continued absence in the political sphere women, for example, have a constitutional is due in large part to this failure to 'sex quota' - reserved seats - at the level of challenge the deep social inequalities that parliament and local councils. This has result in female poverty and subordination. helped considerably to boost the number In Tanzania, the national women's of women politicians. Today, female organisation, Umoja Wa Wanawake Wa parliamentary representation in Uganda Tanzania (UWT - United Women's stands at 18.1 per cent. This has certainly Organisation of Tanzania), officially a part altered the Ugandan political landscape, of the ruling party in Tanzania, was also albeit in contradictory and complex ways. charged with the task of improving the The benefits to women from the lives of poor rural women. Despite all affirmative action experiment are limited UWT's efforts, women's status in Tanzania by the fact that it was a top-down policy did not show any significant improvement. imposed by the state. In 1989, the National Susan Rogers identifies the problem not to Resistance Movement (NRM) government be co-optation, as in the case of Maendeleo, gained the support of women legislators by but rather the uncritical 'acceptance of the offering them access to the political world sexual division of labour and accompanying of male power. However, challenging gender relations as essentially unalterable inequality between women and men was conditions of human existence, even not on NRM's agenda. The fact that the as Tanzanian women themselves identify state is not a guaranteed ally in the struggle these relations as central to their oppression...' for gender equity makes it extremely (Rogers 1983, 38). important that the women's movement in Analyses of why African women Uganda marks a critical distance from the remain largely absent from political life state. But women continue to support the today must also explore the larger NRM government because it gave them structures within which African politics access to the political arena, and this has are played out. The prospects of political nipped any popular opposition in the bud. systems integrating women in Africa are Women activists need to stop 'thanking' dim indeed, in light of the fact that national the NRM for having 'delivered' them from structures are themselves shaped and oppression. They should not view the influenced by regional or international policy as a privilege but a right: it is merely contexts. In the context of globalised a political opportunity, within which to politics, the realities of African politics advance the emancipation of women in all within the prevailing hierarchical world spheres of life. economic order mean that '...[at] the top The problem is exacerbated by the stratum, which international movers of politics of patronage, whereby resource- capital dominate, women are inconse- poor women (and men), in the context of 12

an underdeveloped economy, have to common problems and challenges, depend on the resource-controlling state irrespective of their mode of entry into the as a vital back-up for advancing their legislature (that is, whether through political careers. Complacent in their affirmative action or the direct route). positions of power, many affirmative action When women step over from the beneficiaries do not engage in serious self- 'private' sphere to claim their rightful space analysis concerning their role in parliament, in the 'public' arena, traditional values nor do they seriously or systematically provide a ready tool for men to use to question the gender implications of remind them of their 'proper' place. But the state-sponsored bills. same men will hasten to strike down The affirmative action policy has proved custom as outmoded and archaic if it stands to be class-centric, largely benefiting an in their way to power and privilege. educated elite minority among Ugandan Ugandan women internalise such tradi- women. In this sense, the policy has tional concepts and the stereotypical perpetuated mainstream post-colonial images painted of women by society. This politics, which has excluded the voices of sometimes leads them to resent other the largest section of the peasant 'deviant' women who enter national population (both men and women). In politics. This explains the women-on- other words, the political situation of the women verbal violence and denigration majority of women who face the brunt of that was demonstrated in many oppression and marginalisation, for whom constituencies in which women were affirmative action was purportedly contesting each other during the 1996 targeted, largely remains constant. general elections. Affirmative action policies are essentially The male-dominated media in Uganda limited in that they neglect class-based represents one of the patriarchal pillars interests (Sikhosana 1996). When Uganda that serves to perpetuate gender subor- introduced affirmative action as an dination and oppression. Operation of the experiment in 1989, it was a reformist old-boy network within the male political strategy, which did not deal with the elite is extended to include the fraternity of underlying structural problems of the reporters, journalists, and editors who serve system. It could only therefore be of as gatekeepers to what makes news. By limited value to the women's movement portraying women politicians as an in Uganda. Affirmative action is merely aberration, or as intruders into the serious a necessary first step toward the difficult domain of politics, they perpetuate the road to transformative action that allows gendered public/private divide. These for a democracy with a wider base. ideologies are internalised by the public, creating and fuelling feelings of resentment Gender issues faced by towards women who participate in formal Ugandan women MPs politics. Despite the increase in the number of Sexual harassment of female politicians in Uganda, I found in women MPs my research that it is still extremely difficult for women to achieve political My research revealed that sexual harass- autonomy. Gender inequality affects the ment was an issue that most women social interactions of male and female legislators had to deal with on a day-to-day legislators, and remains an integral part of basis. However, many female politicians the parliamentary institutional framework did not regard the repetitive sexual remarks (Tamale 1999).6 Female politicians face directed at them as problems, let alone African women claiming their space in parliament 13 constituting sexual harassment. 'Brushing it That women MPs are working in an off, both literally and mentally, was the environment where their status as method adopted by almost all victims of 'honourable' MPs is at best precarious is sexual harassment in my study. Even the powerfully demonstrated in the experience most radical feminists among the female of another informant in my study: legislators I interviewed adopted passive Akwasi: One time I went over to say hello to a methods of dealing with it, and did not male colleague. I don't know, maybe I caught consider it serious enough to warrant court him at a bad time ... maybe he had had other or other retaliatory action. Even in those things on his mind (chuckles nervously) and cases where a male colleague went as far then he sort of grabbed me here (points to her as making physical contact of a sexual crotch). I was shocked, I literally went down on nature, the women legislators either my knees. I said, 'Please, please, I have a lot of blamed themselves for it, or simply respect for you' ... But I wasn't angry; I ignored it. Below are two examples from thought maybe it was my mistake, maybe I took my research. him for granted. I just learnt a lesson that time Akiiki7: They do all kinds of funny things - that sometimes you have to be careful with (laughter). I don't even know where to begin men ...By nature they can misbehave simply (sighs)... This guy, you know he calls me into by the way you present yourself. his office one day, he asks his secretary to bring The attitudes and reactions reported here some coffee, blah, blah, blah and we talk. The are by no means unique - they echo many conversation is going nowhere so I say, 'OK, other studies of sexual harassment in thank you, bye-bye.' So he gets up to open the working environments elsewhere. In the door for me and ... (illustrates by grabbing course of their work, women also have to her left breast with both hands) deal with the psychological anguish, Sylvia: Oh my God, really? feelings of belittlement, and increased Akiiki: Ah-huh, I couldn't believe it, you can self-consciousness occasioned by sexual imagine such a thing. All of them are the same. harassment. But in this case, the legislative Sylvia: What did you do? work of female MPs is ultimately affected. Akiiki: 7 just brushed off his arm and walked Such experiences may, in part, explain the out. (Laughs.) apparent reticence and diffidence that The key issue here is in the MP's generally characterises Ugandan women contradictory statements: she could not parliamentarians on the chamber floor. believe what her male colleague did to her, yet she concedes that it is commonplace Conclusion when she adds, 'all of them are the same'. This indicates that she could not believe The unprecedented presence of women in that a 'respectable' fellow parliamentarian Uganda's parliament has had a significant would treat her in as base a manner as influence on the political landscape of the 'other' men outside parliament would. country. In particular, it has resulted in a Forgetting that sexual harassment shifting of political sites and a relocation of is a standard way of objectifying women in power (albeit slight), spurring a new kind order to maintain power and control over of political self-organisation for Ugandan them, this female legislator thought that women. However, my research suggests her personal attributes and status as an MP that the right of women to participate in would protect her. Yet to her male politics as autonomous actors is still greatly colleagues, first and foremost she was a curtailed in both overt and covert ways. woman. Her parliamentarian role was only Inequality between women and men, secondary. together with the poverty that is the result 14

of Uganda's under-developed economy, transformation of existing political constrains the performance of women structures. But as my research and that of legislators. Cultural norms that associate others have revealed, patriarchy is not men with the public and political entirely constraining; it has some elements arenas, and women with the private and that can be exploited by women to improve domestic arenas, operate to perpetuate the their standing. Inspiration can be taken status quo. These norms shape unequal from the new breeze that is blowing across gender power relations within state our fair continent. That breeze brings with institutions. There is a risk that affirmative it the potential for positive change. And as I action may be a hollow victory, which has state in my book, When Hens Begin to Crow, little potential to shatter the institutional the chant of crowing hens will one day aspects of sexism in Uganda. reverberate around the four corners of The importance of a strong women's Africa. movement to back up women who hold public office is especially important in Sylvia Tamale is a lecturer in the Faculty of ensuring that they are aware of the need Law, Makerere University, PO Box 7062, to reconstruct political structures according Kampala, Uganda. to feminist principles (Bystydzienski 1992). E-mail: [email protected] But while not all Ugandan female politicians are gender-sensitive, I would confidently state that the majority of Notes women MPs in my country pursue 1. This article is based on a paper delivered 'women's issues' both inside and outside at Indaba99, 'Women's Voices, Gender, the legislative assembly halls. The work of Books and Development', Zimbabwe female politicians in Uganda is in many International Book Fair, Harare, 1999. ways a reflection of the constraints and 2. African women are not a homogenous contradictions arising out of a patriarchal group. Despite the common heritage socio-political setting existing in a derived from colonialism, economic peripheral area of the global economy. On exploitation, and racism, there are wide the one hand, traditional gender roles and variations in the ways that these have basic issues relating to daily survival give impacted on individual women in shape to their political work. On the other, different regions and communities. their contradictory status as marginalised 3. This study was part of my Ph.D. thesis women in positions of power sets them research at the University of Minnesota apart from the masses of Ugandan women. and is also the basis of my book, It is these very contradictions that are likely When Hens Begin to Crow: Gender and to foster further action for social change Parliamentary Politics in Uganda by female legislators; the sense of (Westview Press, 1999). incongruities for these women is bound 4. It is important to note, however, that to precipitate into a particular form of education appropriate for engaging in political consciousness. politics was not accessible to most The struggle for women's emancipation African men, either - only a select group, in African politics is a difficult one. including sons of chiefs and other Eliminating hostility to women in senior notables, received it, in certain colonial political positions will be a painstakingly administrations. slow process. It will take public education 5. There were exceptions such as northern and awareness-raising, and the attainment Nigeria where women gained the vote in of equal numbers of women and men in 1976,16 years after formal independence national politics as well as the radical (Howard 1985, 292; Geiger 1990, 228). African women claiming their space in parliament 15

6. By gender, I refer to the social and Mba, N. (1982), Nigerian Women Mobilized: cultural construction that shapes Women's Political Activity in Southern feminine and masculine identities and Nigeria, 1900-1965, Berkeley: Institute of roles. And because gender exerts a International Studies, University of major effect on individual lives and California. social interactions, many feminists now Okonjo, K. (1976), 'The dual sex political view it as a social institution in and of system in operation: Igbo women and itself (West and Zimmerman 1987; community politics in midwestern Lorber 1994). Nigeria', in N. Hafkin and E. Bay (eds), 7.1 use pseudonyms in this article in order Women in Africa: Studies in Social and to protect the confidentiality of Economic Change, Stanford CA: Stanford informants. University Press. Rogers, S. (1980), 'Anti-colonial protest in Africa: a female strategy reconsidered', References Heresies, 3(l):22-25. Agorsah, K. (1990), 'Women in African Schmidt, E. (1991), 'Patriarchy, capitalism, traditional polities', Journal of Legal and the colonial state in Zimbabwe', Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 30:77-86. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Amadiume, I. (1987), Male Daughters, Society, 16(4):732-56. Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in Stamp, P. (1975-76), 'Perceptions of change African Society, London: Zed Books. and economic strategy among Kikuyu Byanyima, W.K. (1992), 'Women in political women of Mitero, Kenya', Rural Africana, struggle in Uganda', in J. Bystydzienski 29:19-43. (ed.), Women Transforming Politics: Staudt, K. (1981), 'Women's politics in World-wide Strategies for Empowerment. Africa', Studies in Third World Societies, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 16:1-28. Bystydzienski, J. (1992), 'Influence of Staudt, K. (1989), 'The state and gender in women's culture on public politics in colonial Africa', in S. Charlton, J. Everett, Norway', in J. Bystydzienski (ed.), and K. Staudt (eds), Women, the State and Women Transforming Politics: World-wide Development, Albany: State University of Strategies for Empowerment. Bloomington: New York Press. Indiana University Press. Strobel, M. (1982), 'African women: review Chazan, Naomi, Robert Mortimer, John essay', Signs 8(l):109-31. Ravenhill and Donald Rothchild (eds) Tamale, S. (1999), When Hens Begin to Crow: (1988), Politics and Society in Gender and Parliamentary Politics in Contemporary Africa, Boulder, CO: Uganda, Boulder CO: Westview Press. Lynne Rienner Publishers. United Nations (1996), Platform for Action Geiger, S. (1990), 'Women and African and the Beijing Declaration, New York: nationalism', Journal of Women's History, UN Department of Public Information. 2(l):227-44. Weis, L. (1980), 'Women and education in Hafkin, N. and E. Bay (eds) (1976), Women Ghana: some problems of assessing in Africa: Studies in Social and Economic change', International Journal of Women's Change, Stanford CA: Stanford University Studies, 3(5):431-53. Press. Wipper, A. (1975), 'The Maendeleo Ya MacKinnon, C. (1979), Sexual Harassment of Wanawake organisation: the co-optation Working Women, New Haven: Yale of leadership', African Studies Review, University Press. 18(3):99-120. 16

From palm tree to parliament: training women for political leadership and public life Lesley Abdela

Over the past two decades, I have worked in the field of developing women's political leadership in over 30 countries. In this article, I define what I mean by women's leadership, why I think there is a need to develop it, and the methods and tools that I have used to achieve this, in several different initiatives. At present, I am Chief Executive of Project Parity,1 an NGO established in 1996. Project Parity aims to achieve an equal proportion of women and men in political and public life, who share leadership and decision-making, to create a stable and peaceful, yet progressive, democracy. In its work, it uses tools, training techniques and insights gained from my involvement with two other organisations - Eyecatcher Associates2 and Shevolution.3

'... members of a local branch of the 100 Group What is leadership? A dictionary Network confronted a wife beater who headed definition of a leader is: 'a person who up a palm tree. He was forced down into the rules, guides, or inspires others' (Collins midst of the women, and he then had to promise English Dictionary 1979). An alternative that he would never ever again hit his wife.' definition is someone who is invested with (Progress report of the 100 Group Network 'formal or informal authority by others - for women's political leadership, Nigeria.) regardless of the values they represent' (Heifetz 1951, 13). My personal addition to believe that women and men working these definitions is that a leader is a person in equal partnership in politics and who has the ability to mobilise others. Ipublic life would lead to a quantum The leaders acknowledged in formal shift in the way different countries and historic records are almost all men, with a different ethnic groups relate to each other. few notable exceptions. Some women - for With equal partnership between male and example, the Queen Mothers in Ghana, female leaders, I believe that human Queen Elizabeth of the UK, Queen Beatrix relationships would then be less about of the Netherlands - have inherited trying to dominate each other, and more significant leadership roles by virtue of about finding ways to relate to each other, descent. When it comes to elections, the to co-operate, and to interact, for mutual first elected women leaders often carry a benefit. Many of the injustices faced by famous political family name. In these women and minority groups never reach cases, dynasty sometimes over-rides the top of the list of priorities for politicians gender. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in and public officials at present, and will not Pakistan and President Cori Aquino in the do so until there are a sufficient number of Philippines are examples. Benazir Bhutto is women in positions of leadership. the daughter of a previous Prime Minister, Training women for political leadership and public life 17 and Cori Aquino is the widow of a former In India, the 1993 Raj Panchayat Act created President. one million elected women members of The common denominators of leader- local councils and chairs of local council ship are status and influence. Democratic committees. Over 30 per cent of elected leaders are expected to respond to the members of parliament are female in influence of their followers, as well as to Finland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, influence their followers. In a democracy, Iceland, Germany, Netherlands, Scotland, leaders have made a bargain with their and South Africa.In New Zealand the Prime followers in order to be elected: through Minister and leader of the main opposition voting for them, the electorate allows them party are women, and 29 per cent of MPs are to gain power for a period of time. female. In Sweden there are more female In contrast to becoming a leader by than male government ministers. virtue of descent or being elected into In many other countries, women office, a leader may be the most influential continue to be almost entirely absent from member of a popular movement, operating the debating chambers and most political with little if any formal authority. They may decision-making and policy-making not have been elected or appointed in a committees. It seems, too, that almost formal institution but either have been every discussion on politics in the media elected in an informal movement or is dominated by men. This male bias somehow emerged as leader of the pack. excludes women from everyday politics. This is the form of leadership where women Data on the current proportion of leaders often emerge: for example, Millicent women in parliaments around the world Fawcett and Emmeline Pankhurst, leaders of has been compiled by the Inter- the British women's suffrage movement at Parliamentary Union, on the basis of the start of the twentieth century, and information provided by national parlia- Wangari Maathai, leader of the Green Belt ments. One hundred and seventy-seven Movement in Kenya. The void left by the countries are classified in descending order lack of democratic participatory political according to the percentage of women opportunities for women has often been in either the lower or the single house. filled by 'wife-ism' or 'first lady syndrome', Out of a total of 40,052 MPs, the data give whereby the wives of political leaders the sex of 36,557 members. There are 31,505 become women leaders as a result of their men and 5,052 women. The percentage marital status. of women is, therefore, 13.8 per cent (http:\ \ www.ipu.org). Women in political Lack of women in political decision- making results in government that ignores leadership roles - even disdains - what women want and There are still fewer women than men need. Until women achieve numbers in leaders in contexts where leaders are legislatures far nearer parity, all advances elected, but in a number of countries, in the in equality between women and men must past two decades, the number of women be viewed as extremely fragile. Even in elected to local councils or national contexts where advances have been fought parliaments has increased. In 1979, for and eventually won after decades and Margaret Thatcher became the first woman centuries, they can easily be stolen if Prime Minister in the UK. She was one of women are not participating fully and only 19 women, out of a total of 635 equally in government and political life. members of parliament (MPs). Now, in the The Platform for Action agreed at the year 2000, there are 123 women MPs in Fourth United Nations Conference for the UK, as a result of affirmative action. Women in Beijing in 1995 links women's 18

lack of political participation to their variants, and solutions must be developed continuing economic marginalisation, and and applied for particular circumstances, to abuses of their human rights. The idea I have found that there are many that it is necessary and desirable to have similarities on which generalised solutions a significant number of women leaders in can be developed, and then modified for politics and public life has blossomed local needs. In February 2000,1 was invited in the past 50 years, in parallel with to Cameroon by the British Council and the spreading of Western notions of Plan International, the international NGO. representational democracy as a political Over a ten-day period, I met individuals philosophy. Democracy is not democracy and groups in interviews, discussions, and when over half the population are not fully workshops: about 500 people in all. represented. Participants were women, men, and In the past two decades, in the poorest children from all strata of society, including countries of the world, economic senior politicians, teachers, doctors and restructuring programmes, agreed by nurses, lawyers, NGO leaders, male-dominated governments and male- development workers, farmers, market led international organisations, have hit traders, and trade unionists. A key part of women hardest. In terms of women's civil the research was to explore the obstacles rights, only 44 countries have laws against preventing women from taking leader-ship domestic violence, 17 countries have made roles in Cameroon. Stereotyped marital rape a criminal offence, and 27 assumptions are often behind decisions not countries have passed laws on sexual to restructure the political arena to suit harassment. In far too many countries, women's needs, or entrust women with violence against women and sexual leadership roles. harassment is considered 'normal'. In a number of countries, male politicians and 'Women do not want to be in politics or traditional and religious leaders block laws to be leaders' that would give women the right to inherit I was told repeatedly by men that there are land. Their decisions keep millions of no Cameroonian women interested in women in a poverty trap. Without land or taking part in political life. The most other assets, women have no hard effective strategy for any group attempting collateral when they need bank loans. This to retain power over another group is to lack of access to credit presents an make the disparity seem to be the natural impenetrable barrier to women traders and order of things. For thousands of years, entrepreneurs who wish to start up, or politics and public life have primarily been expand, in business. Lack of property and perceived as 'a man's game'. Stereotyped money also means women have no power assumptions are often behind decisions to flee violent husbands, or to exercise not to include women. What are termed control over their fertility and sexual 'old boys' networks' in the English- health. speaking world are powerful influences on the selection of candidates for local and national politics. These networks exist The barriers to women's between men with shared interests and backgrounds. In addition, traditional male leadership: men's and leaders, including chiefs and religious women's views leaders, have a great influence in some What insights can be gained from working countries on the choice of political in many different contexts on women's candidates. Contrary to men's beliefs, leadership issues? While there are always Cameroonian women told me that they do Training women for political leadership and public life 19 want leadership positions. It was not with a local organisation, Gender and women's willingness to be included at all Development Action (GADA). The work- levels of decision-making in political and shops, entitled 'Training for Women in public life which was lacking, but fair Public Life', were the brainchild of Nigerian candidate selection procedures. Candidate women working with the British Council. selection procedures within political parties We learned that the handful of Nigerian present a barrier in many countries to women who have competed for political would-be women politicians. Typical positions in previous elections were comments from women in Cameroon4 separated by geography and ethnicity, included: 'We want to get elected to local often fighting lonely battles in the face of councils and parliament, some of us have entrenched male opposition and unjust tried but we find that the men in our electoral practices. In Nigeria, before the parties block us. Men are egoistic. The men military dictatorships, Nigerian women don't accept us on the party list. If they do had a long history of leading activism. accept women, they put them in the lower positions where they cannot get elected.' 'We don't want women commanding us' In some countries, this is changing, as Some men felt that voters in Cameroon governments and NGOs try to increase the need to be educated to accept women in number of women in politics and public politics. Women were seen as mothers and life in response to the Beijing Platform carers and were not usually seen in of Action. decision-making positions at community level. 'There are no capable women' I heard many comments from men along 'Women may not be prepared to play the these lines. Men told me that Cameroonian same game' women might not be able to do the job of a Some felt that women should be kept out Member of Parliament, that women are not of politics because they are likely to ready, and that there are insufficient behave more ethically than men! One man numbers of educated women. Women in Cameroon, who was critical of corruption agreed with these comments, but tended to in politics, explained his reasons for stress the need for training to ensure that supporting women in politics: 'Many male they overcame this obstacle. I was told: politicians are interested in "the politics of 'We want to get to the point where we can the stomach". They don't want women consult at the same level as a man'; entering politics because women may get in 'Women don't have status, confidence, the way. Women may not be prepared to dignity or a position in society within play the same game.' which she can stand and defend her rights'; and 'The key obstacle women face is the method of choosing candidates.' Developing a holistic response In countries where non-democratic systems have operated, there may be The obstacles perceived by Cameroonian few role models for aspiring women women and men, outlined above, are politicians to emulate. Countries ruled by echoed in other country contexts. Most of the military are particularly likely to the threads are common to both Western present problems for women, since the countries and 'developing' countries alike. military as an institution is not partici- At the same time as urging, training, patory in nature, and is male-dominated. and encouraging more women to put In 1996, Project Parity conducted a series themselves forward for leadership of workshops in Nigeria, in partnership positions, organisations that promote 20 women's political leadership must play a Working for women's part in reforming the existing power leadership: our strategies structures. This means working with the following target groups in a holistic To sum up, there are three areas where approach: politicians (both male and attention is needed: female); women leaders of NGOs and 1. Equipping future women leaders with community groups; community develop- skills, knowledge, and confidence, to ment workers; and next-generation leaders. empower those women who want to 'Shevolution' is a word I invented to come forward and take an active role in describe what needs to happen, to result in politics and public life. This is a key societies where women's and men's talents component both in terms of helping operate equally, and political systems then individuals who are already involved produce policies and programmes that in breaking the mould, and in terms are fair to both women and men. This of attracting and encouraging new would mean looking at every process, women to get involved who may have policy, every activity and programme, on been put off by intimidating odds the basis of how it meets the needs of against success. women and men. If you track this back, it 2. Changing the technical impediments to means consulting with both women and women's progress, such as laws and men right from the planning stage. structures (for example, property laws, Our work aims to: inheritance laws, electoral systems, • encourage more women to come voting laws, selection procedures, and forward and take an active role in so on). politics at local, regional, municipal, 3. Changing the gender culture of the and national levels; systems and structures in the political • train potential women candidates and and public arenas, so that women and their campaign teams in the skills and men can work successfully within them. understanding of democratic politics - Strategies include gender awareness this includes candidates for parliament, training for men and women in the as well as local, regional, and municipal media, international missions, NGOs, government and mayoral candidates; and political parties; training for • help change the culture and systems in women's groups and NGOs working political parties and the media to help with women on topics such as lobbying, politics to become 'woman-friendly'; advocacy, and communication skills; • increase public awareness about the workshops challenging the way the importance of including women at all media cover women in politics, or levels of decision-making in politics; challenging the public's preconceptions • help build and develop non-party- of women in politics; considering the aligned NGO groups similar to the timing of meetings to see if they are British 300 Group (discussed below), to family-friendly, and so on. ensure a continuation of our activities for getting more women elected to The 300 Group: 'growing parliament and local councils, and as mayors. These groups, working with your own' women and men in the media, NGOs, The same year as Margaret Thatcher took and political parties, would continue the the premiership in the UK, I founded the promotion of parity democracy. 300 Group,5 a UK-based NGO which aimed to increase the number of women elected to local councils and parliament in the UK. Training women for political leadership and public life 21

