Women of the Times: Radcliffe Rampant At

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Women of the Times: Radcliffe Rampant At WOMEN OFTHETIMES RADCLIFFE RAMPANT AT THE NEW YORK TIMES Gray Lady ofJournalism Acquires Crimson Tinge by NARDI REEDER CAMPION Year: 1963. do now. Before the 1978 suit, not a single woman was head of a Place: National Press Club (for male members only). department at the Times. Cloday women are everywhere. Yes, I Speaker: Secretary of State Dean Rusk. am a feminist." Downstairs Ballroom: Newsmen and guests luxuriate over lun­ "It was a momentOus decision, histOric," says Alessandra cheon, enjoying guest speaker. Upstairs Balcony: Newswomen Stanley, who was enjoying Paris in the 20s-her 20s. "But I stand squeezed tOgether, lunchless, straining to hear the speak­ was blissfully ignorant of it. I sat at the feet of Flora Lewis, er they are assigned to cover. then in Paris as the Times's only woman foreign correspondent, This scene was described at length in The Girls in the Bakony: and later Nan Robertson became a friend. Both showed me Womm, Mm, and The New York Times, by former Times re­ one woman can make a difference." porter Nan Robertson. Today, after a long struggle, women are "The suit caused the Times to think of women in different out of the balcony and onto the masthead of the Times, a paper ways," Linda Greenhouse says, "and I was very much a benefi­ that rarely allowed a woman reporter in its city room before ciary of all that. I was only 27 when I got a chance to cover the World War II, and not readily afterward. governor of New York and the legislature. Two years later I was A surprising number of Harvard-Radcliffe women have led the first woman bureau chief in Albany. Without that litigation or benefited from this palace revolution, including assistant it wouldn't have happened." managing editOr Soma Golden Behr '61 and former national "People forget how bad it was for women in journalism," editOr Linda McVeigh Mathews '67, J.D. '72. Martha Alice says Soma Golden Behr. "In the early 60s the Wall Street Jour­ Greenough '74, J.D. '77, is assistant treasurer. Linda Green­ nal would not hire a woman. I was hired from Business u,cek in house '68 is the Supreme Court reporter. Al ison Mitchell '76, 1973 when the Times was beginning to look for women. Three lanny Scott '77, Alessandra Stanley '77, Susan Chira '80, Celia years later I had my fi rst child and tOok a whole year off from Dugger '80, and Constance Laibe Hays '83 are also tOp re­ the paper. I returned about the time the suit was settled. porters; Sarah Boxer '80 writes, edits, and does drawings. There were no women in tOp jobs then-now the pipeline at That's 11 and still counting. the Times is full of women. When I've been in contention with Dead chauvinists who once manned (literally) America's a man for a job and everything else is equal, I believe being a most revered newspaper must be revolving in their graves. woman has helped me." Women at the tOp of their male bastion! How did it happen? Max Frankel, longtime executive editOr of the Times, sees it differently. "Soma Golden Behr," he says fla tl y, "is without he trailblazers were a group of pioneering news­ doubt one of the most creative editOrs now active in our profes­ paperwomen who, like Susan B. Anthony, had sion. Under her leadership, our national news coverage moved "starch in their souls." Their campaign culminat­ far beyond the normal preoccupations with disasters and fo ­ ed in a class-action sex discrimination suit against cused on the human dramas of American life." the paper in 1974. Four years of bitter conflict en­ "My greatest responsibility," Behr wrote for her 25th reun­ sued. In 1978 the Times finally settled for $350,000. Back pay ion report, "[is to] have the courage to dare new things after given the women employees averaged a mere $454.54 per per­ succeeding so clearly in the old ones." At 55 she is known as son, but the women had gained access. Their lawsuit caused a "the first woman everything" at the New York Times. In 22 years seismic switch in policy that still reverberates at the paper. she has gone from business reporter, to editOr of the Sunday When that histOric upheaval occurred, Susan Chira was a business section, to member of the Times editO ri al board, to na­ sophomore reporter on the Harvard Crimson. "In coll ege I tional editOr, to assistant managing editor. In 1993 she was didn't understand the need for solidarity with other women-I given responsibility for the "Business," "Education," "Media," S6 H ARVA RD M AGAZINE and "Week in Rev'iew" sections, and now has new responsibili­ the competition for membership. The comments I saw later ty for major reporting projects. A warm-hearted woman. who were really awful vis-a-vis women." looks out for others, there is nothing pliable about her profes­ Linda Mathews smashed a Crimson gender barrier in 1966 sion al metrle. when she was elected its first female managing editor. Today "Yes," she says, "it makes a difference that women now at­ she and her son Joseph '95 can boast of being the first mother­ tend the 4:30 meeting when the editors decide what to put on son M.E. combo in the paper's history, but 30 years ago some page one the next day. There were times when 1 was alone and Cri.mson men dubbed her Mother Cobra, and her male coun­ felt I had a duty of a sort to present an alternative view. Some­ terpart at the Yale Daily News challenged her to a game of times it takes an oddball voice to push an idea along." jacks. "The Crimson was my salvation," she says. "I was a lonely kid from California, the first in my family to go to co l­ Ost of these powerful newswomen catapulted lege. The Crimson was the only place at Harvard where I felt into their places of power from the Crimson comfortable. It's the best jounialism school going- and it's springboard; yet the Crimson once harbored an where I met my husband" [Thomas Jay Mathews II '67, A.M. anti-female virus as virulent as that at the '71). Linda went on to join the Los Angeles Times and became Times. "When I joined the Crimson," Behr its chief "China-watcher"; she and Jay, then the Washington Msays, "it was a scary place dedicated to maleness. They didn't Post's China correspondent, opened the Beijing bureaus for 'make nice'-they dumped on some women. The men hung their respective papers. She came to the New York Times in out in the Upper Sanctum and kept a secret book on people in 1993 from ABC News to succeed Soma Golden Behr as na- SEPT E~ mER-OGroBER 1995 57 WOMEN OF THE TIMES continued tional editor, a post she held until this July. She is presently chatted with some of these women over lunch at a awaiting reassignment. French restaurant near the Times. They are smart; they When Linda Greenhouse was made the Crimson's features are curious; they laugh easily; they listen intently; they editor, a disgruntled male was heard to mutter, "All you need seem genuinely admiring of each other. And they would to be an editor of this rag is to be named Linda." In a 1982 not be where they are if they weren't competitive. The Harvard Gazette article titled "Separate, Inseparable Worlds," competition at the top of the New York Times is awesome. Greenhouse aired her feelings about the Harvard-Radcliffe di­ I interviewed Linda Greenhouse at the Times's Washington chotomy and her outsider status at the Crimson. "I introduced bureau. With her big glasses and wide smile, she was a familiar myself to a new summer intern in my office," she wrote. face from public television's "Washington Week in Review." A young-looking 48, her modesty is disarming. How does she "I hear you 're at Radcliffe," 1 said innocently. "I went there, too." "Oh, did you call it Radcliffe?" was the breezy reply. "To us, it's all achieve such breathtaking clarity in reporting complex Su­ Harvard now." preme Court decisions? Simple: "I write for the person I was That curt dismissal of a not-very-distant-past still rankles. Yes, before I spent a year in law school and years covering the court. dear, there really was a time when Harvard merely tolerated its If that person understands it, everyone will." modest quota of women, a time when we were welcomed unre- Greenhouse has turned down offers of bigger jobs at the Times because she relishes life in Washington with her hus­ band, Gene Fidell, LL.B. '68, and their daughter, Hannah, a fifth-grader. "I once had aspira­ tions to cover national politics," she wrote in her 25th reunion report, "but put them aside as incompatible with the family life I wanted." In 1989 the Times named her "senior writ­ er," a category created to recog­ nize reporters who have chosen to keep writing instead of going into management. She contin­ ues to garner accolades for her work. Earlier this summer, her analysis of decisions by the Rehnquist Court filled almost the entire front page of the "Week in Review." Susan Chira joined the Crim­ son as a freshman and loved it. "But," she adds, "you have to be robust to embrace Harvard­ it's not for everybody.