The approach we used was informed by In 1995, Tim Symonds and I set up a new my background in marketing. We tried a European-based NGO, Project Parity, with two-pronged strategy of stimulating a Baroness Williams of Crosby as its 'market demand' for more women in President, to continue the work of the 300 politics and public life, and at the same Group of 'growing' future women leaders, time ensuring a steady supply of good but this time on a global basis. The goals quality 'products', by offering highly of women's leadership and what I term practical training workshops for women 'parity democracy' are indivisible.6 In short, would-be politicians. This way of working in addition to developing the capacity of has since been adapted, according to local individual women to become leaders, and cultures and conditions, for use in many supporting them in their goal, reform of countries, including Ghana, Japan, Romania, the political system is also needed, to Nigeria, and the Ukraine. ensure that the voice of the entire electorate The lengthy process of trying to is heard in government. The experience stimulate demand for women in politics gained in the 300 Group is now reflected in involved strategies including 'texturing' the the work of Project Parity in different views of the media, the public, and the contexts around the world. (mainly male) opinion leaders in political The Nigerian 100 Group Network is one parties to welcome, and even to start to example of how we have learnt new ideas demand, more women in decision-making and success-stories from partner groups and leadership roles. This is done through and participants to share with other a number of awareness-raising activities, countries. In 1996, sponsored by the British meetings, and events. Ensuring the Council in Nigeria, we conducted a series 'products' entailed working with women of workshops in Kaduna, Enugu, and who wished to enter politics and public life, Ijebu-Ode, near Lagos, in partnership with but for whom these were often uncharted Nkoyo Toyo and her team from GADA territories. The 300 Group workshops were (Gender and Development Action, part of held in different areas of the UK; women the Abantu network). My co-trainer was from all backgrounds were encouraged to Franciska Issaka, of CENSUDI (the Centre come forward as potential candidates, and for Sustainable Initiatives), Ghana. The received training intended to develop their touring workshops in Nigeria were entitled skills, confidence, knowledge of key issues, 'Training for Women in Public Life' and and understanding of how the system were the brainchild of Nigerian women works in democratic politics and public life. working with Andrea Murray (Gender The workshops were open to participants Office, The British Council).7 Participants who supported political parties across the came from different political parties and political spectrum - including women who NGOs, and were of diverse ethnic and were already members of those parties - as geographic origins, and religions. well as to women who did not have a As a direct result of these workshops, loyalty to any political party. The 300 Nigerian women launched the 100 Group, Group also provided valuable informal which aimed at emulating the aims of the support and encouragement. 300 Group, preparing women around When we started the 300 Group, the Nigeria for involvement in democratic words 'women's leadership' were not in political activity. However, unlike the 300 our vocabulary. Rather, we talked about Group, the 100 Group is a network not an the 'representation' of women. It was not NGO. The idea was hatched at a fringe until the early 1990s that I began to notice meeting organised by our Nigerian the phrase 'women's leadership' - which colleagues one evening during the Enugu originated in North America - being used. workshop. Approximately three women 22

from each of Nigeria's states had attended political parties, who adopted five of the our workshops. Each of these teams women participants and included them on pledged to go back to their home territory the formal nominees' lists of candidates. and seek out 100 women with whom they Other participants who are not selected for would share what they had learned. The this election hope to become candidates in plan was that these women in turn would the following election. be asked to seek out a further 100 women. By harnessing women's existing con- nections with individuals and fellow Lessons learned members of organisations, this training Challenging orthodoxies session resulted in the development of a We have learned that it is important network with 300 branches, potentially sometimes to have the courage to challenge reaching three million women. accepted development orthodoxies. It is fine for funders to set their objectives and key areas, but the world is a complex place What have we learned? and rarely falls into neatly separate It is too soon to estimate the long-term doctrines, categories, and departments. results of our work. Follow-up evaluations at five or ten year intervals will also need Capacity-building for sustainability considerable funding. To date, I and my We have learned that one of the best ways colleagues have heard about the results for women to develop their skills, by chance; for example, thank-you letters confidence, and solutions as leaders, is by have arrived out of the blue from women living the action for themselves - we can who have been appointed to senior posts in help the gardeners to develop their skills government or elsewhere, and chance and provide them with the appropriate meetings with women at international tools, but have learned that home-grown conferences have informed us about tomatoes taste the best! Most of our changes that have taken place in countries training is short, sharp bursts of intensive where we have worked. Following a skills training, information inputs, and workshop in Cyprus in October 1998, assistance with designing short-term, President Clerides appointed two women medium-term, and long-term action to top public leadership posts which had strategies. Part of this is due to the necessity never been held before by women, and at of funding constraints, but part is by least two political parties in Cyprus design. We want to empower individuals introduced a quota system to increase with skills, ideas, and motivation. The best the number of women candidates for way for them to develop their skills and elections. In July 2000, an Election solutions and implement them is by living Campaign Workshop for 17 women the action for themselves. candidates and their campaign managers in Cairo was conducted by the consultancy Avoid endless training Shevolution, working in partnership with If you are helping develop women leaders, the Egyptian Centre for Women's Rights, a it is crucial to take active steps to link Cairo-based civil organisation. This training directly to participants taking workshop focused on developing skills for leadership roles in causing action for women participating in an election change. It is very important not to fall into campaign. Following the workshop, the the trap of what I call the 'comfort zone': Egyptian National Council for Women training women to train women to train made contact with all the participants and women to train women. Many people who approached relevant governors and contribute to identifying problems do not Training women for political leadership and public life 23 feel comfortable and willing to implement changing negative attitudes towards solutions. The talkers have a role to play as women leaders on the part of political well as the 'do-ers', but it is important to parties, governments, the media, and the identify the motivators and the active public. The working culture and systems implementers. Without the do-ers, action of political parties and governments need won't happen. to reflect this change in attitudes. Leadership training and development Who funds the promotion of women's can play a vital role in correcting the political leadership? imbalances that exist in power structures We are often asked to carry out work on a internationally in this area. budget that is far too low for the amount of time and resources needed if it is to be Lesley Abdela can be contacted at 46 Portland done properly. Working to develop Place, London WIN 3DG UK. 'women leaders' is certainly a worthy E-mail: [email protected]; cause, but does it not deserve proper tel +44 20 76311545; financial investment, rather than a few mobile tel +44 7967 650 155. crumbs from the global aid budget? It is symbolic that in post-conflict contexts, such Notes as present-day Kosovo, huge sums of money are put into re-training de-mobbed 1 More information can be found on Project fighters (mainly male), compared to the Parity at http:/ /www.shevolution. com small amounts of money made available to 2 Eyecatcher Associates is a business train women leaders, who are equally partnership started by Lesley Abdela needed to develop stable future democratic and Tim Symonds in 1985. It specialises societies (personal observation, Kosovo in journalism, consultancy, training, and 1999). Separately, we frequently receive strategic development reports. requests for assistance to work on excellent 3 Shevolution is a consultancy wing of and sensible proposals, but are not always Eyecatcher. Shevolution specialises in in a position to apply for funding for them. developing solutions for empowering When we do, it is often the case that women. hinders cannot respond quickly enough. 4 Identities are kept anonymous on these needs-assessment missions, so people can speak more freely. Conclusion 5 More information can be found at To solve the many problems facing us all, http:/ / www.300group.org.uk the world needs to be able to draw from the 6 Parity democracy is a democratic system whole pool of talents available to it - both where the number of women leaders women and men. Women are under- present is at least proportionate to the represented in leadership positions in female electorate. politics and public life throughout the 7 The British Council, Gender - world at all levels, from the 'palm-tree' http:/ /www.thebritishcouncil.org/ community level to parliament. We have governance / gendev / index.htm learned that getting a few more women elected or appointed to leadership and decision-making positions is not enough, if References the systems and political culture are still Heifetz, R. (1951), Leadership Without Easy primarily designed for men. We have Answers, Harvard University Press. found it is not enough just to train women Kline, N. (undated), Women and Power: as leaders without also working on How Far Can We Go?, BBC Publications. 24

Towards realistic strategies for women's political empowerment in Africa1 Sara Hlupekile Longwe

Current NGO and development agency strategies to support women's political empowerment are based on two assumptions: firstly, that women's increased access to resources, especially education, will lead to their increased representation in political positions; and secondly, that governments are genuinely committed to leading national programmes of action for women's advancement. Both of these assumptions are seriously mistaken. All development organisations supporting women's empowerment must recognise the true obstacles women face in gaining political power, and develop programme strategies to overcome them. In addition to focusing on the need to get women into government, NGOs could also usefully support women's organisations that are engaging in direct action -a key strategy which enables women to push for policy changes from outside government.

he Beijing Platform for Action, the that women have lower levels of literacy outcome of the United Nations and education; that they are not self- TFourth Conference on Women, held confident and assertive, and lack in 1995, has at its centre a call for women's leadership qualities; that they are inactive increased political empowerment - in other at the grassroots level of politics; and that words, women's increased participation in they do not put themselves forward as decision-making at both the domestic and candidates. These 'reasons' commonly form public levels, in order to bring about the basis for intervention strategies to gender equality in the distribution of increase women's empowerment. Thus, resources. We have yet to see the programmes for women's advancement development of serious programmes to commonly focus on girls' education, while achieve this overall goal. Women are programmes aiming to increase women's grossly under-represented in parliaments representation in parliament focus on in most countries worldwide, and in the leadership training, and encouraging more political administrative levels of govern- women to stand as candidates. ment. In Africa, the proportion of women If there is one common factor in the in decision-making positions is very low. above reasons advanced for women's lack The average percentage of women in of presence in politics, and the strategies parliament is 8.7 per cent, and the developed in response, it is that they all proportion varies from 29 per cent in arise from the perspective that women South Africa to 0 per cent in Djibouti themselves are lacking in some way. They (Inter-Parliamentary Union 1999).2 are not educated enough! They are not Many reasons for the small proportion confident enough! They are not of women in government are offered by the experienced enough! This is blaming the press, politicians, and development victim. organisations. Typical reasons given are Towards realistic strategies for women's political empowerment in Africa 25

Women's education does Sweden (43 per cent) is the result of not lead to political Swedish women's high level of education (57 per cent of university students are empowerment female). However, a high proportion of Of all the reasons given for women's lack of women amongst university students is representation in political structures, the common across Europe, but a high pro- most widely believed is their 'lack of portion of women in parliament is most education'. However, there is absolutely no uncommon. In former Yugoslavia, women evidence to support this assumption. On constitute 55 per cent of university students the contrary, there is plenty of evidence but only five per cent of parliament. that it is incorrect, and therefore the inter- Such inter-country comparisons suggest vention strategies of increased education that increasing women's general level of for girls are entirely misplacedas a means education, relative to men, will not increase towards increasing women's empowerment. their proportion in parliament. While it is The plain fact is that the overall pattern for true that increased education will help Africa shows absolutely no correlation individual women get into parliament, between the percentage of women in and it may be the case that most female university in a particular country, and the members of parliament are educated above percentage of women in parliament, or in the average level of women in a country, the higher levels of government. There is this merely indicates that an increased level no correlation, either, between African of education gives a woman an advantage countries' percentage of women in primary over her sisters in getting into parliament. education and the percentage of women in This potential for individual advancement parliament, nor between women's level of does not bring with it any collective secondary education and the percentage of advantage for women, relative to men. women in parliament. While it is easy enough to show that the Taking the example of my home correlation between women in parliament country of Zambia, which is fairly typical and high educational attainment does not of Southern Africa, about 25 per cent of exist, it is more difficult to counter the the students at the University of Zambia, notion that women lack self-confidence and established 30 years ago, have been women. interest in politics. It is not possible to During this time about 8,000 female obtain facts and figures on these. But graduates have been produced. However, judging by my experience of grassroots to date, only 11 per cent of parliamentarians women in Africa, it seems quite ridiculous are women: that is, 16 women in a to claim that women are lacking in self- parliament of 150. In Malawi, the disparity confidence or assertiveness. On the between highly-educated women and contrary, women in Africa tend to be women in parliament is rather larger: 40 highly self-reliant, which demands per cent of university students are women, confidence. Many work as traders, or run but only five per cent of members of other small businesses; there is a high parliament. In Algeria, women in parliament proportion of female-headed households in make up only three per cent of total Africa - one-third of all households on members, but amongst university students 41 average, and up to 60 per cent in some per cent are women (UNESCO 1999). areas of Southern Africa (an effect of the The same lack of correlation between effects of migratory male labour in women's education and their represen- particular) (SARDC 1999,110). In Africa the tation in parliament is true for Europe. farmers are mostly women, producing 80 It is commonly assumed that the high per cent of basic foodstuffs for subsistence percentage of women in parliament in and sale (FAO website, 1999). 26

Discrimination against UNIP have compartmentalised women's women in politics: political activity into a separate 'Women's the hidden agenda League', which serves to divert women to a subordinate and supportive role (personal Coming to women's participation in communications and observation, 2000). grassroots politics, my own experience of At the community (branch) level of the Zambia is in sharp contradiction to the political parties, the branch committee is claim that women do not participate. typically composed almost entirely of men, Community-level meetings of political with one place reserved for a woman parties commonly attract more women from the 'Women's League' of the party. than men. However, at higher levels, Men hold the controlling positions of women are in the minority. Chair, Secretary and Treasurer. These Much of this situation arises from the male-dominated committees hold the key inculcation and acceptance of gender for the selection of candidates for election discrimination at an early age, where girls to both higher positions in the party, and are socialised to believe that public for state elections to local government and decision-making positions should properly parliament. be occupied by men, and boys are socialised into believing that girls 'Dirty tricks' against may legitimately be excluded. Boys and girls are socialised at home, and later at women would-be leaders school, to believe that men should be the While the absence of women is very visible, heads of households and communities, and the reasons for their absence are often that wives should play a subordinate, hidden. A few years ago, I attended a supportive, and domestic role (Longwe 1998). workshop for female local government In adulthood, women are pressurised councillors in Zambia. There were only further by their husbands, families, and 26 women councillors amongst a total of relatives not to disgrace the family by 1,300! I heard women's own analysis of the going into politics, which is an inappro- real reasons for the small proportion of priate role in the public sphere. Rather, women amongst the councillors, and in most are urged to stay at home, to 'look politics more generally. I heard women's after the family'. Where a woman tries to descriptions of the 'dirty tricks' played step outside this domestic ambit, the men against those who seek political office. of the family and the community are likely Their account of their experiences should to act collectively to push the woman back be enough to dispel any assumption that into her 'proper' domestic place. male-dominated political parties in Africa, In Zambia, although there are likely to or elsewhere, are likely to support or be more women than men attending party produce policies and prog-rammes for 3 meetings, it is the men who hold almost all women's empowerment. the official positions in the party down to The women councillors at the workshop the lowest levels. This general pattern of were clearly the few survivors of a 'hidden male domination of official party posts agenda' to keep women out of political holds true for all the current political positions. They told me that it is not lack of parties in Zambia: the (ruling) Movement leadership skills that holds women back, for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD), the but opposition from men. Zambian women (formerly ruling) United National who have dared to put their names Independence Party (UNIP), and the forward for selection for nomination in (recently formed) United Party for National political parties, or as candidates in Development (UPND). Both MMD and national elections, have been subjected to a Towards realistic strategies for women's political empowerment in Africa 27 wide range of dirty tricks. For example, in are intended to make clear to women the 1991 Zambian general elections, women politicians that they are not wanted in the were given wrong information about 'men's game', that they are out of place, where and how to register as a candidate, and that they should get out. and many failed to lodge their election papers I do not doubt that many readers are for this reason (personal experience, 1991). familiar with the pattern of dirty tricks I The women councillors reported that have described above in the context of many women who had been successful in Zambia, and could add further examples getting nominated for election at the from their own context and experience. grassroots (branch) level of the party were It is this discrimination by dirty tricks that subsequently 'weeded out' at the higher is the main underlying reason for women's levels of selection (ward, constituency, lack of participation in politics at high provincial, and national levels). Where levels, rather than the respectable but women do succeed in being selected as bogus excuses of women's lack of candidates, political parties are more likely education, or lack of confidence. to assign them to wards or constituencies where the party is not strong, and male candidates to the 'safer seats'. The failure of policies for In the small proportion of cases where 'women's advancement' women succeeded against all the odds in Why do I call such discrimination against getting themselves advanced as party women in politics a 'hidden agenda', since candidates in a national election, they still it is so obvious? Because most of us - even faced further dirty tricks to prevent them women working to promote the leadership being elected into office. If a married of women - pretend it is not there. It is the woman stands as a candidate, voters are nasty, sordid, underhand aspect of male- told that any decisions she takes were biased government, which we would prefer controlled by her husband, and that they not to know about. It is are really voting for the husband. Women all those things that are not supposed to be at the workshop told me that they knew of happening. this claim being made during intra-party Both Uganda and South Africa have elections for selection of candidates. One instituted policies for women's political married woman who applied to stand as a advancement, and have introduced candidate in the 1992 local government affirmative action for maintaining a elections found that a delegation of male minimum proportion of women in their party officials visited her house to talk to legislative assemblies. However, no other her husband. He was asked if he had given African countries have programmes for permission for his wife to stand as a women's advancement that stress the candidate, and whether he had his wife importance of increasing the proportion sufficiently 'under control'. of women in decision-making positions in For the even smaller proportion of the public domain. Such programmes women who succeed in being elected to would threaten male-dominated governments local government or to parliament, gender and political systems. However, even in discrimination is not over. It is likely to Uganda and South Africa, it is not clear take the form of various forms of verbal that the governments are wholeheartedly sexual harassment, such as constant behind their own policies for women's innuendos about the morality of women in political advancement. Experience shows politics, and claims that the women have that such policies can be opposed progressed by means of sexual liaison with and thwarted at the administrative prominent men in politics. Such strategies (bureaucratic) levels of government. 28

Where they exist, national programmes boardrooms of parastatal and public for 'women's advancement' concentrate on corporations. Empowerment must be 'softer' areas of policy. These limited defined and measured in terms of women's programmes do not usually originate from control, and not mere access. African governments, but are instead Increased control entails increased instigated by international development empowerment, at the level of the family, agencies. International agencies, especially community, and government. Whereas UN agencies, have clear policies for programmes for women's increased health women's empowerment, deriving from and education are useful and necessary, we their commitments under the Beijing must not be duped that these are also Platform for Action and other similar programmes for women's empowerment. declarations and agreements, and therefore We may say, 'Thank you very much for have to insist that their development your programmes to improve women's programmes are 'gender-oriented'. By welfare and access to resources'. But we contrast, African governments do not want must also ask, 'Where are your any programmes that upset the existing programmes to support the process of political order of male dominance. women's empowerment?'. A comfortable compromise is reached when development agencies confine the Direct action strategies for gender element of their programmes to the level of improving women's welfare women's advancement and increasing their access to resources, In South Africa, policies for women's but exclude all interventions aimed at advancement have been - and continue to be enabling women gain increased political - pushed forward by the strong, politically- empowerment. It is this uneasy and oriented women's movement, which was immoral compromise that explains inter- developed during the years of African national agencies' strange inability to give a exclusion from government during the plain and straightforward definition of the struggle against apartheid. Lessons can be word 'empowerment'! learned from this experience. The past Equal representation of women in decade of near-complete lack of progress on parliament is not a goal in itself, but is a women's political advancement should be means towards the larger goal of removing clear but grim testimony of the folly legalised gender discrimination, and of appealing to the male political ensuring gender equality and justice in all establishment to change their ways, and governance. The struggle for women's give more power to women. The present empowerment is not merely about pushing system serves male interests, and its ourselves into positions of power - it is continuation may be assumed to be a equally about using these positions of priority goal of the patriarchal state. power to release African women from their This analysis suggests major pointers present subordination and servitude. for improved overall strategies for women's Only by increased control over organisations in Africa, for development resources can women collectively increase NGOs, and for international development their access to resources. This means ending funders, if they are to have more impact in the present discriminatory practices in promoting women's political access to credit, technology, skills, and - empowerment. We need to realise the especially - land. Discriminatory practices hopelessness of assumptions that women's can only be ended by means of increased increased access to resources - whether control over the executive and legislative credit, education, or training - will arms of government, and in the necessarily lead to women's increased Towards realistic strategies for women's political empowerment in Africa 29 empowerment and political participation. single issues, around which there is a Secondly, we must drop any illusions that prospect of regional and global mobili- patriarchal government is somehow on sation of the sisterhood. our side, and instead recognise such A mobilisation campaign needs to focus govern-ment as the main obstacle to on a gender issue where the obstacle of women's advancement. gender discrimination is clearly an A coalition of all women's organisations underlying cause of an observable problem. could be built, that recognises that It should be an issue that is clearly promoting women's empowerment at all connected to a violation of women's human levels can and should be an essential rights, so that there is therefore legal element in any programme for women's backing (national or international) for advancement. In this way, women can take programme action, and so that work direct action on the issues that matter to between organisations is possible, based on them, from outside government. In consensus on human rights principles. building such coalitions for women's A key lesson from my experience is to empowerment, there is much prospect of exploit ideological contradiction; that is, regional campaigns around crucial gender choose a gender issue where you can use issues, such as brideprice, polygamy, ideological contradiction to undermine exclusion of women from land ownership, public attempts to justify a practice that is and patriarchal systems of inheritance. discriminatory. Such contradiction is Concern with such issues cuts across the commonly found where a discriminatory sectoral interests of NGOs working in practice contravenes the national different areas. They are issues on which a constitution or other statutory law, or wide range of NGOs can unite for a contravenes UN Conventions which the collective and collaborative effort. government may have ratified, or Campaigns need to be built around contravenes established government policy. women's collective identification of those The issue needs to be widely acknowledged gender issues that can provide the key as an important grievance, so that different points of leverage against the resistance women's organisations can mobilise of the patriarchal state. A key point around it. If possible, the issue should be of leverage may be defined in terms of one that is already a focus of concern for criteria that identify the weak points in the women's organisations or pressure groups. patriarchal defence of male privilege, and A gender issue has more strategic and that enable collective action by a broad campaign value where it is a common spectrum of different women's concern for women in the region or sub- organisations. region, and where there is a prospect of joining a regional campaign of action to Criteria for selecting gender address it. Finally, if the issue is not only one of women's rights but of development issues for direct action importance, it may be possible to gain the We still have much to learn about how to support of development agencies with a mobilise around such global campaigns. I common interest in contributing towards think we have much to learn about collective action to address it. the 'issue-based politics' that has developed In Africa, over the past ten years, we in the North, around such issues as whaling have seen the gradual development of a and land mines. While women's advance- campaign against female genital mutilation ment depends on addressing a thousand (FGM), which affects women in about half issues, the practicalities of political the countries of Africa. This is the type of advancement call for the selection of clear issue-based politics that has the potential 30

for pulling together the African women's give power to women, we shall wait for movement in the common pursuit of ever. We would do better to ignore political power, for the purpose of patriarchal claims that we lack the addressing a well-defined gender issue. prerequisites of education, confidence, or leadership qualities. On the contrary,it is Conclusion the patriarchal state which has already given us the only necessary prerequisite In the vocabulary of international that we need - moral outrage against the development agencies, 'women's injustice of our present mistreatment and empowerment' is an ill-defined concept. subordination. Programme documents insist that women are 'empowered' by access to education, by Sara Hlupekile Longwe is chairperson of increased access to credit, or access to land. FEMNET, and a feminist development How can this be? Surely the very word consultant. She can be contacted at 'empowerment' means increased power, PO Box 37090, Lusaka, Zambia. not merely increased access to resources. E-mail: [email protected] Power is about increased control over resources. At the national level, women's empowerment means women controlling Notes resources through their presence in 1. This article is drawn from a paper government, and having the opportunities originally presented at the 1999 Seoul to allocate those resources so that women International Conference of NGOs in the and men benefit equally. It means their 21st Century, 10-15 October 1999, Korea. participation in parliaments to vote for 2. Figures on percentages of women in discriminatory laws to be removed from parliament in this article are for the statute books, government regulations, period 1994-8. administrative practice, and from all 3. Many of the councillors' experiences of custom and tradition. 'dirty tricks' are recounted in Caucus of Reliance on promoting women's Women Councillors, 1994. political advancement by a strategy of increasing women's education, or by References 'leadership training', is a mistake. For example, an NGO that is supposed to be Caucus of Women Councillors (1994), enabling more women to gain entry into 'Increasing Women's Participation in parliament can adopt an approach of Local Government: Report of the Gender providing leadership training for potential Consultation Workshop, 25-28 January, women candidates. This strategy implicitly 1994', obtainable from the Women's blames women for their lack of access to Lobby, PO Box 30342, Lusaka, Zambia. the resources of education, and their lack of Inter-Parliamentary Union (1999), Women participation in government, because of in Politics, obtainable from I-P U, CP 438, their alleged lack of confidence and 1211, Geneva 19, Switzerland. leadership skills. In fact, the key problem Longwe S. (1998), 'Education for women's should be identified as the covert and empowerment or schooling for women's discriminatory systems of male resistance subordination', in Gender and Development, to women who dare to challenge male 6(2). domination of the present political system. SARDC (1999), Beyond Inequalities: Women It is in the nature of empowerment that in Southern Africa, obtainable from it cannot be given. It has to be taken. If we SARDC, PO Box 5690, Harare, wait for male patriarchal government to Zimbabwe. 31

Collective action, organisation building, and leadership: women workers in the garment sector in Bangladesh Petra Dannecker

A very noticeable feature of economic development in many Asian countries has been the growing employment of young women in industry. Whereas much has been written about the exploitation of the workers, and this is often related to the wider debates about the links between gender relations and globalisation,1 there has been relatively little analysis of the ways in which women resist exploitation through collective action, creating organisations, and networking. All these strategies enable women workers to cope with ongoing change, and sometimes to reshape gender power relations. This article analyses collective action, organisation-building, and women's leadership in the garment sector in Bangladesh, where women have rapidly entered a highly visible form of employment.

he Bangladeshi garment sector, on the formal sector work-force, new modes of which this article focuses, entered a control have arisen. However, as this article Tphase of 'phenomenal' growth in the will show, women have not left these early 1980s (Siddiqi 1995, 2). Approximately unchallenged. The question of who initiates 2,200 factories are registered, and it is and leads these protests is of special interest assumed that between 0.8 and 1.2 million to gender and development workers and female workers are employed in the feminist activists, since the women working garment factories, which means 80 per cent in this sector are still widely perceived as a of the work force in this sector (Financial docile, 'manipulated mass' (Hossain et al. Express 1999). Bangladesh is now the sixth 1988, 133). The forms of leadership that I largest supplier of T-shirts, blouses, found in the factories - both informal and trousers, and shirts to the USA, and the fifth formal - demonstrate that leadership is a largest to the European Union markets. relational concept, which can only be Until the emergence of this new form of analysed by examining people's inter- employment, women had not participated actions with others, and it is shaped by in large numbers in the paid work-force in gender relations, religion, and culture. Bangladesh. Religious beliefs, including Furthermore, the question of leadership Islamic norms of separate spheres for cannot be discussed without linking it to women and men, and, in particular, the the question of authority and power, and ideal of purdah,2 determine permissible different views of power. modes of behaviour for women (Kabeer This article is based on research in 1991). As women have been integrated into Dhaka, during 1996. It consisted of around 32

80 narrative interviews with garment initiative, convince the others to follow workers employed in different factories, them, and then negotiate with the mainly and interviews with unions and NGO male management. Helpers or junior representatives, factory owners, and operators would never plan an activity government officers. The interviews were without the support or the leadership of conducted in various settings, such as a senior operator, who had showed her union offices, hostels, and workers' living willingness to represent their interests places, since I was not allowed to talk or take their side in negotiations with the to the workers inside the factories. management. The quotations in this article are taken from The fact that younger workers would the transcripts of the interviews. never take the initiative by themselves mirrors surrounding social hierarchy and power structures, which shape the Collective action or interaction between men and women, and informal resistance? also between older women and younger Most workers I met in the course of my women. Kinship terms are used to describe research did not perceive collective action relationships with people outside the as feasible at all. Reasons given included family in a variety of circumstances in the fact that salaries are negotiated Bengali society (see Kabeer 1991 for a individually; the way in which the work discussion of 'fictive kinship'). In the process is organised, which means the factory context, women workers call work is very atomised; strict rules and supervisors and male colleagues 'older regulations that undermine communication brother'. This example may indicate and interactions between the workers, and women's wish to de-sexualise the make collective action difficult to organise; encounters between men and women at sanctions on the part of the management; work, and render the relationship more and the high turnover of staff set against socially acceptable. A second example is a backdrop of high numbers of young that female senior operators are called women migrating to the capital seeking apa (older sister) by the younger workers. wage employment. All these are negative According to the interviewees, establishing influences on the development of solidarity a hierarchy between the female workers, among workers, and reduce collective along age and occupational lines, helps action inside the factories. new workers - especially younger ones - to However, I did observe frequent feel familiar in the new context. One young collective protests in particular circum- woman I spoke to, Nazma, put it as stances. In addition, some workers follows: described forms of collective action they At the beginning I was very shy, I felt very had taken at the garment factories. Most of uncomfortable in the new setting. I was these protests were short-term and sporadic, suddenly together with a lot of people I did not and were the upshot of specific incidents. know, I was not used to the kind of work and For example, when overtime pay was not the long working hours and felt uncomfortable paid, women stopped the sewing machines sitting under a fan. My senior operator who to protest against the delay. asked me to call her apa was very nice and Women of different age groups and treated me like a daughter. She helped me to positions initiated and participated in such understand my work and introduced me to collective action to different degrees. An other helpers. She did not allow the supervisor important role was played by more to behave bad with me. I am now working in experienced senior machine operators. another factory but I am still very thankful to They were normally the ones to take the her. Collective action, organisation building, and leadership 33

On the one hand, the use of the term apa their interest, and therefore do not take on for older women workers implies respect the expected role of older sister. One junior and affection on the part of younger operator told me: women, and their hope that they will be In the factory [where] I worked before, we did supported. On the other hand, it indicates not get our salary in time. The senior operators that the younger ones accept the leadership initiated a protest, and talked then with the and the authority of the older ones. Older management. After some days they received sisters do normally have more say in the their money but we, the junior operators and family than the younger ones, and this helpers, did not. We asked the senior operators power structure is transferred into the to protest again, but they said this would not factories. As in the family context older make sense since the management only agreed to sisters often take over the role of a pay their salaries. We ask them to do something mediator, the fictive 'older sisters' in the for us, but they did not. factories fulfil that function. The older workers I spoke to were very well aware The fact that hierarchical relationships that they are supposed to take a leading between women in society has thrust the position in collective action and pay responsibility for leadership onto older negotiations with management. However, workers, independent of their commitment this often put them under pressure, and to this, not only puts the older female not all women were eager to take on the workers under pressure, but hinders responsibility. Leadership in these younger women from taking on leadership situations is thus not a 'position' freely themselves. The same junior operator chosen, but part of the hierarchical asked: 'So what can we do? We cannot just structure. go to them without at least one apa who speaks for us.' Just as a family has members whose In order for a sense of collective identity age or gender gives them a greater say in and a common purpose to develop, people decision-making processes and greater must perceive a link between their access to resources than others, so senior own interests and the interests of others operators who have worked in a factory for (Folbre 1994, 69). The social hierarchy a long time are more likely to have their amongst the female workers in the factories, demands fulfilled than the other workers. which reflects the hierarchy between older Sabina, a senior operator, reported: and younger women outside, inhibits this We always have to organise the workers and talk development. Labour relations are with the management, sometimes the managers embedded in social structures, and this listen to us, especially when we are very affects the question of who takes on a experienced. But normally they only try to leadership role, as well as the interactions satisfy our demands and not that of all the between the workers. This will also be seen operators and helpers. What can we do, I have a in the case of women's interaction with little son I have to take care of, and I need the formal trade unions, examined in the next money. I cannot say, 'OK, if you do not pay all section. of us the money you owe us then I will leave,' but I often feel bad about it. Formal trade unions Senior operators often articulated a strong identification with the factory, and Trade unions and industrial federations in the preferential treatment experienced was Bangladesh have only recently started to one of the reasons they gave for their become aware of the opportunities offered loyalty. Some younger workers complained to them by garment industry as a potential that the senior operators do not negotiate in source of organisational strength.3 At the 34

time of my research, out of 65 industrial From my research, it seemed that the federations operating in Bangladesh, only interactions between people in the unions - eight were active in the garment sector. The in the main, between the male represen- basis for the federations in Bangladesh is tatives and the women workers - were the unions. The unions are enterprise- central in explaining women's reluctance based, and become registered if 30 per cent to participate in the union, let alone to take of the workers become members. over leadership positions. Concentrating Women in my research did not choose on these interactions, and analysing them to engage in much trade union activity from the point of view of unequal gender themselves, or to use the unions to extend power relations, gives us a greater insight their autonomy and create their own room into the problematic relationship between for manoeuvre within the organisations the two. (Lachenmann 1997). Some research Union and federation leaders whom I suggests that women are unwilling to take interviewed attributed the general lack of up the challenging position of union participation and engagement by female leaders (Luchmun 1995). However, the garment workers in the union to their main reason given by the workers to me is rural background and lack of education. that they are aware that the unions and the But a different picture emerged during federations usually advance male interests: union meetings I attended. Typically, the either those of male workers, or the male representatives of the unions - all men - sat leaders of the unions and federations behind a table, while the female workers themselves. who attended the meetings sat in front In Asia, as in the rest of the world, most of them on the floor. Often the women of the higher positions in trade unions are were very shy, hiding their faces while monopolised by men (Charles 1993). In the listening to the representatives, who case of Bangladesh, hardly any women lectured them about labour law. It was have taken leading positions or actively relatively normal for people attending participated in any of the formal unions or such meetings not to dare to ask questions, federations. Case studies of other countries but the women did not even seem greatly reveal similar findings (see for example interested. Instead, they appeared very Joekes 1987, Luchmun 1995). Even though eager to leave. When I accompanied them working-class women have played an as they left, and asked for their important role in the labour movements impressions, Hazara, a senior operator, world-wide, the relationship between commented: women and institutionalised unions has What can I say? One of my colleagues always been problematic. Women's motivated me to go to this meeting because they participation has, in almost all cases, not might help us. But I do not know what this been sustained and institutionalised; organisation can do for us, the man who talked rather, it has been short-term and sporadic. was not even a garment worker. I did not Reasons given in the literature include the understand what he was talking about. He fact that women do not identify themselves asked what problems we have, what can I say, as workers, and that they have very little he will not understand. I felt very uneasy with time to spare to attend union meetings, due all these people around. to their duties at home (Luchmun 1995, Martens and Mitter 1995). However, these Obviously, Hazara could not see any are not necessarily the causes of women's benefit for herself in joining this lack of interest in union activities in the organisation. She could not see how the Bangladesh garment factories. lecture on formal labour law related to her Collective action, organisation building, and leadership 35 working reality, and her day-to-day officials are affiliated to political parties. experiences in the factory. In general, it is Having said all this, the women hard for workers to see the relevance of workers did not dare to openly criticise the such discussions to their lives, since many - way they were treated by union and including those I spoke to - are not federation officials, since the norms focusing on securing the minimum wage, regulating male-female behaviour, and the but rather on how to get their salaries hierarchy between them and the union and overtime paid at all. The women I leaders, would not allow open complaints interviewed who had had contact with the or questioning of the representatives' federations said they could not relate to the knowledge. Instead, women often chose to organisers or leaders, nor could they see show resistance by non-attendance of any common interest between them and meetings; this is their way of signalling the men in these positions. Another rejection. This was very clearly articulated worker, Moni, pointed but: by Hazara: See, we discuss about the problems sometimes I just came because of my colleague. I do not go in the factory. Then, we sit together, and we there again. I need time at home. I work so gossip about the management, the foreign many hours and I have to do the housework buyers, or the problems we have at home due in the evenings. I do not have time to sit around to our work. We also think about what we can there with people 1 do not know and who have do to change our hardship, but it is difficult. no idea about my work and my problems. This man from the organisation talked about The 'ignorance' women show by not some laws, but these laws have no relevance in attending these meetings can be further our factory, so why should I spend my time analysed by reference to debates on listening to him? It is better to share my 'popular modes of political actions' problems with my colleagues - they will at (Bayart 1986; Scott 1976). The leaders of the least understand. This man I do not know ... unions adopted a very paternalistic mode in the factory ...we work together like sisters of interaction with women workers, and brothers. With them, I feel comfortable and indicating that they visualise union activity they understand. to be run in a way that reflects the gender It is clear from the description of the order in society. On their part, women meeting given above that women's own obeyed gender norms by behaving shyly knowledge and experience of labour and obediently during the meetings, but relations was not acknowledged by the made their point of view quite clear by federation officials, who acted in a very not participating further. authoritarian way. In fact, the way the The following section looks at an federation representatives treated the informal union, the Bangladesh women workers was very similar to the Independent Garment Workers Union, as a authoritarian and patriarchal treatment good contrast to the experience women had they experience from male supervisors in of formal unions. It is a good example of a the factories. Women pointed out that feasible alternative way of organising whereas they were forced to accept such workers to resist exploitation collectively, a behaviour from the factory managers, they way that respects their realities and the fact did not have to tolerate such behaviour in that they are human beings who are their free time. In addition, the leadership capable of logical action. It also shows that of unions and federations was perceived by women in the garment factories are willing the workers as motivated more by party and able to take over leadership positions, politics than a concern for the interests of but define their positions and power workers, since federation and even union differently. 36 The Bangladesh has been lost in modern factories through Independent Garment the organisation of the work processes, and Workers Union the treatment of women workers. Moni, a worker attending one such event, stated: This informal union was founded in 1994, by four women garment workers. They had 7 am here for the first time - one of my friends had very negative experiences with from the factory convinced me to join her. I like different federations and thus decided to it very much, it is nice to sit together, to sing form their own federation and, in the and to talk. I talked with several women and the long run, unions, with the help of an organisers already, and discovered that they international development donor. The suffer as much as I do. In the factory it is not Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers possible to talk with each other about your Union has an executive committee of 15 complaints, since people mistrust each other; workers; to qualify for the committee, they here it is different. I still feel a little bit shy must have worked for at least five years in with all the people 1 do not know, but this may a garment factory, and ten out of the 15 change when I come more often. I like the positions must be held by women. The aim lawyer, she was telling us what she can do if we of the organisation is not only to improve have a problem. I do not think that I would be the terms and conditions of employment brave enough to do something against my for garment workers, but to offer various owner, but it is good to know that there is forms of support requested by members. In someone I could ask. contrast to the formal unions, this To build up solidarity through collective organisation therefore supports the action and communication is the most workers in meeting their daily needs. To do important aspect of the work performed this, two lawyers (members of the by the organisers. In contrast to the Bangladesh National Women's Lawyers representatives of other trade unions and Association) are employed part-time; federations, the women and men involved evening schools have been established for in this organisation have all had experience garment workers, offering literacy of work in the factories. I observed that programmes as well as English classes, workers meeting the organisers for the first as requested by the workers; and medical time are very interested in where they have clinics have been set up in the three centres worked, what kind of problems they have established by the union in different areas had, and why they initiated the union. Only of town. when the newcomers are familiar with the In the beginning, the leaders of the union and its aims do the organisers union, who call themselves 'organisers', introduce ideas about steps that could be tried to motivate the workers on a personal taken to improve the situation described by basis, by visiting them at home. This the workers. They aim to make it clear from strategy of coming to the workers (which is the beginning that the organisation is not well established in the NGO scene in aiming to solve their problems - rather, it Bangladesh) was very successful. The seeks to assist them in solving them organisers also tried, through songs, themselves. The next step is for the dances, and short plays emanating from organisers to try to find someone who their own experiences, to generate a feeling could take over a leading position within of solidarity. The cultural programme the respective factory. One organiser, Lily, was very popular with the women I told me: interviewed. It seems to preserve 'a sense of human identity and dignity, and of Often, after the first meeting here, you can see cultural creativity' (Mies 1988, 141), which already who is likely to be a good leader. There Collective action, organisation building, and leadership 37 are always workers who are more outspoken andturned out to be a process of collective self-confident than others. We try to motivate effort between them. In addition, them individually to take over this involvement with the union has provided a responsibility. All workers then try to motivate opportunity for workers - particularly colleagues in their factories to come and join younger ones - to acquire self-confidence. our organisation. Then we select one evening, This has sometimes affected their when they come together to the office, and select behaviour in the factories: some of them a person who should speak for them here, and have started to organise the other workers, with the management in the factory. That is not irrespective of the age hierarchy. Those an easy process, but, as I said, there are always who have had these positive experiences workers who are more outspoken than the have subsequently gained sufficient others. confidence to criticise the leaders of the Bangladesh Independent Garment Workers Women joining the union choose which Union and challenge their authority. kind of activities they think the union Discussions concerning the future of the should be involved in. For example, some organisation have taken place. Whereas women attending the evening school were some leaders of the union have limited neither interested in the collective activities themselves to simply meeting their aims that the union was trying to build up in the on a local level, others have become more factories, nor in learning about the labour involved in networking and building laws. These women told me they had not strategies at a national and international felt under pressure to say they were level. With the support of the international interested in these things; rather, they donor agency, two of the leaders have perceived involvement in the union as open travelled abroad to conferences, to present not only to women who want to change their experience and strategies. At the time their working lives, but also to those who of my research, networking with other seek personal development. Often, these organisations on a national level was also aspects go together or depend on each planned, and meetings with Bangladeshi other. NGOs, which are slowly becoming The Bangladesh Independent Garment involved in this sector were organised. Workers Union is unique in Bangladesh, However, these aims are not perceived and is in many ways a success; however, as positive by all within the organisation. trial and error have accompanied the work Older women felt that younger ones are not and the process of organisational consulting them, and criticised in the group development, according to the organisers interviews their lack of respect. These and the lawyers interviewed. Some conflicts will hopefully in the long run organisers have become 'professionalised', enhance the older and younger women's and a paternalistic mode of interaction capacity for interaction. The workers between them and women workers could involved in this organisation started to be observed, as in the formal unions. realise that groups of people can have However, the difference was that whereas power and can initiate changes in ways that in other unions the workers simply left individuals cannot, a point often when this behaviour was exhibited, in this highlighted by organisers as well as union such behaviour has been criticised members. This of course was a learning by the other organisers, or by the workers process for most of the women. Whereas in themselves. rural areas development NGOs have been Having an elected executive committee trying for a long time to organise women in of several former workers was one reason groups to strengthen their bargaining for this openness, since leadership has power, in the private sector, where women 38

as workers have been excluded until In contrast, the women's own informal recently, this is a new experience for most union follows alternative strategies that women workers. the women themselves have determined, Collective action in the union has also but its leadership tends to be more had an impact on women workers' lives in collective in style. This influences the unexpected ways. Although most of the organisational process, as well as ensuring workers live with their families or relatives, the participation of women workers. In some women are now deciding to share a the informal union, equality between the room with other workers. Women choosing leaders and members is actively promoted. to form residential units that are not The power relations between men and organised around a male guardian is a women, and between women according to previously unheard-of way of living in seniority, are - at least at a formal level - Bangladesh. abolished in the informal union. This opens the way for women, including younger women, to take leading positions. Conclusion NGOs and women's organisations have This article has shown that besides less been very reluctant to support women formal forms of resistance, more formal workers and their interests, since the whole kinds of collective action have also sector is highly politicised. The garment evolved in Bangladeshi garment factories sector was the only expanding sector in (Dannecker 1999). The way the workers Bangladesh in the 1980s and 1990s, so perceive the power structure between criticism by NGOs was not then and is not women of different age groups, and the now greatly welcomed. Nevertheless, the occupational stratification inside the garment workers are initiating change in factories, influence the organisation of their employment conditions as well as collective action, and reinforce unequal wider social change that has the potential to power between older and younger women. challenge gender relations in their While more and more trade unions are communities. Their story is useful in becoming involved in the garment sector, enabling gender and development and these are currently trying to organise researchers and workers to understand the the workers, the workers themselves seem gender dimension of global economic to be hesitating, preferring informal groups changes, and the way in which global and networks. My research indicates that change is embedded in local communities. women workers are not passive, ignorant, Support and alliances with other or unaware of their exploitation, as organisations, national as well as suggested by some male union officials. international, are needed to ensure that Rather, the male-dominated hierarchies women are not only seen as victims of within the formal unions and their global restructuring, but as agents who are leadership, and their links to political able to widen their room for manoeuvre. power beyond the union, are themselves a key reason why women hardly ever Petra Dannecker is a lecturer in sociology of participate in these organisations. The development at the University of Bielefeld, power structure between men and women, Germany. Contact details: Sociology of as part of the existing gender order, is not Development Research Centre, University of only produced and reproduced in the Bielefeld, P.O. Box 100131,33501 Bielefeld, formal unions, but also explains why Germany. E-mail: [email protected] women hardly participate and are not bielefeld.de found in leading positions. Collective action, organisation building, and leadership 39