Recommended publications
  • Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock
    Genders 1998-2013 Genders 1998-2013 Genders 1998-2013 Home (/gendersarchive1998-2013/) Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock Feminism, Postfeminism, Liz Lemonism: Comedy and Gender Politics on 30 Rock May 1, 2012 • By Linda Mizejewski (/gendersarchive1998-2013/linda-mizejewski) [1] The title of Tina Fey's humorous 2011 memoir, Bossypants, suggests how closely Fey is identified with her Emmy-award winning NBC sitcom 30 Rock (2006-), where she is the "boss"—the show's creator, star, head writer, and executive producer. Fey's reputation as a feminist—indeed, as Hollywood's Token Feminist, as some journalists have wryly pointed out—heavily inflects the character she plays, the "bossy" Liz Lemon, whose idealistic feminism is a mainstay of her characterization and of the show's comedy. Fey's comedy has always focused on gender, beginning with her work on Saturday Night Live (SNL) where she became that show's first female head writer in 1999. A year later she moved from behind the scenes to appear in the "Weekend Update" sketches, attracting national attention as a gifted comic with a penchant for zeroing in on women's issues. Fey's connection to feminist politics escalated when she returned to SNL for guest appearances during the presidential campaign of 2008, first in a sketch protesting the sexist media treatment of Hillary Clinton, and more forcefully, in her stunning imitations of vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin, which launched Fey into national politics and prominence. [2] On 30 Rock, Liz Lemon is the head writer of an NBC comedy much likeSNL, and she is identified as a "third wave feminist" on the pilot episode.
    [Show full text]
  • Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
    PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • Andrew Goldberg's
    ANDREW GOLDBERG Emmy Award-winning investigate producer/director Andrew Goldberg is the founder and owner of Two Cats Productions in New York City. In this capacity he has Executive Produced and Directed 13 Prime- Time documentary specials for PBS and Public Television, two broadcast series (spanning 39 episodes) for HGTV and DIY, and countless long and short-form segments for such outlets as CBS News Sunday Morning, ABC News, National Public Radio, E! Entertainment Television, Food Network, and FYI. He has worked with and/or interviewed more celebrities than he can remember including Ed Harris, Former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, Maya Angelou, Michael Douglas, Natalie Portman, Itzhak Perlman, Julianna Margulies, Senator Joseph Lieberman, Shaquille O’Neal, Senator Bob Dole, The President of Armenia (random but true), Julianne Moore, Yo-Yo Ma, Elliot Gould, Olympia Dukakis, Pierce Brosnan, Edie Falco, Kristen Bell, Laura Linney, the legendary Walter Cronkite… and many more. Andrew is currently directing two films including a fully funded, feature documentary, currently in post- production, that explores the complex relationship between humans and animals. The film questions how animals are both respected in the world but also used for food, science, textiles and entertainment. He is also in post-production on two hour documentary that takes a look at the resurgence in anti- Semitism in the world today. Some of other previous films include: The Armenian Genocide which received extraordinary reviews and coverage in almost every major newspaper in the US including The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Los Angeles Times, The Washington Post and The Boston Globe.