Notes Joekes, S. (1987), Women in the World Economy: An INSTRAW Study, New 1 See for example Standing 1989. York: UNIFEM. 2 Purdah regulates to a great degree the Kabeer, N. (1991), 'Cultural drops or social and physical space occupied by rational fools? Women and labour men and women and also functions as supply in the Bangladesh garment a status symbol. The purdah principles industry', The European Journal of are expressed in a series of prescribed Development Research, 3(1). behaviour patterns (for further Lachenmann, G. (1997), Frauen und discussion see Siddiqi 1991). Globalisierung: aktuelle Entwicklungen und 3 The union and federation system in kritische Diskurse, Working Paper 282, Bangladesh is very complicated. Most Bielefeld University. of the federations are ancillary to Luchmun, D. (1995), 'Women in trade political parties, and trade union officials unions in the Mauritius export are often drawn from the political elite. processing zones', in M.H. Martens and S. Mitter (eds), Women in Trade Unions, Geneva: International Labour Office. References Martens, M.H. and S. Mitter (eds) (1995), Bayart, J.F. (1986), 'Civil Society in Africa', Women in Trade Unions, Geneva: in Patrick Chabal (ed.), Political International Labour Office. domination in Africa: reflections on the Mies, M., V. Bennholdt-Thomson, and limits of power, Cambridge: Cambridge C. von Werlhof (1988), Women: The Last University Press. Colony, London: Zed Books. Charles, N. (1993), Gender Division and Scott, J. (1976), The Moral Economy of the Social Change, Lanham: Barnes and Peasants. Rebellion and Subsistence in Noble Books. Southeast Asia, New Haven: Yale Dannecker, P. (1999), Conformity or University Press. Resistance? Women Workers in the Garment Siddiqi, H. (1995), 'Emerging Competitors Factories in Bangladesh, Working Paper 326, and Bangladesh in Global Apparel Bielefeld University. Markets', paper presented at the Financial Express of Bangladesh (1999) Bangladesh Apparel and Textile 'Garment workers pass hard days', EXPO'95, Dhaka. August 15. Standing, Guy (1989), 'Global feminisation Folbre, N. (1994), Who pays for the kids? through flexible labor', World Gender and Structures of Constraint, Development, 17(7). London: Routledge. Hossain, H., R. Jahan, and S. Sobhan (1988), 'Industrialization and women workers in Bangladesh: from home-based work to the factories', in N. Heyzer (ed.), Daughters in Industry, Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center. 40

'Empowered leaders'? Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa Kavita Datta and Cathy Mcllwaine

Although development research, policy, and practice have focused extensively on women-headed households, the subject is rarely couched in terms of leadership. Drawing on case studies from Guatemala and Botswana, this paper focuses on perceptions of women heads of households in wider society; the extent to which positive images of female leadership have filtered to the grassroots; and the question of whether and how female leadership styles differ from those of male household heads. It highlights the challenges in changing gender ideologies that prescribe that men are 'better' heads than women.

hat is a household, and what 1993). While estimates of the proportion of does it mean to lead or head a households headed by women are Whousehold? Households take inaccurate, figures suggest that 14-30 many different forms which vary according per cent of households in Latin America to their location, and change over time.1 and 25-45 per cent of households in the The fact that there is no universal definition Caribbean are headed by women, rising to has led some to question as to whether it over 50 per cent in some parts of urban is a useful concept at all (Buvinic and Africa and Latin America (Chant 1997a). Gupta 1997). Yet, since the household is an There is now much more appreciation arena in which gender roles, relations, and of the diversity and heterogeneity of identities are defined and idealised, female-headed households, and there are households have been a critical focus for many terms used to describe them. These feminist research and gender analysis range from female-maintained, female-led, (Pothukuchi 1992). mother-centred, lone-mother, to, at the Feminist research can be applauded for most extreme, male-absent households. re-thinking the concept of the household, Women-headed households vary in and recognising that households are composition to include single parents internally differentiated units usually living alone with children, with or without characterised by conflict on grounds of other relatives, as well as grandmother- gender and age. Such research has also headed households (Chant 1997a). It is also challenged conventional notions of the important to distinguish between de jure 'head of the household'.2 It is no longer and de facto women-headed households. automatically assumed that heads of The former are units with no resident male households are men, and women are now partner on a permanent basis, and include recognised as legitimate household heads divorced, separated, and widowed women. in their own right (Mencher and Okongwu De facto female heads, on the other hand, Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 41 are women with no male partners resident these households remain an undesirable in the household, yet where men contribute anomaly in many places, and the women to household maintenance. The most who head them are often subject to common type of de facto headship is due to disapproval. This is particularly the case in male labour migration, where men migrate societies where marriage and motherhood for certain periods of time, sending are idealised. Depending on the context, remittances home to be allocated by the disapproval comes from a range of sources: female head (Chant 1997a). This has communities, the church, and the state. important implications for intra-household Additional social stigma comes from the decision-making as, depending on the notion that female leadership is harmful to context, women may be relatively children. This has come from ideas about autonomous or still rely on absent men to the breakdown of so-called 'family values' make decisions. having resulted in more female-headed Just as types of women-headed house- households. Among other things, it is holds differ, there are also different alleged that children who lack 'father explanations for their formation. These figures' are likely to do badly at school, fail provide some insights into questions of to secure 'good jobs' and will thus be leadership. Women heading households under-achievers (Chant 1999). However, were often assumed to be the victims of recent research on women's leadership male abandonment, but it is now recognised styles within the household has led to a that women may choose to form them and new orthodoxy. This suggests that when 3 thereby take control of theirown (and their women 'hold the purse-strings', children children's) lives (Chant 1997a). are likely to be better nourished and educated than those in households where men determine how income is spent (Bruce Economic and social and Dwyer 1988). The socialisation of marginalisation of women- children is also thought to be more headed households egalitarian in women-headed households. It Many researchers have assumed that is reported that daughters, in particular, women-headed households are poorer than face less discrimination and are more their male-headed counterparts. This is likely to receive the same opportunities as based on the expectation that there are their male siblings (Chant 1997a). fewer household earners in a female- The current equation of women with headed household; that women are more equitable and empowering modes of concentrated in lower-paying jobs; and that leadership is a dangerous generalisation. women bear a disproportionate domestic Although in many situations women may burden. This bleak image of women-headed work in more collaborative and non- households as necessarily poor and hierarchical ways than men (Crewe and marginalised is now being questioned, and Harrison 1998), this is not always the case. a more positive picture is currently being Many studies of women's leadership painted. There is increasing consensus that patterns arising from research into gender although the relationship between women- and organisational development (Goetz headed households and poverty holds in 1997) show that the likelihood of individual some contexts, this is not always the case women and men adopting non-hierarchical (Chant 1997b). and participatory forms of leadership The question of social marginalisation of depends very much upon their upbringing women-headed households, and the and commitment, as well as on the time women heads themselves, is also important. they are able to invest in leadership While their number is growing world-wide, training. Thus, the transition from 42

oppressive to empowering forms of women in one focus group estimated that leadership is not natural or immediate women headed 40 per cent of all when male leaders are replaced by women households in their community, while (Townsend et al. 1999). Similarly, organi- another woman stated: 'There are five sations dominated by women do not single mothers in every block here in the necessarily adopt flat structures in community'. In addition, some focus group preference to vertical forms of operation. It discussions with indigenous men and seems that hierarchies based on age, class women placed female headship at 30-60 and education, and not simply gender, per cent of all households in these are just as important in determining the communities. nature of leadership. The formation of women-headed households can be attributed to a number Attitudes to women of factors that affect both Mayans and heading households in ladinos, including male and female infidelity, male alcohol abuse, intra-family post-conflict Guatemala violence, and international migration. In We now examine two case studies in addition, the formation of women-headed relation to the above issues. The first, from house-holds among the indigenous Guatemala, draws on participatory urban population has been affected by a range of appraisal (PUA) methodologies, using factors associated with the armed conflict focus group discussions undertaken in nine of the 1980s. Women and men in the focus urban poor communities throughout group discussions believed that the Guatemala in 1999.4 As well as informal majority of female heads in Mayan discussions held on street corners, in communities were widows whose people's yards and on doorsteps, focus husbands were killed in the conflict (see groups were carried out with teachers in also testimonies in ODHAG 1999 that primary schools, local community leaders, reiterate this pattern). In the focus groups, and members of grass-roots organisations Xeena and Erica, two indigenous women (Moser and Mcllwaine 1999). The focus- who head their households, estimated that group discussions were conducted in an out of a total of 19,000 women heads of open-ended manner, allowing people to household in their town, 10,000-15,000 had raise the issues they considered important. attained that status asa result of their An effort was made to include roughly husbands being murdered in the war. equal numbers of men and women, and a A high incidence of rape during the range of different ages and ethnic groups. conflict has also contributed to the There is a widespread official assumption formation of women-headed households in that women-headed households are not Guatemala, again particularly among the numerous, and this is borne out by indigenous population. The systematic statistics from the United Nations rape of women and girls was used as a Development Programme (UNDP), which deliberate weapon of war, which in some reports that in 1990, 16.9 per cent of all cases resulted in women giving birth households were headed by women (1995, (ODHAG 1999). In the research, Carmelina, 64). There has been very little research on an indigenous woman who had fled to households in Guatemala because of armed Guatemala City during the 1980s, stated 5 conflict, and studies that have focused on that although there was traditionally a the family have usually been in rural areas 'rejection of single mothers in Mayan (Katz 1995). However, information from villages', during the war 'parents had to focus groups suggests that this figure is an 6 accept them because adolescent and adult underestimate. For instance, three ladino women were raped by the army and were Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 43 left only with a child'. However, she went Women tended to focus most attention on to say that this acceptance did not on the inability of female heads to perform extend to the post-conflict period: today, their duties as mothers. A focus group of these single mothers 'live in a very five ladino women, aged between 30 and 40, traumatised state - often they have not described 'single mothers' as socially returned to their villages, and have not irresponsible. One stated that when married'. their husbands left them for others, usually because they hadn't looked after them Social stigma properly, 'some rob and others are In the research, strong views on the prostitutes', while another suggested, phenomenon of female headship emerged 'many sell their daughters to maintain from members of the wider community themselves'. This woman was referring as well as female heads themselves. The to a neighbour, who was alleged to be legacies of war, in combination with the a drug addict and gang member, and was other reasons for the formation of women- believed to have sold her daughter to a headed households, mentioned earlier, brothel to feed her drug habit. have resulted in widespread social censure Women heads themselves were only of both indigenous and ladino women slightly more positive about women heads. Perceptions of women heads by heading households, emphasising the members of the wider community were hardships rather than the advantages. Four overwhelmingly negative: they were ladino single mothers all reported how they commonly seen, by both women and men, faced discrimination due to prejudice to be immoral and unable to care for against women, which is rooted in children. Female leadership was generally machismo. The youngest, Marina, who was thought to be the cause of high levels of pregnant, said that she faced most crime and violence, and the 'perverse discrimination in employment. She had socialisation' of children. worked in a bakery, but when her Men - especially elderly men - were pregnancy started to show, she was sacked. more likely to focus on the assumed sexual Another of the women, Luz, noted how she promiscuity of single mothers. Frederico, experienced hardship both economically an indigenous man involved in one group and emotionally; she never had any money, discussion, blamed the loose morals of and always felt 'sad and lonely'. young women for single motherhood, However, many single women in the tending to associate this with teenage research felt they were better off not having pregnancy: 'the young women are stupid a male partner. This was particularly true because they let the men use them, and for those who had been physically or they use them like dogs. The men tell lies, sexually abused. Although both women and afterwards leave the girls with big and men with little personal experience bellies'. He said that women should learn of female headship tended to assume that not to have relations with men before women were household heads because marriage, or they would be 'paid back' men had chosen not to be, some women by ending up as single mothers, often heads involved in the research had made a entering prostitution to pay for food for choice to leave men. This was the case for their children. It should be noted that, far Dorotea, a 28 year-old indigenous woman, from 'leading men on' as Frederico who was separated from her partner. suggested, focus groups from this During a focus group discussion with community noted that women were often another indigenous woman, she described raped by boyfriends, male relatives or male how he had beaten her since they first strangers. married, when she was aged 13. She finally 44

left him when she found out he had a more 'uneducated women' looked after relationship with another woman and two their children. other children. Although he wanted to get Overall, the Guatemala case shows how back with her, she did not want to: 'I'm difficult it is to change embedded gender tired of all the mistreatment.' She was norms within communities. The notion that willing to put up with having no money, households without a male leader or father and not being able to send her children to figure are deviant remains widespread. school, if this was the price of escaping his violence (although she made enough money to buy food from selling wood she Leadership compared: collected). household heads in Botswana The 'perverse socialisation' of children The case study of Botswana looks at the The issue of single motherhood and differences in leadership styles between women's perceived lack of legitimacy as female- and male-headed households, with leaders of their households was frequently reference to decision-making regarding the cited by members of focus groups, and allocation of household duties and the especially by men, as a major reason for distribution of resources. The evidence the 'perverse socialisation' of children. from Botswana indicates that female Households headed by women were often leaders of households do not necessarily said to reflect 'family disintegration', which adopt egalitarian and enabling patterns of was cited as a major problem within the decision-making. In fact, a significant communities. Single motherhood was proportion of Batswana women emulated central to explanations of this, together 'male' modes of leadership when they with intra-family violence. It was headed households. repeatedly suggested that when single The analysis here draws on 54 in-depth mothers had to go out to work, children interviews held in Gaborone, capital of were left alone to fend for themselves, Botswana, in 1995.7 In total, 23 women often turning to delinquency, drug use, heads, 16 single male heads, and 15 married and/or gang activity. In the words of one or cohabiting male heads were interviewed, ladino woman, Maria: 'Children left alone and in each household another member by their mothers get up to no good, they (usually a younger sibling, cousin, or join maras (gangs) in an attempt to find grown child) was also interviewed. a guide not provided by the mother.' Intra- The last census recorded that 47 per cent family violence within the home was of urban households in Botswana were blamed for leading to family breakdown headed by women, which is one of the and single motherhood. highest figures in the world (Datta 1995b). Teachers were especially swift to blame The emergence and high incidence women-headed households as a form of of women-headed households in Botswana family structure, rather than individual is, like many of its Southern African women heads themselves, for the problems neighbours, directly attributable to the of children they had in their care. The migrant labour system, which was teachers cited single motherhood as both prevalent in the region from the late 1980s a cause and effect of family disintegration, onwards (Datta 1998). Although male which was also associated with a range migration has since declined, the con- of delinquent and violent behaviour. comitant rise in female migration from Ironically, one of the teachers was herself a rural areas to urban areas within Botswana single parent, yet she was unable to has made such households a significant distance herself from how she considered part of the urban landscape. Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 45

Despite their prevalence, there is still Perhaps surprisingly, the high incidence some debate about the stability and of women-headed households does not viability of women-headed households in reflect greater social acceptance of this Botswana. In particular, it has been argued household form. In Botswana as in that urban women-headed households are Guatemala, a common perception is that a stage in the development cycle of women's greater influence as heads of households, because many do not exist households accounts for the 'breakdown prior to migration, while others cease to of society' evidenced by the lack of rain exist when men return on retirement or (a significant charge, given the periodic redundancy. In addition, many women droughts in the country), rising criminality, household heads maintain that they and youth alcohol abuse. In Botswana, 'belong' to larger families in rural villages. this perception is particularly widespread This indicates the close relationship among elderly rural men, which is between urban households and a wider significant given that they remain leaders family usually located in rural villages. and regulators of social norms especially Ties between the two are maintained not in rural areas (Brunn et al. 1994). only through remittances, but also through the incorporation of family members Allocation of household tasks within the urban and rural household. The Gaborone interviews revealed that the A significant proportion of female heads process of allocating chores varied greatly leave their young children in rural within both female- and male-headed homesteads with their families, and many households. However, gender and age urban households incorporate family from hierarchies were particularly influential in the rural areas, partly due to familial determining the distribution of household expectations and partly out of need (Datta tasks. The discussion here relates mostly to 1995b). Women-headed households often family members, such as siblings, cousins, incorporate younger female relatives who nephews, and nieces, rather than the earn their keep in return for performing children of the women heads, since many most of the household tasks. of these were too young to perform However, many women-headed any significant tasks in many cases. households are permanent. Women have In male-headed households, the increasingly realised the benefits of allocation of tasks was decided upon by the autonomy associated with household heads. When these households contained headship, that is denied them within women or girls, they were generally marriage or cohabitation . It is now expected to carry out all the household accepted that although marriage was once duties. However, a minority of young a critical stage in a life course that women living in male-headed households separated girls from women, the 'cultural' refused to perform domestic work. One or 'tswana' way of life has changed such woman who lived with her brother, the that women's identity as adults now head of the household, reported that she rests on other signifiers such as bearing did her own cleaning and child care, while children or acquiring a dwelling (Suggs 1987). he employed a maid to do his. In another, A growing shortage of 'marriageable' men, Dumela, one of two sisters who lived with due to biased sex ratios and because men their brother said that, after initially tend to marry at an older age to younger looking after him, they had stopped women, has reinforced the trend towards because ' ... men like to go out and then female headship (Van Driel 1994). come and disturb you. So, if you have your Consequently, unmarried women over the own cooking arrangements then they can age of 40 are likely to remain single. cook for themselves. Men are not like 46

women - they go out and come back very particularly unhappy because her sister, the late.' An interesting contrast is male- household head, 'was bossy and shouted at headed households where there were no me if the children cried, or if I beat the women present. Here, young men children for being rude to me'. Tsholofelo performed most of the domestic work in had come to Gaborone to find a job; when all cases but one. Here, Tony reported that she failed to find one, she reluctantly his elder brother, who was also the head of agreed to live with her sister and look after the household, did some of the household her children, in exchange for free work 'even though he is the elder brother'. accommodation. While this seemed like In women-headed households, a a fair exchange, the fact that Tsholofelo was significant proportion of heads attempted expected to look after the children during to ensure more egalitarian living arrange- the day meant that her chances of finding ments between themselves and their female employment were slim. Effectively, women kin. In some cases, women heads looked like Kebonye and Tsholofelo become after female relatives and their children out unpaid domestic workers for elder sisters of altruism, rather than primarily because and female relatives, raising the question they were sources of unpaid domestic of exploitation by these older women and labour. For example, some female relatives undermining the image of women as just who lived in households headed by women and equitable leaders. reported how the head 'looked after them Male members of women-headed like a mother'. Portia, who had moved to households - especially older men - were Gaborone to pursue her studies described far less likely to be called upon to do how her aunt supported her and expected domestic work. An elder brother, George, nothing in return; although Portia had who was living in his sister's household, children, she was not expected to 'even reported,' ... if I am not at work, I clean my look after them'. Instead, she was free to own room or I do my washing.' However, devote her time to her studies. he was not expected to, nor did he expect Yet, as in male-headed households, to, contribute to lightening his sister's young women relatives performed most of workload by helping her cook or clean the the domestic work in women-headed rest of the house. While some noted that households. This is partly attributable to younger male relatives were asked to do the fact that many of these women had more work, on closer examination it been incorporated into households transpired that their definitions of domestic primarily to assist the female head. It also work involved tasks that are conventionally reflects a tradition of younger women being gendered male, done on an irregular basis, obliged to help elder women with their and not very time-consuming: 'I help with domestic work. There were also examples the domestic work - I water the trees and of women heads who adopted domineering sweep the yard' (Patrick, 21 years old). leadership styles that reflected little evidence of a 'caring' attitude. This was Allocation of resources: sharing space particularly evident in their relationships Much debate on households has focused on with female kin. Discussions revealed that the allocation of money or food within the decision to invite some young female households. The allocation of space kin to join households was often made ('a room of one's own') has received much without consultation. less attention. Yet space is a vital resource It is, perhaps, unsurprising that in cities such as Gaborone, which have a demands made by women heads on their severe housing shortage. The process of younger kin were sometimes a source of house building in low-income areas conflict. One respondent, Tsholofelo, was involves the initial construction of a Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 47

temporary structure, to provide shelter headed households reported that they had until the main house is built. People are to share sleeping space in corridors or legally required to destroy these on kitchens with children or others. They completion of the main house, but few do complained that this denied them privacy. so. It is common to let the temporary Kepametsi, who was 24 and lived with her structure, and /or one or more rooms in the elder sister, said: '[I cannot] bring my main house, to generate extra income. boyfriend home, and also I have no space As with allocation of tasks, the for my possessions.' Very rarely were allocation of space by male and female women relatives allowed to occupy the heads to their relatives was varied, temporary dwellings built on housing presenting a complex picture. However, plots. once again, gender and age hierarchies A few examples came up of women were significant deciding factors. heads adopting a bolder stance towards the Male-headed households tended to general issue of allocating space to occupy larger dwellings, making space less relatives. One young man, Bernie, lived in of an issue (Datta 1995a). Male heads in a temporary structure on his aunt's particular, and men in general, expected to plot. Although he contributed towards have their own private space within household expenses, he reported that his dwellings, and were rarely prepared to aunt had asked him to move out, because sacrifice it to women, some of whom she wanted ' ... to demolish the temporary complained of lack of personal space. structure and build a proper one which One young woman, who lived with her she can rent out, instead of letting her father, said: 'Sometimes my father spends relatives use it for free'. the night away to give me some space - and because it is difficult for a father to sleep in the same room as his daughter, Conclusion he sometimes sleeps elsewhere with his Although there is some encouraging friends ... if I have a bath, he has to go evidence of breakthroughs being made by outside'. women heads of household, gender In their decision-making on allocating ideologies - which prescribe that men are accommodation, women heads consistently 'better' leaders of households than women reinforced social norms of male privilege, - are firmly entrenched. In Guatemala, sometimes favouring men's need for space negative community attitudes towards at the expense of their own privacy, as well women's leadership of households as that of their female relatives. Male depict women as incompetent, and also relatives were usually given a room of their responsible for children turning to gangs, own, especially if they were older than the drugs, and violence. Social censure and household head. Furthermore, if there was negative perceptions of women-headed a temporary structure within the housing households are caused by particular plot, this was more likely to be given to assumptions about the way women lead them rather than to female relations. households. While some women household Kenneth occupied a temporary structure heads are aware of the benefits of being in on his sister's plot, for which he paid no charge of their families, community rent. His sister's decision to let him live perceptions are often very different. These there was at considerable practical and are based on traditional or 'machista' economic inconvenience; she was already gender ideologies, which suggest that sharing one room with her five children, women are unable to lead households. letting out the only other room to tenants. In addition, many women emulate male Female relatives in most women- styles of leadership. In urban Botswana, 48

although women (and indeed male) heads (from AVANCSO, AMVA, CIEN, do, in some cases, adopt forms of leader- FUNDESCO, and SEPREDI) without ship which empower younger members whom the research would not have been of their households, there is also evidence possible. The studies were conducted in of women heads whose leadership styles Guatemala City, Chinautla, San Marcos, are very close to those of men. Thus, Huehuetenango, Esquipulas, Santa Cruz simplistic assumptions cannot be made del Quiche and Santa Lucia about women's leadership styles in Cotzumalguapa. A total of 1860 people households necessarily differing from those were included in the focus group of men. The relationships between women discussions. heads of household and their younger 5. In 1996, Guatemala emerged from over male and female relatives confirm the 30 years of brutal civil war, with the importance of considering age, as well as signing of peace accords. Deep divisions gender, in determining how individuals along ethnic lines, between the are treated within the household. indigenous Mayan population - around half the total population - and the ladino Kavita Datta and Cathy Mcllwaine are hispanicised population, lay at the root lecturers in the Department of Geography, of much of the armed conflict. These Queen Mary, University of London, Mile End divisions continue to divide Guatemalan Road, London El 4NS, UK. society, and affect both public and E-mail: [email protected] and private lives (Moser and Mcllwaine c.j. [email protected]. uk 2000). 6. See note 5 Notes 7. Kavita Datta gratefully acknowledges the support of the Nuffield Foundation 1. Most definitions of the household in funding this research. include some reference to the sharing of consumption and expenditure, as well as living space. References 2. Identification of the head is often left to Bruce, J. and D. Dwyer (1988), respondents themselves during the 'Introduction', in Dwyer and Bruce interviewing process. Such self-reporting, (eds), A Home Divided: Women and Income while laudable for not enforcing (often in the Third World, Stanford CA: Stanford Western) definitions of heads, will University Press, 1-19. invariably be affected by cultural norms Brunn, F., M. Mugabe, and Y. Coombes and lead to an under-estimation of non- (eds) (1994), The Situation of the Elderly in traditional household configurations Botswana: Proceedings from an Inter- such as women-headed households. national Workshop, Oslo: Lobo Grafisk. 3. This refers to control of the family Buvinic, M. and G.R. Gupta (1997), budget. 'Female-headed households and female 4. This research was conducted under the maintained households: are they worth auspices of the Urban Peace Program at targeting to reduce poverty in the World Bank, directed by Caroline developing countries?', Economic Moser, and funded by the Swedish Development and Cultural Change, 45(2): International Development Cooperation 259-80. Agency (SIDA). In Guatemala, the Chant, S. (1997a), Women-Headed Households: research was carried out in collaboration Diversity and Dynamics in the Developing with 20 Guatemalan researchers World, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Perspectives on women heading households in Latin America and Southern Africa 49