    [Show full text]
  • US Views on a Permanent International Criminal Court
    The Quivering Gulliver: U.S. Views on a Permanent International Criminal Court JOHN F. MURPHY* I. Introduction As noted by other contributors to this symposium, the United States found itself among a small minority of strange bedfellows when it voted against the draft statute for a permanent international criminal court adopted by the United Nations-sponsored conference in Rome, Italy on July 17, 1998.1 The U.S. vote against the Rome Statute stands in sharp contrast to strong statements of support for a permanent international criminal court by President Clinton and other members of his administration.2 At first blush one is inclined to explain away this discrepancy by focusing on U.S. objections to specific provisions of the Rome Statute. If particular provisions of the Rome Statute are the basis for U.S. opposition, then one could expect that the problem could be resolved by amending the statute. It is the premise of this article, however, that the basic problem is more profound. In this writer's opinion, current U.S. views on the role of the United States in foreign affairs and on international law and international institutions ensured that when the final moment of decision arrived, the United States would be unable to support the establishment of a permanent international criminal court not subject to the control of the United States. Moreover, these U.S. views pose problems that greatly transcend the issue of whether to support a permanent international criminal court. They call into question the willingness of the United States to adhere to the rule of law in international affairs-a concept that U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • SCIENCE and the MEDIA AMERICAN ACADEMY of ARTS & SCIENCES Science and the Media
    SCIENCE AND THE MEDIA AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS & SCIENCES SCIENCE AND THE MEDIA AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS Science and the Media Edited by Donald Kennedy and Geneva Overholser AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS & SCIENCES AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS & SCIENCES Science and the Media Please direct inquiries to: American Academy of Arts and Sciences 136 Irving Street Cambridge, MA 02138-1996 Telephone: 617-576-5000 Fax: 617-576-5050 Email: [email protected] Web: www.amacad.org Science and the Media Edited by Donald Kennedy and Geneva Overholser © 2010 by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences All rights reserved. ISBN#: 0-87724-087-6 The American Academy of Arts and Sciences is grateful to the Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands for supporting The Media in Society project. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors and are not necessarily those of the Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands or the Officers and Fellows of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Contents vi Acknowledgments vii Preface 1 Chapter 1 Science and the Media Donald Kennedy 10 Chapter 2 In Your Own Voice Alan Alda 13 Chapter 3 Covering Controversial Science: Improving Reporting on Science and Public Policy Cristine Russell 44 Chapter 4 Civic Scientific Literacy: The Role of the Media in the Electronic Era Jon D. Miller 64 Chapter 5 Managing the Trust Portfolio: Science Public Relations and Social Responsibility Rick E. Borchelt, Lynne T. Friedmann, and Earle Holland 71 Chapter 6 Response to Borchelt, Friedmann, and Holland on Managing the Trust Portfolio: Science Public Relations and Social Responsibility Robert Bazell 74 Chapter 7 The Scientist as Citizen Cornelia Dean 80 Chapter 8 Revitalizing Science Journalism for a Digital Age Alfred Hermida 88 Chapter 9 Responsible Reporting in a Technological Democracy William A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Orthodox Church Under Patriarch Aleksii II and the Russian State: an Unholy Alliance?