Chant, S. (1997b), 'Women-headed house- Mencher, J.P and A. Okongwu (eds) (1993), holds: poorest of the poor? Perspectives Where Did All the Men Go? Women in from Mexico, Costa Rica and Philippines', Cross-Cultural Perspective, Boulder CO: IDS Bulletin, 28(3):26-47. Westview Press. Chant, S. (1999), 'Women-headed Moser, C. and C. Mcllwaine (1999), households: global orthodoxies and 'Participatory Urban Appraisal and its grassroots realities', in Afshar and application for research on violence', Barrientos (eds), Women, Globalization Environment and Urbanization, 11(2): and Fragmentation in the Developing 203-226. World, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 91-130. Moser, C. and C. Mcllwaine (2000), Violence Crewe, E. and E. Harrison (1998), Whose in a Post-Conflict Context: Urban Poor Aid? An Ethnography of Aid, London: Perceptions From Guatemala, Washington Zed Books. DC: World Bank. Central Statistics Office (1982), Migration in ODHAG (1999), Guatemala: Never Again!, Botswana: Patterns, Causes and London: CIIR. Consequences, Gaborone: Government Pothukuchi, K. (1992), 'Non-traditional Printer. living arrangements: beyond the nuclear Datta, K. (1995a), 'Strategies for urban family', in Dandekar (ed.), Shelter, survival? Women landlords in Gaborone, Women and Development: First and Third Botswana', Habitat International, 19(1):1-12. World Perspectives, Ann Arbor: George Datta, K. (1995b), 'Rural homes and urban Wahr. dwellings? Gender, migration and the Suggs, D. (1987), 'Female status and role importance of urban tenure in Gaborone, transition in the Tswana life cycle', Botswana', International Journal of Ethnology, 26(2): 107-20. Population Geography, l(2):183-96. Townsend, J.G., et al.(1999), Women and Datta, K. (1998), 'Gender, labour markets Power: Fighting Patriarchies and Poverty, and female migration in and from London: Zed Books. Botswana', in Simon (ed.) South Africa in van Driel, F. (1994), The Poor and the Southern Africa: Reconfiguring the Region,Powerful: Female-Headed Households London: James Currey, 206-21. and Unmarried Motherhood in Katz, E.G. (1995), 'Gender and trade within Botswana, Saarbriicken: Verlag fur the household: observations from rural Entwicklungspolitik. Guatemala', World Development, 23(2):327-42. Goetz, A.M. (ed.) (1997), Getting Institutions Right for Women in Development, London: Zed Books. 50

Transformational leadership: advancing the agenda for gender justice1 Peggy Antrobus

In this article, I look at the concept of 'transformational leadership'. I share my personal experience of becoming a leader in the international women's movement, and of women mobilising as a group to transform the agenda of international development. From these I draw out some lessons which may help women who wish to transform the world to attain full human rights for all women.

n the aftermath of the United Nations special issue of Trialogue (the newsletter of Fourth World Conference on Women, the Association of Women in Development Iheld in Beijing in 1995, the issue of - AWID), which is devoted to the question 'women's leadership' was placed on the of feminist leadership, Sharron Mendel agenda. It was to be found in the context of defines the concept as follows: 'Above all, discussions on governance, or of 'women transformative feminist leaders must in decision-making'. The assumption actively work to eradicate inequalities, underlying these discussions was that if placing an analysis of gender relations at more women were involved in high-level the heart of their actions' (AWID 1999,1). decision-making - in particular in politics - This article is divided into three parts. states would be governed more fairly and First, I introduce three theories of social efficiently, and in addition would make change which will assist us in under- better and steadier progress towards standing the process of transformational achieving the goals of the Beijing Platform leadership; second, I reflect on my own for Action, concerning equality between experience of leadership, and that of a women and men. diverse network of women, to draw out This article focuses on a particular form some lessons; and finally, I suggest a way to of leadership, which advances the proceed within the limitations of the cause of justice for women, within the current world order, in which global context of economic globalisation and economic and political institutions seem to fundamentalism. I am terming this consider that 'trade' has largely replaced 'transformational leadership'. Debates 'development' as the moving force in the aiming to clarify the concept of women's achievement of the goals of poverty leadership, what it means and why it is reduction, gender equity, and good needed, have resulted in a distinction governance. between transformational styles of leadership (which can be adopted regardless of the Theories of social change actual goal), and leadership which is not only transformational in style, but has economic, and transformation 2 political and social transformation as its goal. There are many ways of looking at the This article focuses on the latter. In a process of social change. Each perspective Transformational leadership: advancing the agenda for gender justice 51 leads us to consider different strategies groups, each defined by the uniquely to effect change, and the different types shared interest of its members, each with of methods and leadership that match different and often competing interests or each of these. In their review, Crowfoot and goals' (op.cit., 81). These groups may be Chesler (1984) offer an analytical based on race or ethnicity, class, gender, or framework of social change. While it is clear location, and there are usually imbalances that reality is more complex than such of power between them, leading to conflict typologies suggest, I find this one as groups compete to control scarce particularly useful in understanding resources. Proponents of this approach different approaches to development, and consider it essential for the state to understanding what kinds of strategies are intervene, in order to guarantee an needed to effect transformation in the equitable distribution of goods and agendas of these organisations, in the services. However, when potential interests of justice for women. The typology beneficiaries of the state system also operate contains three approaches to social change: the system, they 'opt for stability rather the professional-technical, the political, and the than equality in regulating the relations counter-cultural. among groups and resources. The result is a high concentration of power in the hands of The professional-technical approach a few people, or a few interest groups...' The professional-technical approach to (op.cit., 83), along with a neglect of the social change considers that society and interests of marginalised groups. most of its organisations and institutions Proponents of the political approach to are basically sound, but that they need to be social change consider positive change as enabled to cope better with ongoing only possible when this process is change. This is the conventional approach understood, and when those in power are to the project of 'development' in the South. willing to give up some of their privileges A key aspect is the assumption that a in the interest of the common good. The certain type of person has the intellect, fact that gender relations are inherently skills, and expertise to make decisions on unequal makes this approach essential in behalf of others. This type of person may be the struggle for women's rights. from a developing country itself, or be a foreigner, but either way, he or she has The counter-cultural approach been educated according to the dominant The counter-cultural approach to social ideology of global development along change is one which is based on affirming capitalist lines, and subscribes to its values the importance of cultural values - and and dictates. This powerful perspective on especially those of marginalised groups or social change is difficult to challenge, minorities - in shaping social change. because it is backed up by a global Proponents of this approach are suspicious economic system that is deeply entrenched, of technocratic and bureaucratic and constantly reinforced by the benefits it approaches, and concepts of 'progress', brings to those in power. It is also since they consider these to lead to the strengthened by the social, cultural, and marginalisation of local or indigenous political relations and moral obligations knowledge, a decrease in people's initiative that are interlinked with the economic and creativity, and the inhibiting of women system (Crowfoot and Chesler 1984). and men from marginalised groups from realising their full human potential. The political approach Proponents of the counter-cultural The political approach to social change perspective place emphasis on the acknowledges the existence of 'different importance of individual change - in 52

personal values, lifestyles, and relation- process of social change would be ships with others - if wider social change acknowledged. The political perspective is to be effected. They emphasise the highlights the fact that it is particularly important role played by community difficult to promote transformation organisations in the building and within institutions that are heavily re-building blocks of a new society, where professional-technical in their approach to no-one is alienated (ibid). To the extent development. This is because gender that we recognise common 'feminine' equality is not a technical issue, concerned traits, intuitions, and attributes among only with gender roles and the sexual women of all cultures, we must ac- division of labour. Those who promote it knowledge the legitimacy of this approach are following a radical agenda, concerned for women. We must also assert the with challenging the imbalance of power importance of women's perspectives in between women and men. building a new society. In addition, since the political perspective also emphasises the role of Assessing potential for the state, it reminds us that our goals are harder to attain now that economic transformation globalisation is increasingly undermining Looking at the three perspectives the ability of our governments to guarantee separately helps us identify more clearly that the basic needs of their populations the different approaches to global will be met, and are negating the links change that different institutions adopt. between economic, social, and political This helps us understand what is needed development. to effect transformation of the global The counter-cultural perspective system to attain gender equality. reminds us that asserting women's values Inequality harms individuals, comm- and the existence of an alternative, 'female', unities, and nations. Thus, women's culture is an essential part of the process empowerment is central to development of transformation. Those working within interventions. However, if we look at the the institutional structures of the state mainstream institutions that distribute and international agencies cannot be development resources, including govern- counted on to challenge the patriarchal ments and the United Nations, we can see culture to which these institutions belong. they are dominated by ideologies and While women who are prepared to do this policies that are shaped by the professional- are a small minority, other women in technical perspective. There is little chance formal positions of leadership and that policies and programmes based decision-making may be influenced to be exclusively on a professional-technical more sensitive to gender issues, and more approach can lead to transformation, since responsive to the needs and realities of they fail to acknowledge the implications of women and their communities. Meanwhile, both power imbalances between groups, as the small minority who dare to 'challenge well as cultural differences, in mediating or the given'3 have exercised transformational determining policy outcomes. leadership within these very institutions of In contrast, the political perspective the UN and national governments. Such on social change would start by women have found ways of combining acknowledging the gendered imbalances of professional-technical, political, and power between men and women and counter-cultural approaches in their own recognise the need for these to be work, to ensure that they influence addressed if change is to be equitable. organisations that are male-biased and The validity of feminist politics to the professional-technical in their approach. Transformational leadership: advancing the agenda for gender justice 53

Transformational participation in decision-making. So, while leadership in action the bureaucrats tried to undermine their agenda, the women within the party In the next two sections, I will give two continued to monitor and press for real examples of ways in which women have change. One of their first acts was to worked together to pursue transformation. challenge the government's sponsorship of The first draws on my personal experience beauty contests. Another was to change the of the early stages of the work of the name of their organisation from 'Women's Jamaican Women's Bureau. The second Auxiliary' to 'Women's Movement'. This looks at the international level, focusing on change was not merely semantic; it women's mobilisation and organisation reflected a shift from being an organisation prior to the International Conference on that was assumed to give unquestioned Population and Development (ICPD), held loyalty and support to its political party in Cairo in 1994. The experiences discussed (for example, in fund-raising, or in this section have a number of lessons for persuading women to vote in support of those of us who are interested in promoting the party and its male leadership) to one transformational feminist leadership. that claimed a share of the decision-making power on the direction of the party. Transforming a bureaucracy front within The women I worked with taught me - the Jamaican Women's Bureau where the real power lay; but they also In 1974, I had no background in the taught me something about the limits of women's movement: I had never even that power, and how a unit within the heard the word 'feminist'. Without the bureaucracy could facilitate a process of national or political affiliations to qualify social change, drawing on the power of for the post, I was invited to take up the women within a political party. position of Adviser on Women's Affairs to the Government of Jamaica. Although the Transforming an international agenda: government of the time had a strong Women's Voices for Cairo, 1994 commitment to the principles of equity, The second example of transforming social justice, and participation, I leadership looks at the joint work of sometimes think it was my lack of feminists, women's organisations, and qualifications that must have appealed to development workers from NGOs and those within the bureaucracy whose governments, at the international level. All intention was to subvert the process of these brought formidable technical and women's political empowerment. professional skills to redrafting the Cairo The process of personal transformation Platform For Action, and influencing that took place happened without the help bureaucrats within the UN system, prior of formal training programmes to give me to ICPD. They also used their political skills in gender analysis, without skills to counter the work of fundamentalist significant financial resources, and without alliances, which had formed for the an enabling environment. What I did have purpose of derailing the conference. This was the support of a political women's interaction led to the transformation of the movement, which existed as a microcosm agenda at Cairo, from a focus on population within the ruling party. These women were control to a focus on women's reproductive intent on ensuring that their party health, rights, and empowerment. understood that its professed commitment The story begins at the 'Earth Summit' - to social justice would be meaningless the UN Conference on Environment and without a commitment to women's Development (UNCED) held in Rio in 1992. equality and women's full and equal In the wake of that conference, women's 54

health advocates realised that if environ- throughout the preparations for ICPD. The mental issues were linked to the population network had a Herculean task: in addition control agenda at the conference, this to 'neutralising' the arguments of the would have a devastating impact on Vatican (which, as the ICPD process moved women's lives. The population control on, was being joined by other conservative lobby were seeking additional resources bodies), it had to appease the more radical for their programmes, and were seizing fringes of the women's movement (which the opportunity presented by the concerns condemned any interaction with the United of environmentalists about population Nations Fund for Population Action pressures on the environment to use the (UNFPA) and the traditional family planning Malthusian argument about the relation- system). The network also had to contend ship between population growth and with misinformation from organisations environmental degradation.4 This argument whose vested interests were threatened by ignores the inequality in consumption approaches that went beyond family patterns between post-industrialised and planning, to focus on reproductive rights. Third World countries. It has resulted in the The network succeeded, through the design of population control policies that most incredible combination of formidable target poor women in developing countries professional knowledge, analytical and as the major culprits contributing to high technical skills in research, writing and birth rates. communications skills, political skills in The threat to women lay in the fact that advocacy, building strategies, building this view was opposed by two forces alliances and negotiating, and above all completely opposed in their attitudes to a 'counter-cultural' commitment to women, women's reproductive health and rights. focusing on protecting women's lives. These are the Vatican, and high-profile In their own countries, members of the leaders in the women's health movement. network worked with health-care The Vatican argued, jointly with progressive professionals in ministries of health and NGOs, and Southern feminists, that the in family planning programmes, and greatest threat to the environment was not with NGOs in different constituencies. the high fertility rates of the poor in the In the First Prepcom (preparatory South, but the consumption patterns of the committee) for ICPD, held in April 1993, rich in the North. women in the network worked hard to re- However, Southern feminists also frame the document prepared by UNFPA, sharply criticised the abuse and coercion of and to propose amendments to it. They women through imposition of harmful followed the preparatory process at contraceptive technologies - a key feature international level, throughout 1994, of population control policies. This critique moving from a Strategy Conference in Rio was used by the Vatican to add weight to in January, to the Second Prepcom in May, its opposition to all forms of fertility control and finally to the Conference itself in Cairo (except so-called 'natural' methods). in September. At the Conference, feminist Together, feminist activists and women health advocates worked with government began to create a counter-strategy: one that delegations at the UN, and women's would simultaneously challenge abusive movements in global capital cities. The population policies and assert women's result, against all odds, was the delivery of right to safe, affordable, effective, and a document that adopted a new framework accessible contraceptives. The result was a of human development approaches statement, 'Women's Voices for Cairo 94', combined with a commitment to women's which provided a common foundation for 'health, rights, empowerment and lobbying at national and global levels accountability'. Transformational leadership: advancing the agenda for gender justice 55

Implications for leadership been of no use. Certainly, they would not have led me to take the risks, or develop What lessons can we take from the above the strategies, that I now consider essential examples of women forging a path through to the promotion of an agenda to take us to the potentially disabling environment we that world of which we dream. live in, of economic globalisation, rising The third lesson from the case studies fundamentalism, and decreasing levels of discussed here is that in order to promote state accountability to their populations? transformational leadership within the First, as my first case-study shows, government bodies and international transformational leadership is possible institutions that govern our world, we need within bureaucracies. It can be discerned strategies, including alliance- and coalition- when women who work within these building. These link the work of govern- apparently monolithic organisations step ments and NGOs, feminists and traditional forward to challenge sexism and discri- women's organisations, researchers and mination there; and when they are willing activists, parliamentarians, women who to risk their jobs, status or popularity, in the work within major bureaucracies at all defence of women's human rights. levels, and the women's movement, both Second, transformational leadership locally and globally. The work of our often seems to emerge as a response networks should draw on the different to crises, or events that present an strengths of women in all these areas of opportunity. Yet success at these moments work, and needs to combine professional- is founded on a much longer process of technical approaches with political and development and struggle. There must be counter-cultural approaches. resources available for building the What is required to effect political, capacity of women to lead transformation, economic, and social change is a so that organisations can be responsive to combination of qualities, including needs that arise at critical moments. intellectual clarity and technical know- Organisations and individuals promoting ledge, political acumen, women's spiritual transformational feminist leadership within strengths, and values of solidarity, caring, bureaucracies must be alert to the potential and co-operation. in women at the early stages of that process - women who are beginning to question patriarchal privilege, and challenge gender- How to proceed? based hierarchies. This article has argued that to seek to Women's leadership is a different transform women who wear the title of concept from transformational feminist 'leader' within formal bureaucratic leadership - being a woman does not make structures is an important objective. one a feminist. My own transformation - However, as it has pointed out, personal, professional, and political - was 'transforming' women leaders in formal influenced first by the working-class bureaucratic structures in the sense of Jamaican women with whom I worked, and influencing them to take up feminist goals second by the intellectual leadership of the is not adequate to bring about Third World women's movement. My transformation of the structures and transformation resulted in a deepening institutions that perpetuate women's feminist consciousness, and commitment inequality, marginalisation, and power- to an agenda for social change. Without this lessness. Women in leadership positions process of gradual awakening to feminism, within governments and development the professional skills and theoretical bureaucracies who take up the political understanding that I now have would have struggle for women's equality need also to 56

acknowledge the structural limitations of Beijing, we need to recognise this and their position within these bureaucracies. distinguish between different strategies - The introduction of gender-sensitive those that lead to transformation, and those training and management systems has not that are unlikely to do so - and between resulted in agencies and governments those women who are most likely to lead us standing up to assault by the forces of on a transformational path, and those who fundamentalism, determined to reverse prefer to remain within the status quo. gains for women negotiated in the UN global conferences of the 1990s. In addition Peggy Antrobus has been a feminist activist in to technical training, those who wish to the Latin America and Caribbean region for further a feminist agenda require a over twenty years. She is a founding member of commitment to the values of caring, DAWN (Development Alternatives with sharing, and cooperation, rather than those Women for a New Era). WAND/DAWN, of selfishness, greed, and competition. School of Continuing Studies, University of the Women within the structures of govern- West Indies, Pinelands, St Michael, Barbados. ment and international agencies need to E-mail: [email protected] recognise the contradictions inherent in international programmes that purport to promote gender equity, poverty alleviation, Notes and an end to violence, while governments 1 This article is based on a paper prepared continue to pursue policies and pro- for UNIFEM. grammes that take them further from those 2 With thanks to Audrey Roberts who goals. One of the problems activists and helped clarify this distinction. radicals have faced over the past few years 3 This phrase was the title of DAWN's has been the tendency for words to be co- contribution to the UN Social Summit in opted and taken out of context, to serve Copenhagen. purposes that are the opposite from those 4 See Correa 1994 for more information on for which they were intended. Such words Malthus and population control, and include 'participation' and 'empowerment', feminist responses to this theory. as well as 'transformation'. Building bridges is necessary, between References and further women bureaucrats and those women reading working beyond the structures of government and international agencies, Correa, Sonia (1994), Population and who are therefore better placed to challenge Reproductive Rights: Feminist Perspectives these institutions and to hold governments from the South, London: Zed Books. accountable. We also need to acknowledge Crowfoot, J.E. and M.A. Chesler (1974), limitations that exist in the NGOs that have 'Contemporary perspectives on planned adopted a commitment to gender equity, social chance: a comparison', Journal of and even within the multi-faceted women's Applied Behavioral Science, 10(3):278-303. movement, which seeks to incorporate DAWN (1994), Challenging the Given, women of different classes, races, political Dominican Republic: CEREP. affiliations, sexual orientation, and DAWN Informs, Issue 2, 1998 and Issue 1, ideological tendencies. The fact is that the 1999, Fiji: University of the South Pacific. women's movement is far from monolithic, Sen, Gita and Caren Grown (1987), and if we are to move towards our vision, Develoment, Crises and Alternative Visions: or advance the agendas we adopted in Third World Women's Perspectives, Cairo, Rio, Vienna, Copenhagen, and New York: Monthly Review Press. 57

Leadership for adolescent girls: the role of secondary schools in Uganda Jill Sperandio

In countries of both the developed and developing world, success in secondary school is still seen largely in terms of examination results. However, schools have the potential to promote leadership in many different ways. In addition to formal qualifications, students gain many other skills and attributes during the years they spend in education. An important part of this 'hidden curriculum' in effective schools is the provision of motivation and opportunities to learn how to be a leader. Schools can adopt and promote clearly articulated beliefs, values, and expectations, which equip pupils to lead in later life. They may provide leadership training through appointing pupils as prefects, class monitors, and leaders of clubs and activities, and may provide role models for pupils - administrators, teachers, prominent students, and visitors - who promote leadership by example.