    The Russian Orthodox Church under Patriarch Aleksii II and the Russian State: An Unholy Alliance? LESLIE L. MCGANN ike most present-day Russian institutions, the Russian Orthodox Church is in L the process of defining a role for itself amidst the political, social, and eco- nomic turbulence of postcommunist Russia. The Russian Orthodox Church is unique, however, because it enjoys an unrivaled degree of respect and legitima- cy as the embodiment of Russia’s spiritual past and is invested with a national historic tradition that carries great mythical power. This respect and legitimacy have been supplied and acknowledged by the population at large and by the polit- ical elite, and have been reinforced by the collective memory of seventy years of systematic and often brutal repression suffered by the church at the hands of the Soviet state. But to what ends is the church hierarchy, under the leadership of Patriarch Aleksii II, using the immense power that it wields in today’s Russia? How, and to what ends are secular authorities taking advantage of that power? Anyone attempting an assessment of the church’s present role will almost imme- diately have his or her attention drawn to the large number of press articles on the church’s dealings with political powers. The sheer amount of publicity and high- profile political activity surrounding Patriarch Aleksii in particular and the Russian Orthodox Church in general makes one wonder whether the church does indeed stand above the political fray, as its hierarchs claim, or whether it is in fact deeply enmeshed in that fray as merely another champion of its own vested interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Life in Russia's Closed City: Moscow's Movement Restrictions and the Rule Of
    LIFE IN RUSSIA'S "CLOSED CITY": MOSCOW'S MOVEMENT RESTRICTIONS AND THE RULE OF LAW DAmIAN S. SCHAIBLE* The City of Moscow continues to enforce a restrictive residence registrationregime similar to the propiska system that prevailed in the Soviet era-despite constitu- tional guarantees of the freedom of movement, federal statutory provisions imple- menting that right, and Constitutional Court rulings that such restrictions are unconstitutional In this Note, Damian Schaible argues that the continued restric- tions representmore than simply an ongoing violation of the human rights of Mos- cow's illegal residents; they are also an indicatorof Russia's imperfect transition to the rule of law and a practicalobstacle to the success of that transition. IN7MODUCrION In October 1999, while Moscow was gripped by terror in the wake of a series of apartment bombings, 20,000 people in the city were arrested and detained by police,1 while another 15,000 were or- dered to leave the city.2 A family of three was told one morning that they had twenty-four hours to vacate the apartment where they had lived for seven years and to leave Moscow.3 There may be as many as three million other people, still living in Moscow, who are effectively nonpersons in the eyes of local law.4 They are unable to vote, marry * This Note is dedicated to the memory of John Joseph Ostertog (1917-2000), who taught me so much. I would like to thank Professor Alexander Domrin for his helpful comments, and the members of the New York University Law Review, especially Margaret Lemos, David McTaggart, Michael Russano, and David Yocis, for their excellent advice and editorial assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Is It Power Or Princiiple? a Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine
    Is It Power or Princiiple? A Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine FREDO ARIAS-KING As long as there are reformers in the Russian Federation and the other states lead- ing the journey toward democracy's horizon, our strategy must be to support them. And our place must be at their side. -President Bill Clinton, May 1993 M uch has been written about the Clinton administration's excesisive focus on Boris Yeltsin at the expense of other democratic figures in Russia.) That policy has been attributed to Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, the brainy former journalist who, under a succession of different titles, is the government official de facto in charge of Clinton's policy toward Russia and the other post- Soviet countries.2 Although the practice of putting Yeltsin and his interests first seems to have created generous and debatably warranted U.S. support for former prime minis- ter Viktor Chernomyrdin and his successors, there is doubt that this policy was also extended to the other democratic forces that ceased to dominate Russian pol- itice in late 1993. Yeltsin tacitly supported Russia's Choice as the preferred party to win the December 1993 elections for the Duma and carry out the reform agen- da that the late Supreme Soviet had stalled. However, the failure of Russia's Choice and other reform-oriented parties in that election forced Yeltsin to change his strategy, once again relying on Chernomyrdin, his emerging "Party of Power," the industrial-military complex, the armed forces, and the KGB--to ithe detriment of the legislature and Russian democracy.33 The leaders of the Democratic Russia Movement, the coalition that pressed Mikhail Gorbachev to annul the communist monopoly on power in February 1990, that launched Yeltsin into the Russian presidency in June 1991, and that then gave birth to the Russia's Choice party, believe that Strobe Talbott did not support them in that crucial hour of need in late 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • P58-69 Specter AIDS Fact.L.Ps
    A REPORTER AT LARGE THE DEVASTATION Since 1965, life expectancy for Russian men has decreased by nearly six years. And now there is AIDS. BY MICHAEL SPECTER he first days of spring are electrify- beds, and they are not filled. The direc- War did a generation ago. “We are on Ting in St. Petersburg. The winters tor, Olga Leonova, is a valiant woman the front line of a war,” she said. “This are hard and dark and long, and when with an impossible job: trying to assure city was under siege by Hitler for years. the light finally returns each year thou- patients that they have a future while We lived through Stalin. We have to sands of people pour onto Nevsky Pros- convincing everyone else that AIDS threat- prevail, and I think, somehow, we will. pekt and into the squares in front of the ens to turn Russia back into the Third We don’t have a choice.’’ Winter Palace and St. Isaac’s Cathedral. World country it was before the Sec- From Tambov, the old Soviet bread- Petersburg has always been more open ond World War. “You can see it getting basket, to the Pacific port city of Vladi- and more openly European than other worse every day,’’ she told me as we vostok, and even in Moscow, which has Russian cities, and the day I arrived this walked around the floor one morning. become a world showcase for conspic- spring was the first on which men in “It’s not just drug addicts now.’’ For years, uous displays of wealth, Russians are shirtsleeves could fling Frisbees across H.I.V.