was a teacher in Ugandan secondary the lives of the women who experienced schools during the 1960s, when they them. How did they remember their school Ifirst took in significant numbers of days? Did they believe that their secondary female students. There was - and continues education had empowered them in ways to be - a wide gender gap in education in other than the provision of academic Uganda. Statistics show a ratio of 60:100 credentials? And what of their daughters? girls to boys in secondary education Were schools still perceived as providing (United Nations 1998). However, the opportunities for developing leadership secondary schools I taught in offered potential among female students? In what considerable opportunities for girls from ways did the schools of today teach rural backgrounds to see women in or model leadership? Given the difficulties leadership roles, and experience leadership faced by many girls in developing for themselves, at a time when there were countries in completing a secondary few outlets for women to take on such education and achieving a career, these roles. The skills and attributes that girls aspects of schooling merit attention from learn in school contribute to their ability to all those involved in increasing the shape their lives (Cohn and Rossmiller efficiency of education for girls. 1987), enhancing students' ability to achieve success not only in school, but also afterwards in wider society. Research methods When I returned to Uganda in 1997 to To assess the relative importance of each of undertake research into the survival and these facets of school leadership to the development of secondary schools during current population of female students in the previous 25 years, I was anxious to secondary schools in Uganda, I visited discover if these opportunities had shaped nine secondary schools, in three regions of 58

the country. The schools included co- Vision, ethos, and identity educational day schools, co-educational boarding schools, and all-girls' boarding A strong sense of identity, and clearly schools. A total of 590 female pupils in their articulated aims and objectives, have fourth year of secondary school were asked frequently been identified as characteristics to complete a questionnaire designed to of effective schools in Europe and North examine student perceptions of the roles America (Gaddy 1988). Schools that played by teachers and administrators, as provide their students with a sense of well as their peers, in providing example security, enable them to identify with the and direction. Male and female teachers institution, foster co-operation and and administrators in the schools (120 in individual responsibility, and provide an total) gave me interviews and completed environment focused on learning, can questionnaires, and provided access to favourably influence student attitudes school documents and publications that and outcomes. The methods used by provided insights into the ways in which secondary schools in the Ugandan study to the school identity and ethos were being create a sense of school identity appear, in many instances, to have been derived projected. The girls were also asked about 2 any prominent figures in the community from those of the British 'public schools', whom they had been made aware of, either on which the first Ugandan boarding through these people visiting the school, or schools were modelled. Compulsory school through reading newspapers and watching uniform, with each school adopting its television at school (Sperandio 1998). own colour scheme and clothing requirements, school mottoes and songs, Tracking down women who had school traditions, and the enforcement obtained a secondary education during the of standards of behaviour deemed 1960s proved more challenging. The appropriate to the aims and objectives of intervening years had seen civil war, the school, are all methods used to economic crisis, and the HIV/AIDS reinforce the individual identity of epidemic, all of which had disrupted particular institutions. contacts and forced emigrations. However, the economic hardship faced by the schools that I had selected for study had prompted Linking moral and several of them to appeal to their alumni academic education for help and I found several newly created 'old girls'1 associations. Attending a In the Ugandan schools surveyed, well- meeting of one of these groups gave an documented rules and regulations, which indication of the willingness of these make high demands on the students and Ugandan women to take an active part in state the aims and goals of the school, were the support of institutions that they associated with a positive atmosphere in believed had played an important role in the schools, and in turn, with students who empowering their lives. The associations were self-confident and motivated. If a also provided a wealth of contacts, and school convinces its students that it has opportunities to arrange questionnaires high expectations of them, cares about them as individuals, and will supply the and interviews to explore their perceptions information and skills they need to make of how secondary schooling had shaped informed decisions about their future, their subsequent life events. students'confidence and expectations rise, and academic results improve. This effect is clearly articulated in an interview with an 'old girl' of one of the girls' boarding Leadership for adolescent girls: the role of secondary schools in Uganda 59 schools surveyed, in which she describes 'Work Not Words': her experiences in the 1960s: Everywhere and at all times, you are expected to As soon as I stepped inside the gates ofN... I display exemplary behaviours, good manners knew I would qualify for the University ... the and courtesy. You are expected to maintain and teachers were always there for us, my fellow enhance the academic excellence for which you students were ever ready to help, and as for the were admitted in this school. Hopeless academic administration - it was always ready to remind performance may lead to demotion, repeating or us of what brought us to school. Apart from advice to try something else ... Students who go academics, I was groomed with the proper socialabout misbehaving in public are deliberately etiquette and proper manners of how to deal waging war against this school. They are with what, where and when. therefore our sworn enemies. Their names must be struck from our books. This same school, still noted for its high academic achievement despite 20 years of Other schools in the survey had similar physical neglect, continues to provide a preambles. The rules and regulations at clear statement of its perceived aims and another girls' boarding school noted: 'Rules leadership role in fostering social values, of life cannot be listed here, but it goes as well as academic learning. Its rules and without saying and should be understood regulations begin: by all that if a community is to live peacefully then there should be respect for ... the following rules and regulations are everyone, irrespective of backgrounds, devised to help us all (teachers, parents, position, or any other differences. It is students, etc..) achieve the National Education therefore expected that students respect any objectives. Our ultimate aim as a school is to in authority over them, and all that may produce all-rounded educated young ladies, who seem to be under them.' are ... healthy in body, personality and behaviour, who would be able to survive and live While the language might seem strong happily and comfortably in our society and the and emotive, ex-students felt positive about world at large. Young people who have not the sense of self-discipline and duty that reached adulthood are still fumbling with the had been expected at school, and argued process of developing a value system of their that this had stood them in good stead own based on the established moral and social during their subsequent lives. One woman codes of our society. Their success depends very stated, ' ...in the course of an education, much on the effectiveness of the guidelines discipline was considered very important in provided by the already experienced adults such building in us a sense of duty. This has as parents, teachers, etc.... The school rules and assisted me in the raising of my own regulations are some of the guidelines devised children, and in my duties at work.' for that purpose, therefore, all students are Another woman echoed these sentiments: expected to observe them for their own mental, 'I learnt that discipline is the key to success physical and social development hence becoming in the modern world. In routines and work all-rounded educated women. habits, in working towards a desired goal.' Schools placed a high premium on their Most of the schools that I surveyed take leadership role in creating a tolerant society very seriously their duty to inculcate moral where abuse and victimisation are not and social values in students. This is seen as permitted. One ex-student told me: 'Above a function that is important as fostering all, my secondary school taught me how to academic excellence, and the two aims are live in a community to overcome tribal and interlinked. This can be seen in the rules religious prejudices, and to appreciate and regulations for a co-educational day values different from mine. Community life school, which has a school motto of also involved learning to share, to help the 60

less fortunate, to avoid harmful talk. All of are stressed in some school rules. These this was invaluable for a girl, especially one send a message that the school is more with ambitions.' It is ironic that some interested in controlling students rather school rules and regulations intended to than guiding them towards self-discipline challenge prejudice actually perpetuate and co-operation. For example, the rules at negative ideas about tradition and rural one co-educational day school in Kampala life. The first school quoted above states in state: 'Pregnant girls must leave school its rules:' ... teasing is an obsolete primitive immediately with their boyfriends. All practice that is not allowed in this School'; forms of sexual immorality will lead to and ' ... shouting at other people and use expulsion.' Rules at another co-educational of dirty insulting language are unbecoming day and boarding school state: 'Any girl in a civilised society. Leave your village life student who is medically proved to be at your home. You will be punished for it if pregnant shall be liable to expulsion from you import it to B... community.' the school. Any girl who is medically When schools choose to provide clear proved to have had an abortion, leadership to students in regard to self- voluntarily or involuntarily, shall be liable discipline, duty, and community, they may to expulsion from school.' well enhance long-term outcomes for their Such regulations, designed to instil fear students. Another woman who had of the consequences rather than a desire to completed her education in 1975, and was encourage pride in belonging to a now a full-time teacher, stated that her community, with high expectations of its school: members, may be less effective in producing positive long-term outcomes ... certainly made me see things differently, than those in schools where the rules are such as sex roles, family size, nutrition, designed to be a guide to self-discipline. A courtship, and marriage. It made me want an group of senior girls from one of the easier lifestyle for myself, as well as making me realise my duty to my extended family. I got schools surveyed, which had restrictive committed to doing my best financially, rules and penalties designed to humiliate morally, etc., to help the young ones to study students, expressed very negative feelings with a purpose. Without that education, I about the school, despite its high academic would not have met my husband or any of the achievements. contacts that I have now. Of course, the written rules and regulations are only a part of the wider Opportunities for leadership in clubs system of regulation that exists in an and activities, taking responsibility for institution. For example, pregnancy was other students and for the smooth running not mentioned in the rules and regulations of the school when they were appointed of the girls-only boarding schools in my prefects, and the making of long-lasting research, but these schools did require friendships with other girls, were returning students to be examined by the additional benefits that ex-students felt had school nurse to ensure that they were not accrued from attending schools they pregnant, with the object of protecting the believed had actively worked to promote reputation of the school and of individual their well-being. male teachers from charges of immorality. In contrast, the rules and regulations in other schools stress prohibitions and Women staff as leaders and penalties, more than valuing personal role models development. Prohibitions on female hairstyles, dress, the use of cosmetics and Research from a number of countries jewellery, and the penalties for pregnancy suggests that women teachers can act as Leadership for adolescent girls: the role of secondary schools in Uganda 61 important role models for secondary school 'dropping out', possibly changing schools girls, particularly in mathematics and or returning at a later time and having to science (Fuller, Hua, and Snyder 1994). My continue with a younger cohort. Many findings suggest a rather more complex students appreciated head teachers who situation. When students were asked to showed an awareness of these problems, explain why they admired a particular and a willingness to intervene with parents, person in the school community, their the school board, and outside agencies to answers fell into two groups, unconnected ensure a continuous education. Students to the gender of the admired person, or also noted with appreciation head teachers' whether they were student, teacher, or strong leadership of the school, setting administrator. The students admired of high standards and expectations in people primarily for being well organised, achievement and behaviour, and well disciplined, and professional, and mobilising of the support of government secondly, for being caring, thoughtful, and community agencies to help the school. and helpful. While the survey dealt It should of course be pointed out that primarily with the issue of role models and while only female teachers can serve as role leadership within schools, it seems likely models to female students, good academic that, had girls been given the choice, many results and pastoral care can also be given would have named people outside of the by male head teachers who are sympathetic school context as being 'most admired'. to the issues female students face, yet retain high expectations of them. Female heads of school Of the schools surveyed, only the girls' Teachers boarding schools had female heads The picture was not so clear when it came of school. All the remaining schools had to assistant teachers. In Uganda today, women in the position of deputy head, female teachers do not command the or as a senior teacher with special respect as working women that they may responsibility for the female students. get elsewhere. Secondary school teaching The combination of power and influence has never been regarded as a high status clearly wielded by female head teachers, occupation in Uganda. During the early combined with the caring, mothering years of expansion of the secondary school image they could project if they so chose, system in the 1960s, those few students made them attractive role models to a who completed secondary education or number of students. who graduated from university would I also explored the many ways in which apply for administrative positions in a dynamic head teacher in the East African government, rather than for teaching jobs. context, in addition to serving as a role This was true for girls as well as boys, even model for their students, could influence though teaching was one of the few both academic and social outcomes for occupations open to girls at this time, and students in their schools. Strong leadership one that many of the girls' schools in schools can offset poor facilities and promoted actively totheir students as a lack of materials and so maintain high means of aiding the development of the morale, to the particular benefit of female country. By 1970, 90 per cent of the students. Interviews revealed that female teachers in Ugandan secondary schools students are often victims of their parents' were expatriate. Most were British teachers inability or unwillingness to pay fees, or of on fixed-term contracts, and volunteers unwanted pregnancy, or of pressure to from the United States, Canada, Britain, marry early, all of which could lead to the and Scandinavia. These teachers left in termination of their education, or to 1972, due to the deteriorating security 62

situation following Idi Amin's expulsion of The issue of female teachers acting as the Ugandan Asian community, and the role models may also be a more complex withdrawal of international donors' one than has been found in some other support to the country. Schools replaced contexts, including so-called 'developed' them with Ugandan staff. countries (Fuller, Hua, and Snyder 1994). Women whom I spoke to who had Women teachers do not tend to be present completed their education during the in the science and mathematics areas where 1960s and 1970s differed from the female they might be the most influential in students of today in their perceptions of reassuring girls that these subjects are the teachers. Many noted the importance of accessible to them. In the schools surveyed, well-qualified teachers in guiding them. there were very few female mathematics One woman noted: ' I was greatly and science teachers. influenced by the American teachers who In eight of the nine schools surveyed, a taught us to be self-reliant and supervise high percentage of girls chose a peer rather our lives, instead of waiting for someone to than a woman teacher as the person they tell you what to do. This made me what I most admired. Negative perceptions of am now, self-employed and employing women teachers by female students, and four other girls, who I tell constantly to vice versa, may not encourage students to work hard and set up their own places identify with women teachers, or want to in future'. Another woman noted: ' ... the use them as role models. Women teachers teachers made the strongest impression on frequently appeared in girls' accounts in a me. They were well disciplined and negative light, as enforcers of discipline. demanded the best from us, but were also Current pupils interviewed at a rural co- kind and always prepared to listen to our educational boarding school agreed that problems and fears'. A third said: ' ... the they preferred male teachers, because teachers were not only neat and women were stricter in their enforcement disciplined, but also knew their subject of discipline, and 'are rude to us'. Women matter very well'. teachers can, of course, be seen in a In contrast, interviews with girls different, positive light as enforcers of currently attending the nine schools discipline and high standards, perhaps surveyed revealed a comparative lack of reflecting the knowledge gained through respect for women teachers today. The girls their own experiences of what is necessary often despised female teachers for being to compete successfully in the education unfashionably dressed - smart dress being system. This experience could, in the long associated with being well-to-do. While run, help the girls they teach to succeed. the teacher shortage in the early 1970s This was recognised by the adult ex-students might have been expected to increase quoted earlier, who often associated salaries and the desirability of the discipline at school with high standards. profession, this did not prove to be the case. There was a perception among female Salaries were paid by the government and, students today that women teachers were as the Ugandan economy collapsed in the unsympathetic to their problems. Many 1970s and early 1980s, teachers were paid students thought women teachers were not less and less frequently, with no adjustment particularly close to their students, and for rapid inflation. Teachers are forced to were more involved with their own take additional employment, often working families. Women teachers, especially those at several schools, or farming, and their in remote rural areas, face gender issues obvious poverty further decreases their which affect their professional lives. Female status among their peers and students. teachers are less likely than men to stay for a long period of time at one school; if they Leadership for adolescent girls: the role of secondary schools in Uganda 63 had done, they might have become more ask questions, showed fewer leadership closely associated with the students. The skills, and co-operated less with the headmistress of a prominent girls' boarding teacher. These findings showed strong school, where two-thirds of the teachers are similarities with studies of teacher attitudes women, noted that the main cause of in Malawi and Zimbabwe (Gordon 1995). teachers' leaving tended to be the unwillingness of the husbands of newly- Role models outside married women teachers to leave the capital city to come to the more isolated schools and rural school site. Uganda has a highly articulate and clearly A comment frequently made by current visible women's movement, which devel- pupils in interviews was that women oped out of the liberation struggle in the teachers were 'jealous' of them, because the country at the end of the Amin regime, male teachers were more attracted to their during the mid-1980s, when women female students. I was told by the same were directly involved in the military senior girls quoted above that several of organisation of the National Revolutionary them had been asked for sexual favours by Movement, and in the local Revolutionary male teachers, and when these were Councils. The party, once in power, denied, the teachers concerned had promoted women politically through the embarrassed the girls in class. The issue of formation of a Ministry to represent sexual harassment of girl students by male women's interests, by allotting places teachers is constantly in the newspapers in within the ruling party to women, and by Uganda; in a visit to Uganda in July this offering lower admission standards to year, the first newspaper I picked up had a women wishing to enter university. headline, 'Headmaster marries student: However, while women have been brought parents protest', introducing a story about a into political leadership at various levels, head teacher who was accused of sexually the rules, structures and practices of harassing other pupils. From my interviews government continue to reflect an older, with current students, it seems that girls more exclusionary vision of politics, enjoy the attention they perceive they are making it more difficult for women to given by male teachers, but that this can assert their interests (Trip 2000). very quickly turn sour. One of the many variables external to At one school, the senior girls the school situation that could influence the complained very bitterly about the male way in which teenage girls in Uganda teaching staff, noting that these teachers assess their life chances and plan their gave girls over-harsh punishments. They futures is contact with women involved in also believed that most of them had been professions other than teaching, and forced into doing arts subjects because the political activism. Indeed, the role of the male teachers were prejudiced about girls' women's movement in monitoring and capacity to do mathematics or sciences. shaping the development of gender- In fact, a recent survey of teacher beliefs equitable education policy itself was about male and female students indicates recognised in a government White Paper little difference between male and female on Education in 1992. teachers in their view that girls were less At the time of the survey, Uganda had able students than boys. Girls in secondary a female deputy prime minister, who schools were perceived as being less featured prominently in the newspaper intelligent, found it more difficult to learn, along with other women politicians. I did were less ambitious, were shyer in class, not speak to any student with a desire to spent less time studying, were less likely to enter politics. It was noticeable that female 64

students in schools that had been visited Jill Sperandio is a teacher, administrator, and by a group of women lawyers on career researcher on education, based in Azerbaijan. days articulated a higher level of interest International School of Azerbaijan, PB Amoco in careers in the profession. This group had Azerbaijan, Chertsey Road, Sunbury on developed a system of clinics offering legal Thames, Middlesex TW16 7LN, UK. aid to women in the Kampala area. They E-mail: [email protected] contributed regular columns to the newspapers, answering readers' queries or Notes describing legal and commercial procedures. 1 The term 'old girls' refers to former pupils. Conclusion 2 The term 'Public schools' is used here to denote schools that are outside the state Where girls are struggling to gain parity system, attended by fee-paying students. with boys in the context of educational This term originated in the UK. outcomes, schools can adopt an important leadership role in promoting gender equality. They can articulate a commitment References to this through rules and regulations, Cohn, E. and A. Rossmiller (1987), through school philosophies and mission 'Research on effective schools: statements pledging commitment to implications for less developed ensuring equality of opportunities to all countries', Comparative Education Review, students, and to the expectation of equal 31(3). degrees of success, regardless of sex. They Fuller, B., Haiyan Hua, and C.W. Snyder can ensure that leadership opportunities (1994), 'When girls learn more than boys: for students are apportioned equally to the influence of time in school and both boys and girls. Schools can take a lead pedagogy in Botswana', Comparative in sensitising teachers, and particularly Education Review, 38(3). female teachers, to the special needs of Gaddy, G.D. (1988), 'High school order and secondary school girls, encouraging female academic achievement', American Journal teachers to appreciate that the provision of Education, 96(4). of a caring and encouraging learning Gordon, R. (1995), 'Causes of girls' environment may be as empowering as academic underachievement: the being a role model. Schools can actively influence of teachers' attitudes and promote an understanding of the expectations on the academic perform- possibilities open to women by exposing ance of secondary school girls', students, through visits and the use of Occasional Paper No. 8, Harare: HRRC. newspapers and television, to women Rosenholtz, S. (1985), 'Effective schools: leaders in politics, the professions and the interpreting the evidence', American community - not only in their own country, Journal of Education, 93(3). but around the world. Schools themselves Sperandio, J. (1998), 'Girls' Secondary need leadership, however, and educational Education in Contemporary Uganda: policy makers need to make clear their Unintended Outcomes of Well- expectations of school headsand school intentioned Policy', unpublished Ph.D. boards, provide examples of good practice, dissertation, University of Chicago. and publicly reward those schools that can Trip, A. (2000), Women and Politics in demonstrate that they have improved Uganda, James Currey and Fountain academic and non-academic outcomes for Publishers. their female students. UNDP (1998), Human Development Report 1998, New York: OUP. 65

The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights: the Optional Protocol to the Women's Convention Kwong-Leung Tang

In October 1999, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Optional Protocol to the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (otherwise known as the Women's Convention). As of September 2000, 62 states have signed the Optional Protocol, and nine of these have ratified it. Women's rights activists hope that through the Protocol, the international legal system will lead governments to address the issue of violence against women and other violations of their rights. This article charts the development of the Optional Protocol, and assesses the difference it will make to women who face violations of their human rights.

ver the past three decades, However, international tolerance of discrimination against women has discrimination against women has been Obecome a global human rights persistent. Historically, the United Nations issue. Women in many countries, has rarely become involved in a country's developed and developing, have their internal affairs to enforce international rights constantly violated at domestic or human rights law, since this represents a international levels. In most countries, violation of state sovereignty (Plattner women are marginalised economically, 1995). In the past, many countries have been culturally, and politically, and these norms able to turn a blind eye to international . are resilient to change. International law is campaigns on women's rights by success- often more progressive than national laws fully using the argument that states have a are (Charlesworth 1994), and feminists right to govern themselves as they wish, generally agree that international law is which effectively shuts out criticisms from needed as a weapon against systemic outside. An international common effort oppression. In national governments, has been called for in recent years, to adapt women have failed to attain political the international human rights laws in positions in any significant numbers, while order to introduce positive changes to outside the political structure, women enforce women's rights. As Miles (1996:145) are under-represented in power centres correctly observed: 'We need global such as trade union leadership (Trebilcock solidarity / support for our local struggles.' 1991). The argument is that by relying on Progress in bringing violations of women's international law, women's advocates can rights to the attention of the international potentially overcome the limitations built community has been largely due to the into a domestic legal system. persistent action of women's organisations 66

around the world. Women activists have 'the definitive international legal highlighted the fact that no international instrument requiring respect for, and human rights treaty had comprehensively observance of, the human rights of women' addressed women's rights within political, (Cook 1990, 643). cultural, economic, social, and family life, Within one year of signing the or obligated countries to take action to end Convention, states have to report to the discrimination against women. UN Committee on the Elimination and Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on their efforts to meet its goals. Thereafter, The 'Women's Convention' each state is required to submit a report and CEDAW on progress once every four years. The The 1979 Convention on the Elimination of response from countries has been rather All Forms of Discrimination Against encouraging. As of November 1999, 165 Women (often called the 'Women's countries had ratified the Women's Convention') is the first and most Convention - the highest number of comprehensive international agreement ratifications of any of the human rights dealing with the human rights of women.1 treaties except the Convention on the Adopted by the United Nations General Rights of the Child, 1990, which 191 Assembly, the Women's Convention was countries have ratified. the result of campaigning and lobbying by women's organisations. The basic goal of the Women's Convention was to prohibit Deficiencies of the all forms of discrimination against women. Women's Convention This cannot be achieved merely by the The adoption of the Women's Convention enactment of gender-neutral laws. was a triumph for women's organisations Immediately after the Second World War, that had brought the issue of gender bias in 1945, the principle of equality between and discrimination to the attention of the men and women had been proclaimed in international community. However, it has the United Nations Charter. However, been subjected to criticism from both women were not recognised as a group the left and right of the political spectrum. that requires particular assistance from the On the right, it has been argued that international community to promote and international obligations can make states protect their rights (Galey 1984), and liable for many expensive legal cases, if violations of women's rights remained established practices are open to challenge commonplace. In particular, violence under international human rights law (The against women, in many different forms, Economist, 1999). Those on the left of remained endemic. the spectrum have criticised the fact that As a treaty that aimed to foster some ratifying countries have imposed women's equality with men, the Women's limitations on the applicability of the Convention defined discrimination against Convention. Like other international women, and detailed measures to be taken agreements, the Women's Convention can to enable women's rights to be fully be ratified with reservations. While many realised. In addition to demanding that countries have ratified the Convention, it is women be accorded equal rights with men, not surprising that this is often with the Convention goes further by prescribing reservations. the measures to be taken to ensure that Moreover, international treaties do not women everywhere are able to enjoy the have legal power to protect women rights to which they are entitled. Optimists from abuses of their rights, or to promote have called this international agreement gender equality, unless ratifying countries The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights 67 incorporate their principles into domestic Rapporteur on Violence Against Women laws. Few countries have done that in the was appointed after the 1993 World wake of ratification. As a result, there is a Conference on Human Rights, held in gap between international obligation and Vienna. The aim was to prepare a report on domestic enforcement. When women refer the issue of gender violence every year, to the Women's Convention in their focusing on specific forms of violence. submissions to court, the court can easily CEDAW went on to argue that gender- say that the Convention has no legal force. based violence may breach specific However, in some cases, the Women's provisions of the Convention, regardless of Convention has had an important impact whether those provisions expressly mention on the deliberations of national courts. For violence. The basis for this argument is that instance, in 1999, the Supreme Court 'discrimination against women', in Article 1 of Canada referred to the Women's of the Women's Convention, can be Convention in its decision to reject the understood to include violence that defence of 'implied consent' for sexual is directed against a woman because she is assault offences (the case of R v. Ewanchuk, a woman, or that affects women dis- 1999). The court cited the Women's proportionately. 'Discrimination against Convention to emphasise that the Canadian women' can therefore cover acts that inflict government had made a commitment to physical, mental, or sexual harm or the international community to eliminate suffering, threats of such acts, coercion, and discrimination against women. other deprivations of liberty. In 1993, in light of these interpretations, CEDAW Other criticisms of the Women's recommended that states ratifying the Convention have centred, in the main, on Women's Convention should ensure that two issues: the omission of a specific laws against family violence, abuse, rape, provision on violence against women, and sexual assault, and other gender-based the lack of support to women who wish to violence give adequate protection to all bring individual complaints. women, and respect their integrity and CEDAW and violence against women dignity. Appropriate protective and Not long after the introduction of the support services should be provided for Convention, concerns arose that it has a victims, and gender-sensitive training of glaring omission - it does not contain a judicial and law-enforcement officers and specific provision on violence against other public officials is therefore essential women. In contrast, other agreements, for the effective implementation of the such as the International Covenant on Civil Convention. and Political Rights (1976), the Convention On 23 February 1994, the UN General on the Rights of the Child, and the Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Convention against Torture (1985) contain Elimination of Violence against Women. specific wording on violence against This signalled that violence against women women. They can therefore be used in cases was starting to be regarded as a violation of of specific forms of violence against human rights. It also placed more women, such as the abuse of girl children, responsibility on states. This declaration and trafficking in women. therefore boosted the implementation of To counter the omission of violence the Women's Convention. against women in the Women's Convention, and make clear that the Convention The need to support individual women prohibits gender-based violence as a complainants form of discrimination, CEDAW adopted a Once CEDAW had settled the issue of three-pronged approach. First, a Special violence against women, it could address its 68

second concern. The Women's Convention Despite efforts to address the problem did not give individual women, and of reporting to CEDAW, the Women's groups of women, the right to lodge Convention has remained a relatively complaints against their govern-ments ineffective weapon (when compared with when all domestic avenues of redress were other conventions) for women's NGOs, exhausted. The Women's Convention thus which have to lobby hard against their gives CEDAW limited powers to protect governments for further action. individual women against violence. In their progress reports to CEDAW, The development of the governments' assessments of their efforts Optional Protocol to comply with the Women's Convention have frequently been incomplete, and Since the drafting of the Women's tended to minimise problems and Convention in 1976, women activists have maximise accomplishments. CEDAW was lobbied for the right of individual women limited under Article 21 of the Women's to be able to make complaints to CEDAW. Convention as to the kind of information At that time, they suggested a complaints it could take into consideration (Meron procedure for individuals, but this 1986): above all, CEDAW had to exclude proposal was not taken up. considerations of individual complaints Lately, international law has increas- (including those from NGOs) against their ingly recognised that an individual may governments. possess both rights and duties, and that the Since the early 1990s, CEDAW has tried legal principle that individuals do not to counter these difficulties by asking participate on the international scene has governments whether they had involved been eroded. Individual complaints NGOs in preparing the reports. CEDAW procedures have been included in some has in the past commended governments international treaties, including the that included NGO inputs in their official International Convention on the reports. However, NGOs that do work Elimination of All Forms of Racial with governments to prepare the official Discrimination (1969) and the Convention report may still find that it does not reflect Against Torture. These take the form of an their concerns. Due to this, CEDAW also 'Optional Protocol' (Andrysek 1997). invited direct NGO input, in the form of Optional Protocols to human rights treaties independent or 'shadow' reports and are treaties in their own right, which either informal presentations, to bring women's provide for procedures with regard to the real concerns to national and international treaty, or address a substantive area related attention, and complete the record. to the treaty. In theory, one country could hold Increasingly, women's organisations another accountable to the Women's called for the introduction of an Optional Convention. Disputes between countries Protocol to the Women's Convention, to relating to the interpretation or application give individuals and groups the right to of the Women's Convention may be complain to CEDAW about violations of submitted to the International Court of the Women's Convention, and to allow Justice in the Hague, by any country that is CEDAW to conduct enquiries into grave or directly involved in the dispute (Article 29). systematic abuses of women's human However, in practice, this has never rights in countries that have ratified the happened. One could speculate that Optional Protocol. countries are not willing to file complaints In June 1993, the idea of adding an against each other in matters pertaining Optional Protocol to the Women's Convention to women's rights. was taken up and recommended in the The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights 69

Vienna Declaration and Programme of • To create greater public awareness of Action, adopted by the UN-sponsored human rights standards relating to World Conference on Human Rights. In discrimination against women (UN 1994, an independent expert group met at Division for the Advancement of the Maastricht Centre for Human Rights, to Women 2000). draft an Optional Protocol. Soon afterwards, CEDAW adopted Suggestion The United Nations General Assembly No. 7, a proposal that set out the desirable adopted the Optional Protocol to the elements of an Optional Protocol. Women's Convention in October 1999. Governments, inter-governmental organi- sations, NGOs were invited by the Secretary-General to submit their views. Features of the Optional Since International Women's Year in Protocol 1975, the series of world conferences on The Optional Protocol represents an women hosted by the United Nations unprecedented step forward in women's was the focus for action from women's quest for justice and equality on the global organisations to pressurise governments scene. As discussed above, it gives to make changes in their legislation to individuals and groups of women the support women's rights, and ratify the right to complain to CEDAW about Women's Convention (Pietila and Vickers violations of the Women's Convention. 1994). The Fourth World Conference on Secondly, it enables the Committee to Women held in Beijing in 1995 resulted in a conduct enquiries into grave or systematic call to UN member states to support the abuse of women's human rights in idea of an Optional Protocol. In 1996, a countries that have become party to the working group on the Optional Protocol Optional Protocol. State parties to the was established to examine the main issues Protocol can now be asked to explain and raised by such implementation. In March remedy complaints about serious violations 1999, the UN Commission on the Status of women's rights, and the enquiry power of Women (the body that drafted and given to CEDAW means that it can launch oversees the Women's Convention, and investigations of serious abuses of women's proposed the establishment of CEDAW) rights. The Optional Protocol also has adopted the Optional Protocol. provisions for interim measures to be taken CEDAW itself offered the following to ensure that the state involved in a case reasons for the appropriateness of an brought to it will protect the individual or Optional Protocol to the Women's individuals concerned, 'to avoid possible Convention: irreparable damage to the victim or victims of the alleged violation'. • To add to existing enforcement mech- Since the Optional Protocol has been anisms for women's human rights agreed, CEDAW has been able to seek • To improve states' and individuals' guidance from national jurisprudence understanding of the Women's (legal systems and the thinking behind Convention them), to formulate its rulings. It can also • To stimulate states to take steps to draw on jurisprudence from other implement the Women's Convention committees concerning civil and political • To stimulate changes in discriminatory rights. laws and practices To give an example, from an indus- • To enhance existing mechanisms for the trialised country, of the Optional Protocol implementation of human rights within in action, CEDAW has recently been the UN system questioning the new Hong Kong Special 70 Administrative Region Government on the The effectiveness of the issue of equal pay for work of equal value. Optional Protocol The Equal Opportunities Commission, established by the Hong Kong government How effective is the Optional Protocol in 1995, has been rather weak and has filed likely to be? It may be helpful to examine few legal lawsuits on sex discrimination. the case of a similar mechanism - the The government of Hong Kong responded Optional Protocol to the 1976 International to CEDAW on 2 February 1999, before the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Optional Protocol came into being. It made (ICCPR). This was the most important a vague response: ' ... the Code of Practice individual complaints mechanism prior to on Employment published under that the Optional Protocol to the Women's Ordinance encourages employers to Convention. The major monitoring body for progressively implement equal pay for this Covenant is the Human Rights work of equal value. We support proposals Committee (HRC). Progress on the that will enable the realisation of equality. ratification of the Optional Protocol of the The Equal Opportunities Commission has ICCPR has been slow: by 1991, just over in fact commissioned a research to examine 81 countries had signed it (Malanczuk 1997). its feasibility and the result is awaited' In contrast, as of 7 September 2000, (Hong Kong SAR Government 1998, 62 countries were signatories to the para 25). Optional Protocol to the Women's Clearly, women using the Optional Convention (indicating that they intend to Protocol could challenge this kind of reply, ratify it). Only nine had ratified it: Austria, since it does not promise any immediate Bangladesh, Denmark, France, Ireland, action. Women fighting to be paid on an Namibia, New Zealand, Senegal, and equal footing with men would first Thailand. Countries that have not signed approach the Hong Kong Equal the Protocol include the United States of Opportunities Commission. If no action is America. taken or the highest court rules in favour of The Optional Protocol will only come the employers, they could then complain to into force three months after the first CEDAW. 10 countries have ratified it. While it will There are, however, a number of not be too long before the tenth country procedural obstacles to be overcome ratifies - it is likely that some Nordic by women before CEDAW will hear a countries in particular will lead the way - complaint. Article 2 states: 'Where a we should not be over-optimistic about the communication is submitted on behalf of number of countries that will ultimately individuals or groups of individuals, this ratify the Optional Protocol. Some countries shall be with their consent unless the will be reluctant to subject themselves to author can justify acting on their behalf the risk of exposure of violations of without their consent.' Article 3 requires women's rights, and states ratifying the that communications from individuals Optional Protocol cannot do so with or groups should be in writing and cannot reservations, as they could with the be anonymous; CEDAW will reject Women's Convention (Article 17). complaints that are either ill-founded, or insufficiently substantiated with Outcome of complaints filed evidence. Article 4 stipulates that if local A substantial number of complaints have remedies are available, they must be been filed under the Optional Protocol of exhausted before the individual concerned the ICCPR. However, of approximately could refer the case to CEDAW. 600 complaints filed in the past 20 years, some 50 per cent have been rejected as The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights 71

'inadmissible' (judged unsuitable for Conclusion investigation, because they do not meet the criteria). Generally, communications to The Optional Protocol to the Women's the HRC are examined in confidential Convention opens up opportunities for written procedures. The communications women to assert their rights against contain the name of the person bringing oppressive regimes. But how much the complaint and the name of the state that confidence can we have in international he or she is complaining about; the issue, law as an effective avenue of redress? As it and details of how alleged violations of stands, many countries have yet to ratify relevant laws have taken place. The HRC the Women's Convention, and fewer have would consider whether or not the facts signed up for the Optional Protocol. constitute legal evidence, and whether or Confidence in the international law also not the remedies available in national law depends on whether the countries have been exhausted. The issues raised in concerned will comply with the rulings the case are extensively reviewed. Finally, and suggestions of CEDAW, if it is agreed the views of the HRC are channelled to all that women's rights have been violated. concerned with the case. It takes a long Though it is a powerful tool, the time - approximately three years - for the Optional Protocol does not mark the HRC to conclude a case. elimination of discrimination against Most importantly, the HRC does not women. International law cannot have an effective enforcement mechanism, immediately change deeply rooted so its findings depend in large part on attitudes, nor can it overthrow patriarchy an individual state's willingness to remedy instantly. Feminist strategies for social the wrong. The state is not forced to bow to change at the national level are still the views of the HRC, beyond an obligation indispensable. These include defining to remedy any violation of the rights gender issues; creating an agenda for contained in the Covenant (Article 2:3). A action; making explicit connections Special Rapporteur for the follow-up of between local organising efforts and views has been appointed to monitor national politics; nurturing women's social responses. Should any state refuse to networks as the context for motivating, remedy a violation, the HRC is allowed to empowering, and sustaining women in publicise this violation. Such adverse their work for social change; and building publicity is potentially very damaging, coalitions among groups of women (Faver and the power of this 'weapon' should not 1994). be underestimated. The Optional Protocol to the Women's As with the HRC, CEDAW's findings Convention, like other international human carry no legal authority in the individual rights instruments, has been set up in states where women complain that their response to action by women across the rights have been violated. There are some world, working to influence the actions of other barriers to its effective imple- governments and international bodies mentation. Countries could opt out of the through lobbying and petition. Women 'enquiry' clause stipulated by the Protocol, should now turn their attention to pressing under which CEDAW is empowered to their governments to take a lead in the launch investigations of serious abuses of international community, by ratifying the women's rights (Article 10). Further- Optional Protocol. Methods used to great more, any country may withdraw from effect by the women's movement in ('renounce') the Protocol at any time by the past have included public meetings and written notification; withdrawal would the use of media and newsletters, take effect six months later (Article 19). campaigns to obtain petition signatures, 72

and lobbying and caucusing at national and Women's rights are constantly under- international meetings. mined by the male-dominated political When governments have ratified the system across countries. With the Optional Protocol, legal literacy campaigns introduction of an Optional Protocol, a are needed, to educate women at all levels potentially effective weapon is added to of society about their rights under the legal arsenal, which could fight international law, and to publicise how oppression against women. Taking cases to these can be enforced using the legal an international monitoring committee is procedures. Stories about successful legal one form of activism: women are now able cases brought through the Optional to represent themselves. Their own voices Protocol should be publicised as they occur, can potentially be heard in the international by lawyers and by feminist journalists legal process. In this respect, Moody's working in national and international discussion on the importance of women's media. As far as the monitoring of voices in the criminal process could be redresses is concerned, these women can extended to the international arena. She also be watchdogs of their governments. comments: ' ... the ways in which women Legal and policy advocates are needed might be permitted to present these to advise women and facilitate their appeals descriptions [of harm], whether directly to to CEDAW. Further, these advocates have the court, through their own Counsel, as a to take measures to make people aware of written report or in a standard form, are the international legal protection. Clearly, central to qualifying those discourses as this would require a lot of resources at the authentic and also legitimate' (Moody 1995, domestic level. Even supporters of the 213). Because of the Optional Protocol, Women's Convention and CEDAW agree women can for the first time take their own that many complainants will be unable to action at international level to achieve go through the cumbersome and expensive equality. The progress is slow, but certain. practice of travelling to Geneva or New York to hold their government to account. Kwong-Leung Tang is Associate Professor of Appealing to an international legal body the Social Work Program, University of presupposes adequate access to and Northern British Columbia, 3333 University acquaintance with the legal system. This Way, Prince George BC, Canada V2N 4Z9. would be unimaginable for most women, E-mail: [email protected] who do not have the confidence, formal education, or legal knowledge to represent themselves in a law court. The process would simply intimidate them. To ensure that all this work takes place at national level, financial resources are needed from the international community. Development funding agencies should play a part. For example, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) has organised country-level advocacy training, with a goal of raising awareness of the Convention among human rights and gender advocates, and the public, in developing countries. This aims to ensure that all laws passed in these countries are consistent with the Women's Convention. The leadership role of international law in enforcing women's rights 73

References Meron, T. (1986), Human Rights Law-Making in the United Nations, Oxford: Clarendon. Andrysek, O. (1997), 'Gaps in international Miles, A. (1996), Integrative Feminisms, protection and the potential for redress New York: Routledge. through individual complaints Moody, S. (1995), 'Images of women's procedures', International Journal of sentencing in sexual assault cases in Refugee Law, 9(3): 392-414. Scotland', in J. Bridgeman and S. Mills Charlesworth, H. (1994), 'Women and (eds), Law and body politics: regulating the international law', Australian Feminist female body, Aldershot: Dartsmouth. Studies, 22, Autumn, 115-28. Pietila, H. and J. Vickers (1994), Making Cook, R. (1990), 'Reservations to the Women Matter: The Role of the United Convention on the Elimination of All Nations, London: Zed Books. Forms of Discrimination Against Plattner, M. (1995), 'The status of women Women', Virginia Journal of International under international human rights law Law, 30. and the 1995 UN World Conference on Economist, The (1999), 'Human Rights Women, Beijing China', Kentucky Law law - alarm bells in Scotland', Journal, 84:1249-75. 20-26 November, 67-68. Trebilcock, A. (1991), 'Strategies for Faver, C.A. (1994), 'Feminist ideology and strengthening women's participation in strategies for social change: an analysis trade union leadership', International of social movements', Journal of Applied Labour Review, 130( 4), 407-26. Social Sciences, 18(1), 123-134. UN Division for the Advancement of Malanczuk, P. (1997), Akehurst's modern Women (2000), introduction to international law, http:/ / www.un.org/womenwatch/da/ New York: Routledge. cedaw / protocol.htm 74

Leadership for social transformation: some ideas and questions on institutions and feminist leadership1 Aruna Rao and David Kelleher

This article affirms the importance of changing the rules, not playing by them, if we are to transform institutions so that they reflect and promote gender equality. It describes how institutions block efforts to promote gender equality, and suggests that recent efforts to 'professionalise' NGOs have exacerbated this tendency. However, NGOs are also currently concerned with 'organisational learning', and this may offer them a 'third way' which combines professionalisation with feminist ideals, including devolution of power. The article finishes with a discussion of the kind of leadership required to challenge institutional inequality, and suggests directions for learning.

e recently saw the details of a the institutional challenges we face, and to new training course being relate these to the question of leadership in Woffered by an American business NGOs involved in development and school, called 'Strategic Leadership for human rights. Finally, we will look at how Women'. It was intended for existing and we need to work to transform ourselves in aspiring women leaders in the non-profit order to transform our institutions. and corporate world. It focused primarily on improving women's presentation of The need to transform themselves, building their negotiating skills, enhancing their ability to read their institutions organisational context, and showing them Institutions are 'structures that humans how to chart a road to success for impose on human interaction' (North themselves within their particular 1999). But how are institutions structured, environment, playing by the existing rules. and how do they operate? Further, how This course is not unique in its can we make institutions serve our emphases - in fact, it is representative of purpose? The scope for individuals inside a whole genre. This is valuable work, but organisations to push a particular agenda is the vision of leadership underpinning such limited by the formal institutional systems courses is strikingly different from the and procedures - the 'rules of the game', way we understand it in our work. We are and the degree to which the formal rules interested in changing the rules of the are enforced. Key insights into the game, not playing by them. That is the underlying nature of modern organisations challenge of the feminist movement, come from the realisation that the challenge of social change, the organisations are founded on a nineteenth- challenge of the work we do. In this short century mixture of beliefs from patriarchal article, we intend to look briefly at some of visions of the world, militarism, theories of Leadership for social transformation: institutions and feminist leadership 75 social Darwinism,2 and the metaphor of the order to make lasting changes to what an machine bequeathed by Newtonian organisation does, both formal rules and physics.3 Clearly, this type of organisation informal norms need to change. Leaders is not designed to transform social relations; who aim to bring about social trans- it is intended to reinforce them. Such formation in line with feminist goals must thinking led to hierarchical structures provide the vision to challenge these underpinned by a world-view that sees institutional principles, and their mani- power as a limited commodity, held by the festation in organisations. Part of this few, to control the behaviour of the many. process is to challenge hierarchical power. Over the past decade, leading feminist researchers4 have explored organisational Overcoming new barriers culture, structure, systems, and procedures, We are aware of a variety of experiments in a variety of organisational forms, underway in development and human including public bureaucracies, inter- rights NGOs that are attempting to steer a national organisations, corporations, way through these issues (see Rao et al. and NGOs. Feminist researchers have 1999). One medium-sized North American argued that organisations are not rational, NGO we know of has been involved in a neutral bodies, but living and breathing long-term effort to make its programme microcosms of the societies that house more relevant to changing times. Most them and the people who inhabit them. recently, staff have made gender and The organisations that rule our world cultural diversity a central part of their are informed by cultural values and programme, realising that programmatic patriarchal norms that are anti-women and change is dependent on a change in the way exclusionary. The gender biases that are they work. Part of the change is a built into the very foundations of orga- commitment to more flexibility and nisations seep into their ways of working, responsiveness in the work of the organi- to produce gender-biased outcomes. sation, and devolution of power. The Scope for change is limited by intangible commitment to devolution of power has and complex, but highly powerful, informal resulted in the change being managed by institutional values, norms, structures, and a multi-level team, working by consensus. processes that underlie and shape human The effort has just begun, but there is a high interaction. They are often hidden, not level of excitement about, and shared obvious; and need to be uncovered by a ownership of, the new direction. There also variety of methods (Schein 1992). These seems to be a willingness to accept the hidden norms operate as informal inevitably slower pace of decision-making constraints on people's behaviour and the brought by devolved power and a commit- policies of the organisation. They are, ment to participation. perhaps, even more of a constraint than the However, the recent moves on the part formal rules. They are often extremely hard of many national and international to recognise. Examples include norms of development NGOs to embrace a more behaviour and unspoken codes of conduct. 'corporate' approach does present leaders They are embedded in language, symbols, who seek to transform the 'deep structure' myths, and social custom, and in different of organisations with a new set of human institutions, from marriage, to challenges. Recent moves to make NGOs markets, to local governance structures - more 'professional' have led to an emphasis for example, village panchayats (local on 'control-oriented' factors, such as governing councils) in India. These hidden accountability to management, financial norms are also embedded in what we might management, and adherence to policy call modern organisations. It is clear that in (for more on this, see Kelleher and 76

MacLaren 1996). The challenge for the common with feminist organising. These North American organisation will be include commitments to team learning and to manage the tension between its dialogue, to understanding the whole commitment to devolved decision-making system, and to listening to issues important and the imperative for decisions to be to clients or beneficiaries. Perhaps the made within a reasonable time. North American organisation will learn Much too often, we are seeing that their preconceptions about decision- leadership that aims to promote social making can be revised. change, including feminist goals, sacrificed at the altar of professionalism. Anecdotal evidence is strong that this has led to a Leadership and individual regrettable reduction in attention to transformation principles that were formerly very It is becoming clear that if we are to do this highly valued - for example, commitment transformatory work, then both appointed to beneficiaries' participation, and leaders and others need to develop devolution of power (Wallace 1999). This is transformatory leadership skills. If we were because at the heart of the shift to a to offer advice to leaders, we would begin corporate approach is a change in the way by giving attention to the following issues. organisations encourage their staff to conceptualise and exercise power. As Challenging the process stated earlier, power is expressed in We would emphasise that leadership for modern organisations through hierarchy. transformation means being willing to take Power is viewed as a limited commodity. risks by questioning existing ways of Power struggles are conceptualised and working, and considering how tasks might played out as a win-lose game - if I have be done differently if the primary more, you have less. This conception of motivation is a concern for equality and power devalues participation, and silences justice. The unconscious 'deep structure' of voices that would bring alternative organisations leads workers to behave in perspectives and knowledge to deliver ways that may seem reasonable, but equitable outcomes, including gender- sometimes prevent gender equality and the equitable outcomes. delivery of gender-equitable programme Is it possible to steer a 'third way' outcomes. between the hierarchical managerial control of 'professionalisation', and the Action and power flexibility and political devolution that is We would also suggest that to become a required for organisational change for transformational leader requires a mind- gender equality? Many corporations and shift to a different way of being, and time some NGOs are also experimenting with spent considering what this means. ideas of 'organisational learning' (Senge Paradoxically, we believe that becoming 1992). Most published perspectives on a force for positive change and trans- organisational learning do not integrate a formation is more about who the leader is gender analysis or other analyses of social than what she or he does. Much too often, differentiation (Argyris et al. 1996), and it is leaders see it as essential to try to get more far from clear that proponents of power, so that we can push what we organisational learning contemplate a believe is a better agenda and overcome serious re-alignment or re-thinking of opposition. In contrast to Newtonian ideas power or other dominant values in the of power as limited and controlling, we see organisation. However, some features of power as an energy that is limitless, organisational learning have much in challenging of hierarchies, and available to Leadership for social transformation: institutions and feminist leadership 77