    [Show full text]
  • The Denialists Word for Black Rhinoceros
    says “H.I.V. and AIDS Clinic.” There are AnnAls of science no doctors, nurses, or medical techni- cians at this particular clinic, and just one product: ubhejane, which is the Zulu the deniAlists word for black rhinoceros. Every day, from eight in the morning until four— The dangerous attacks on the consensus about H.I.V. and AIDS. unless he runs out first—Gwala sells ub- hejane in litre-sized milk containers. BY MichAel sPECTER There are two kinds. The bottle with a white lid holds an herbal mixture in- eblon Gwala is a husky forty-nine- to his bed, and eventually, when it had tended to rebuild an immune system rav- year-old man with an unusually grown to eighty-nine, his grandfather in- aged by the AIDS virus. The second, with vividZ dream life. For many years, he structed him to divide the herbs into two a blue lid, is a potion to reduce the worked as a long-haul truck driver, criss- groups and boil each batch. The result- amount of the virus that has already ac- crossing South Africa from his base, in ing concoctions, the apparition assured cumulated in the bloodstream. Durban. But he is in a different business him, would cure AIDS, the disease that On a typical day, as many as a hun- now. A few years ago, Gwala began to was destroying his country. Gwala fol- dred people come to Gwala’s clinic, each dream about herbs. Some nights he lowed instructions. He quit his job, paying the equivalent of about a hundred would see just one, on others two or turned his garage into a factory, and dollars—nearly two weeks’ pay—for a three.
    [Show full text]
  • IDEAS and RESOURCES for the COVID-19 CRISIS from Recent Marshall Memos – Updated May 28, 2020
    IDEAS AND RESOURCES FOR THE COVID-19 CRISIS From recent Marshall Memos – Updated May 28, 2020 During the pandemic, millions of students are unable to go to school, and teachers are stretched thin attending to students' needs, in many cases while taking care of their own children. Below is a collection of recent Marshall Memo items that may be helpful. Be strong and be safe! 1. Quotes about the pandemic 2. Articles on understanding the pandemic and kids’ perspective 3. Articles on the human side of online learning 4. Articles on pedagogical issues with online learning 5. Articles on planning for school reopening 6. Specific suggestions for online teaching 7. Videos, graphics, and lessons 8. Free children’s books 9. Online teaching tech resources and troubleshooting 10. Kim Marshall’s teaching materials QUOTES ABOUT THE PANDEMIC “Trying to interact with other humans without being able to smile is the facial equivalent of communicating via text message; it’s easy to be misunderstood.” Belinda Luscombe in “When in Doubt, Just Assume I’m Smiling” in Time, June 1-8, 2020, (Vol. 125, #20-21, p. 24) “To all ed companies, PD providers, and anyone else who has a product, PLEASE STOP. JUST STOP. Believe me, we know how to reach you, and I will if I need you. Otherwise JUST STOP.” Twitter message from a frustrated principal, April 2020 “Endurance is patience. It is shortening your time horizon so you just have to get through this day. Endurance is living with unpleasantness. In fact, it is finding you can adapt and turn the strangest circumstances into routine.
    [Show full text]