Part of the wonder of the conception of rather than focusing on accomplishing power as relational and unlimited is its a task 'come hell or high water' (a potential to transform relationships, and, confrontational, aggressive, man-against- ultimately, human organisations and nature script rooted in patriarchy). institutions. Leaders need to be open to • Work with power. Realise that power seeing the world as primarily made up of comes from all locations and positions, relationships. This is not just a question of not only from those higher in a personal psychology and interpersonal hierarchy. There is also power (and risk) relations: it is also a question of spirituality. in having a clear purpose, enough We have found David Bohm's book, information, and a good relationship Wholeness and the Implicate Order (1980), with others. These forms of power useful in thinking about this. Bohm enable you to be a force for change, suggests that the material world and beyond playing by the organisational consciousness are parts of a single rules. unbroken totality of movement. Everything • Avoid the trap of becoming a 'true in the universe affects everything else, believer', denying the legitimacy of and each one of us is related to the whole of different points of view, as this prevents humankind. When we are engaged in the dialogue necessary to come to a something that is deeply significant for holistic vision shared by all. us personally, and are attuned to those who surround us, we can experience Observation and analysis moments of incredible clarity or joy, We would also highlight the usefulness of and achieve extraordinary physical, artistic, some new analytical tools transformational or intellectual things. Musicians call this leaders. Although organisational analysis being 'in the groove'. has been going on for some time, the To relate this seemingly abstract set of complexity of organisational environ-ments ideas to the practical issues faced by and our concern for the deep structure has leaders in development organisations, the led us to seek out, and create, new challenge is to discover what is needed analytical tools intended to help to find these moments of 'groove', which transformational leaders understand will lead us as individuals, and in organisations. Many of these challenge old relationships with our colleagues, to be ideas of organisations as machines, and a force for justice and equality. We think develop an understanding of them as that key factors in creating these moments unpredictable, living systems, made up of are personal commitment to a cause, and individual people. We are starting to the process of working in close colla- understand that we cannot only look at boration and dialogue with others who parts of organisations, but need to study share similar goals. them as whole entities as well. Tools for Lessons we have to offer from our seeing 'wholeness' include mind-maps, experience are: timelines, multi-perspective analyses, causal maps, and power circuits analysis. • Define yourself as a force for trans- Some new analytical tools also address formation in a manner that makes sense the issue of power. For example, one set of to you, in light of your under-standing analytical tools which we have found of the situation, and your values. helpful has been developed by Barry Oshry • Work purposively for thoughtfully (1999). It contains a description of the chosen and valued ends, knowing that different types of power available to people you are part of something larger than at different levels of an organisation, and yourself, which is working with you, this kind of analysis opens up the 78

possibility that staff at all levels can be of the conditions needed to start and powerful actors for change - not only sustain social transformation. We must appointed leaders. Other analytical tools build managerial efficiency with leader- direct our attention to ways in which power ship for change, not at the expense of it. is used in systems. Is it being used in ways To do this in practical ways, addressing the that restrict the power of others, and pressing challenges that women around exclude them from key activities or the world face today, is the task in hand. decisions? Or is it being used to energise the system? Aruna Rao is a gender and development A third group of new tools is concerned consultant and writer. She is President of the with the 'deep structure' of the organisation Board of Directors of the Association for - the unconscious, taken-for-granted rules Women in Development (AWID). that are beyond challenge (for a fuller E-mail: [email protected] discussion, see Rao et al. 1999). For David Kelleher is an organisational consultant. example, aspects of the 'deep structure' of E-mail: [email protected] many organisations are: Notes • rigid beliefs about power and hierarchy and their expression; 1. An earlier version of this paper was • failure to understand and address the presented by Aruna Rao at 'Cultural fact that all human beings balance their Boundaries and Cyber Spaces: work with their family life; Innovative Tools and Strategies for • a narrow focus on instrumentality - Strengthening Women's Leadership in that is, the reduction of organisational Muslim Societies', an international purpose to a narrow set of quantifiable symposium sponsored by Women's indicators; Learning Partnership, New York City, • a tendency to emphasise the individual 1-2 June, 2000. hero and achievement model at the 2. Social Darwinism is the theory that expense of collaborative efforts involving persons, groups, and races are subject to both visible and so-called 'invisible laws of natural selection. According to work'. the theory, which was popular in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, There may be many other aspects of the the strong grew in power and in cultural deep structure of particular organisations influence over the weak. that need to be uncovered. An important 3. Newtonian physics maintains that way to do that is by 'surfacing' silent voices everything in existence can be described within the organisation and its clients objectively, because all phenomena or beneficiaries. Aspects of the 'deep result from the interactions of their structure' can then be changed by altering physical parts. work practices, so that they counter 4. For example, Nuket Kardam (1991), deep-structure values that hinder gender- Kathleen Staudt (1998), Anne Marie equality objectives. Goetz (1997), and Joan Acker (1990), among others. Conclusion 5. Clients or beneficiaries of organisations often have little if any access to the The forces of the status quo are very mechanisms that are intended to make powerful; the daily pressures to play the organisations accountable, and other game by the rules are overwhelming. mechanisms intended to ensure good We must develop a greater understanding governance. It is obvious that this Leadership for social transformation: institutions and feminist leadership 79

renders organisations poor vehicles for Oshry, Barry (1999), Leading Systems: promoting values of gender justice and Lessons from the Power Lab, San Francisco: new paradigms of sustainable Berrett-Koehler. development! North, A. (1999), from a presentation on institutional change at the World Bank, Washington. References Rao, Aruna, Rieky Stuart, and David Acker, Joan (1990), 'Hierarchies, jobs, Kelleher (1999), Gender at Work: bodies: a theory of gendered Organisational Change for Equality, organisations', Gendered Society, 4. West Hartford CTV. Kumarian Press. Argyris C. et al. (1996), Organizational Schien, Edgar (1992), Organisational Culture Learning II: Theory, Method and Practice, and Leadership, San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Reading MA: Addison-Wesley. Senge, Peter (1990), The Fifth Discipline, Bohm, David (1980), Wholeness and the The Art and Practice of the Learning Implicate Order, London: Routledge. Organisation, New York: Viking. Goetz, Anne-Marie (1997), Getting Staudt, K. (1998), Policy, Politics and Gender: Institutions Right for Women in Women Gaining Ground, West Hartford Development, London: Zed Books. CT: Kumarian Press. Kardam, Nuket (1991), Bringing Women In: Wallace, T. (1999) 'GADU remembered: Women's Issues in International some reflections on the early years', in Development Programs, Boulder CO: F. Porter, I. Smyth and C. Sweetman Lynne Rienner. (eds), Gender Works: Oxfam Experience in Policy and Practice, Oxford: Oxfam GB. 80

Compiled by Erin Murphy Graham

African Women's Leadership Institute Background Papers (1997 and 1998), Akina Mama wa Africa, 334-336 Goswell Road, Building Women's Leadership for the 21st London EC1V 7LQ, UK. Century (1999), Joanna Kerr, Report of a Donor Roundtable hosted by UNIFEM and Tel: +20 7713 5166; fax: +20 7713 1959 NOVIB, UNIFEM, 304 East 45th Street, 15th These two booklets of background papers Floor, New York, NY 10017, USA. from each of the annual African Women's This report highlights the importance of Leadership Institutes cover topics including promoting women's leadership, arguing that the process of women's empowerment, 'women's leadership is a central element for feminism in Africa, patriarchal 'roadblocks' constituency-building to achieve gender to women's development, and managing equality'. It highlights the role of women's personal and institutional change. The leadership in challenging and questioning booklet from 1997 also includes speeches existing gender relations, and attempting and essays presented at the Institute. to overcome all forms of social injustices. Sections focus on challenges facing women Where Women are Leaders: The SEWA Movement in particular regions of the world; oppor- in India (1992), Kalima Rose, Zed Books, tunities to build women's leadership; 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9FJ, UK. lessons learned from effective women's This narrative history of SEWA (the Self- leadership development; and strategies to Employed Women's Association) describes strengthen women's leadership. its work from its initial organising of women to its current national and international influence on women's A Diplomacy of the Oppressed: New Directions employment. The book reviews SEWA's in International Feminism (1995), Georgina organising tactics and development model, Ashworth (ed.), Zed Books, 7 Cynthia and is a useful resource for those who are Street, London Nl 9FJ, UK. self-employed or working in the informal Leading feminists - thinkers and activists - sector world-wide. draw together the political, economic, religious, and cultural issues that most closely concern the international women's movement today. The book demonstrates the importance of working together to create a dialogue and shared strategies between different women's movements world-wide. Resources 81

Gender-Responsible Leadership: Detecting Bias, Women in Contemporary Democratization Implementing Interventions (1993), Catherine (2000), Shahra Razavi, UNRISD Occasional Herr Van Nostrand, Sage Publications, Paper 4, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, 6 Bonhill Street, London EC2A 4PU, UK. Switzerland. The primary goal of this volume is to This paper looks at the issue of democrat- 'develop appropriate, well-timed inter- isation from a gender perspective. Women's vention strategies for remedying our own persistent exclusion from formal politics sexism and confronting it in those we lead'. shows the need to reform supposedly Techniques outlined here aim to confront 'democratic' institutions. The paper draws bias in men's favour, and create learning attention to the increasing visibility of and working environments in which women's movements, arguing that their women have the same advantages as men, long-term viability and effectiveness and women's talents are respected and depends on their ability to work in different actively sought out. arenas and at different levels, and in alliance with supporters in mainstream Shattering the Glass Ceiling: The Woman politics. Manager (1992), Marilyn J. Davidson and Cary L. Cooper, Paul Chapman Publishing Leadership Skills for Women: Boost Your Career Ltd., 144 Liverpool Road, London Nl 1LA, with New Techniques and Skills (1999), UK. Marilyn Manning and Patricia Haddock, This book asks why the 'glass ceiling' exists, Kogan Page Ltd., 120 Pentonville Road, and how to break through it. Women are London Nl 9JN, UK. increasingly visible in the labour force at Includes advice from over 100 women the lower levels of organisations, but managers and potential women managers, largely absent from management positions. about working effectively with men. Individual chapters explore relationships at Provides straightforward instructions and work, the roles that women play within exercises to help individuals develop their organisations, and managerial skills. potential as leaders. Also addresses stereotypes and prejudices against women. Getting Institutions Right for Women in Includes an exercise to 'test your leadership Development (1997), Anne Marie Goetz (ed.), potential'. Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9FJ, UK. Women and Politics in the Third World (1996), Argues that feminist perspectives are still Haleh Afshar, Routledge, 11 New Fetter largely absent from the world of economic Lane, London EC4P 4EE, UK. policy-making and that the persistant Eleven articles explore specific forms of marginalisation of gender-sensitive policy resistance, organisation, participation, and measures points to gendered patterns in the negotiation, used by women in the administration of development. More developing world. Non-western women fundamental institutional change is called have used their traditional roles in the for in order to institutionalise women's domestic sphere as mothers and care interests and gender-sensitive account- providers to seek resources, welfare, and ability. Individual chapters focus on freedom from oppression for themselves women's movements and democracy in and their children. Case studies draw on Chile, women MPs in the Indian women's experiences in Iran, Palestine, Parliament, BRAC in Bangladesh, and China, Latin America, South Asia, and making development agencies accountable Palestine. to women. 82

Transforming Development: Women, Poverty in the domestic spheres and led popular and Politics (1995), Margaret Snyder, movements. In doing so, many became Intermediate Technology Publications, personally and politically empowered. 103-105 Southampton Row, London WC1B 4HH, UK. Women, International Development, and The author of this book is the founding Politics: The Bureaucratic Mire (1997), director of the United Nations Kathleen Staudt (ed.), Temple University Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). Press, Philadelphia, PA 19122, USA. The central argument of the book is that Offers a comparative analysis of gender women are central to development, and policy by looking at international, it is presented through the story of governmental, and non-governmental UNIFEM and its projects in international institutions in a variety of national and development. It examines the context of the cultural contexts. The 'bureaucratic mire' 'development system' and the political and prevents women from participating in, and bureaucratic obstacles that UNIFEM was contributing to, the development process in confronted with. Individual chapters focus national and local government, the home, on women and world politics, empower- and the workplace. The first section ment of women, political participation, and analyses women's political organisations, lessons for the future. drawing on case studies from Brazil and Northern Mexico. The second focuses on Gender in Third World Politics (1996), international agencies. The concluding Georgina Waylen, Open University Press, section offers future strategies for women's Celtic Court, 22 Ballmoor, Buckingham, empowerment in bureaucracies. MK18 1XW, UK. Different political formations such as Women and Political Power (1992), Inter- colonialism, revolution, authoritarianism, Parliamentary Union, Place du Petit- and democratisation are analysed from a Saconnex, BP 438, 1211 Geneva 19, gender perspective. Both 'high politics' and Switzerland. political activity at the grassroots are This study represents a further step in an explored, focusing particularly on women's on-going exercise seeking both to expand organisations and the impact of policy general knowledge on women and and politics on gender relations and on political power, and enable the Inter- different groups of women. Parliamentary Union (IPU) to define the action necessary to promote a more Out of the Shadows: Women, Resistance and equitable sharing of political power Politics in South America (1993), Jo Fisher, between men and women. In 1991 the Latin American Bureau (Research and IPU sent a survey to 150 Parliaments. It was Action) Ltd., 1 Amwell Street, London drawn up by men and women politicians EC1R 1UL, UK. and designed to bring in both objective and In many South American countries, women subjective information. The core of future led the opposition to military dictatorships action that emerges from the survey and the transition to democratic rule. responses is the promotion of a more This book tells the stories of women leaders equitable sharing of political power and in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and responsibility between men and women, as Argentina. Coming together in communal this will enable society to benefit from the kitchens, trade unions, as landless peasants, specific input of women and give real or as relatives of the disappeared, these meaning to the concept of democracy. women broke out of their traditional roles Resources 83

On Top of the World: Women's Political Poor and Powerful: Female-headed Households Leadership in Scandinavia and Beyond and Unmarried Motherhood in Botswana (2000), Bruce O. Solheim, Greenwood Press, (1994), Francien Th. M. van Driel, Verlag fur 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881, Entwicklungspolitik Breintenbac GmbH, USA. Miihlenstrafie 20, D-66111, Saarbrucken, This book attempts to answer three funda- Germany. mental questions concerning female political Botswana has a significantly high rate of leadership through an interdisciplinary female-headed households - approximately analysis of the Scandinavian political 50 per cent (in 1994). Over half of all system. Is there a female style of non- women with children are unmarried. This aggressive leadership that relies on a large proportion of female headship power-sharing strategy rather than a contrasts greatly with the past, when this power-wielding one? Does this style only role was restricted to men. This study apply to women? Would women leaders examines why this pattern has emerged by promote peace and social justice better than studying gender ideology, gender roles, their male counterparts have done in the and socio-economic change in the past? Valuable lessons can be learned from socio-historical context of Botswana. While women in positions of political leadership this is a country-specific study, the overall in Nordic countries. research questions and examination of gender roles and women's leadership in the Literacy for Citizenship: Gender and Grassroots household are relevant in other contexts. Dynamics in Brazil (1997), Nelly P. Stromquist, State University of New York Gender, Education and Development: Beyond Press, State University Plaza, Albany, NY Access to Empowerment (1999), Christine 12246, USA. Heward and Sheila Bunwaree (eds), Zed This in-depth case study of the MOVA Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl 9FJ, UK. (Movimento de Alfabetizac.ao de Jovenes e Using case studies and drawing from Adultos) literacy programme in Sao Paulo, substantial experience in the field, this book Brazil between 1989 and 1993, explores examines education in the context of the the limitations of many current theories diverse experiences of women and girls concerning the potential of literacy and around the world. Moving beyond issues of basic adult education programmes to access to education, the chapters explore promote individual empowerment and previously ignored problems such as social change. The goal of the MOVA the content of education and the way it programme was 'literacy for citizenship ... is experienced by women and girls. Case an education that empowered individuals' studies from Africa, Latin America, South and that 'would lead to collective action East Asia, and the Pacific illustrate a aimed at changing unjust political and number of important conclusions, social structures'. While the focus is on including that the empowerment of women one literacy programme, many of the and their autonomy are central issues findings have universal relevance to in understanding gender, education, and an understanding of the factors that shape development. the acquisition, uses, and outcomes of increased education. 84

Women-Headed Households: Diversity and ©tfganisatdons Dynamics in the Developing World (1997), Sylvia Chant, St. Martin's Press, New York, The Centre for Women's Global Leadership, NY 10010, USA. Douglass College, Rutgers, State University Why are female-headed households of New Jersey, 160 Ryders Lane, New becoming more and more prevalent Brunswick, NJ 08901-8555, USA. throughout the world? This book explores Tel: +732 932 8782; fax: +732 932 1180; this question, and focuses on the diversity e-mail: [email protected] and dynamics of female-headed house- http:/ / www.cwgl.rutgers.edu holds in developing countries. Case-study This programme aims to promote the material is included from urban and rural leadership of women, and to advance areas in Mexico, Costa Rica, and the feminist perspectives in policy-making Philippines, and illustrates the various processes in local, national, and routes by which low-income women international arenas. Since 1990, the Global enter household headship. While the Centre has worked to foster women's experiences of these women vary across leadership in the area of human rights countries, discrimination and disadvantage through women's global leadership are constantly present. institutes, strategic planning activities, international mobilisation campaigns, UN Missing Men? The Debate Over Rural Poverty monitoring, global education endeavours, and Women-Headed Households in Southern publications, and a resource centre. Africa (1997), Bridget O'Laughlin, Institute of Social Studies Working Paper 252, PO Box Women, Law and Development International, 29776,2502LT The Hague, The Netherlands. 1350 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 407 This paper looks at the consequences of Washington, DC 20036, USA. men's absence from communities and house- Tel: + 202 463 7477; fax: + 202 463 7480 holds, and concludes that households Women, Law and Development headed by women are not always poorer International (WLDI) is a nonprofit, than those headed by men. The author non-governmental organisation that highlights the fact that many programmes promotes women's full and equal that target women heads ignore the social participation in nations around the world and economic structures that give women by advancing universal respect for human autonomy only in the absence of men. rights, expanding rights education and legal literacy among women, and Gender in Popular Education: Methods for challenging discriminatory socio-economic Empowerment (1996), Shirley Alters and barriers. Committed to capacity-building, Linzi Manicom, Zed Books, 7 Cynthia advocacy, and expanding women's rights Street, London Nl 9FJ, UK. networks, WLDI has collaborated with A collection of critical reflections on thought-leaders, researchers, advocates, feminist adult education work in grassroots activists, and monitors throughout the organisations, development projects, world. WLDI works with its partners to formal institutions, and community identify legal, cultural, and economic education programmes in a variety of impediments to women's enjoyment of different countries. Explores several human rights, to propose targeted education methodologies and learning approaches, to develop activist strategies, strategies that lead to women's and to train women's groups to advocate empowerment, drawing on case study before UN and governmental bodies for material in India, Australia, Canada, the policies that recognise women's rights. Philippines, and Malaysia. Resources 85

UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund development agency is based in the UK and for Women), 304 East 45th Street, 15th Floor, has a regional office in Kampala. AMwA New York, NY 10017, USA. was set up in 1985 by women from different Tel: +212 906 6400; fax: +212 906 6705 parts of Africa residing in the UK to create http:/ / www.unifem.undp.org space for African women to organise UNIFEM's mission is to promote women's autonomously, identify issues of concern to empowerment and gender equality. It acts them, and speak for themselves. AMwA as a catalyst within the UN system, aims to provide solidarity, support, supporting efforts that link the needs and promote awareness, and to build links with concerns of women to all critical issues on African women active in the areas of their the national, regional, and global agendas. own development. In 1996 it started the One of its major programme areas is African Women's Leadership Institute. 'Engendering Governance and Leadership'. This programme works with governments, women's networks and NGOs to increase the capacity of women to participate in political institutions, promote women's perspectives in policy-making, and Inter-Parliamentary Union: Democracy through influence the direction of society. Partnership between Men and Women http://www.ipu.org/iss-e/women.htm This website outlines the areas of activity of International Program for More and Better ]obsthe IPU specifically concerned with gender for Women (WOMEMP), International issues and democracy. Included on the site Labour Organization. are the following resources: Tel: +41 22 799 8276 or +41 22 799 7039; fax: +41 22 799 7657; Women in Politics Bibliographic database e-mail: [email protected] http: / / www.ipu.org/bdf-e / BDFsearch.asp http:/ /www.ilo.org/public/english/ Database that contains bibliographic employment / gems / conf / index.htm references on books and articles dealing The mission of this branch of the with women in politics world-wide. International Labour Organization is to reinforce the ILO's longstanding priority to promote employment in conditions of Women in National Politics equality and also to contribute to the http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm successful follow-up to the Fourth World Provides data on the percentage of women Conference on Women and the gender in national politics worldwide (both world dimensions of the World Summit for Social and regional averages) in tables based Development. Among other activities, it on information provided by national helps develop and implement national parliaments. Comparative data on the action plans to improve the quantity and percentage of women in each national quality of women's employment. parliament is presented in separate tables.

Instruments of International Law Concerning Akina Mama wa Africa, 334-336 Goswell Women: Ratification and Implementation Road, London EC1V 7LQ, UK. http:/ /www.ipu.org/wmn-e/law.htm Tel: +20 7713 5166; fax: +20 7713 1959; Provides links to full text versions of e-mail: [email protected] various conventions relating to women's http://www.akinamama.com rights from the Universal Declaration of 'Akina Mama wa Africa' (AMwA) is the Human Rights (1948) to the Universal Swahili phrase for 'solidarity among Declaration on Democracy (1996). African women'. This non-governmental 86

WomenWatch: The UN Internet Gateway on Videos ' '•: ' l^.1,: the Advancement and Empowerment of Women http:/ / www.un.org/womenwatch This website seeks to educate its visitors The following videos are available from about the work of the United Nations UNIFEM (see contact information above). entities and inter-governmental and treaty bodies that deal with the advancement and Empower Tools: Technology for Women's empowerment of women, and about inter- Empowerment (1995) national instruments on women's rights. It Highlights six innovative approaches to contains links to all UN organisations that technology transfer and technical training. work for women's empowerment and Format: NTSC/PAL, BETA/VHS. gender equality, as well as regional plans of actions from across the globe. Women in Front (1996) Women's grassroots leaders in Brazil Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) fight for women's rights and a better http:/ /www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/ environment for their children. Grounded in the vision of equality of the Format: NTSC/PAL, BETA/VHS. United Nations Charter, the Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), as part of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) of the United Nations Secretariat, advocates the improvement of the status of the women of the world and the achievement of their equality with men. This site contains links to various UN publications and websites on the Beijing Conference and the Beijing +5 follow-up.

Akina Forum http:/ /www.akinamama.com/forum_frmJhtm An on-line discussion forum on women's leadership in Africa that posts articles and gives readers an opportunity to respond.

Women Leaders Online/Women Organising for Change http://wlo.org Women Leaders Online is a website that attempts to empower women in politics, media, society, the economy, and cyberspace.

The Electra Pages http:/ / electrapages.com The Electra Pages is an online database of over 9,000 women's organisations. Its browser allows you to search for organisations by location, category, and name. It also allows users to add their own listings and correct current listings.