The Theory of State Intervention Under the Modern - Liberal Constitution
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Mill's "Very Simple Principle": Liberty, Utilitarianism And
MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE": LIBERTY, UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM MICHAEL GRENFELL submitted for degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science UMI Number: U048607 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U048607 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I H^S £ S F 6SI6 ABSTRACT OF THESIS MILL'S "VERY SIMPLE PRINCIPLE'*: LIBERTY. UTILITARIANISM AND SOCIALISM 1 The thesis aims to examine the political consequences of applying J.S. Mill's "very simple principle" of liberty in practice: whether the result would be free-market liberalism or socialism, and to what extent a society governed in accordance with the principle would be free. 2 Contrary to Mill's claims for the principle, it fails to provide a clear or coherent answer to this "practical question". This is largely because of three essential ambiguities in Mill's formulation of the principle, examined in turn in the three chapters of the thesis. 3 First, Mill is ambivalent about whether liberty is to be promoted for its intrinsic value, or because it is instrumental to the achievement of other objectives, principally the utilitarian objective of "general welfare". -
'History, Method and Pluralism: a Re-Interpretation of Isaiah Berlin's
HISTORY, METHOD, AND PLURALISM A Re-interpretation of Isaiah Berlin’s Political Thought Thesis submitted to the University of London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by HAOYEH London School of Economics and Political Science 2005 UMI Number: U205195 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U205195 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 S 510 Abstract of the Thesis In the literature on Berlin to date, two broad approaches to study his political thought can be detected. The first is the piecemeal approach, which tends to single out an element of Berlin’s thought (for example, his distinction between negative liberty and positive liberty) for exposition or criticism, leaving other elements unaccounted. And the second is the holistic approach, which pays attention to the overall structure of Berlin’s thought as a whole, in particular the relation between his defence for negative liberty and pluralism. This thesis is to defend the holistic approach against the piecemeal approach, but its interpretation will differ from the two representative readings, offered by Claude J. -
The 2014 Freedom Project Wintersession Institute on Liberty and Social Policy Wellesley College
The 2014 Freedom Project Wintersession Institute on Liberty and Social Policy Wellesley College Monday, January 20 9:30-11:30 Nigel Ashford, Institute for Humane Studies The Role of Government What is the role of government? This session examines the classical liberal answers to three questions. How do we decide what the role of government should be (philosophy or methodology)? Why should government be limited (consequences or rights)? What is the legitimate role of government? The different answers to those questions are presented in five different schools of classical liberalism: Chicago, Public Choice, Austrian, Natural Rights, and Anarcho-Capitalism. Students will share their answers to these questions in relation to these schools of thought. 1:30-3:30 Jason Brennan, Georgetown University Libertarianism, Democracy, and Government What we want government to be empowered to do depends in part on how well government will use that power. The very power we create to help secure our children’s future will often be used against our children instead. In the real world, we cannot just assume government agents will always act competently or in good faith. This session explores questions such as: What is government failure? Why do libertarians tend to oppose interventionist government? Why are libertarians not much excited by, and sometimes even hostile to, democracy? Tuesday, January 21 9:30-11:30 Jason Brennan, Georgetown University Economic Freedom and the Poor Libertarians are often said not to be concerned with social justice. Yet Adam Smith revolutionized economics by saying the wealth of nations is measured not by the size of the king’s castles, but by the opportunity available to the common person. -
Liberty, Property and Rationality
Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa, -
A Dialectic on Negative and Positive Liberty in Hate-Speech Cases
WENDEL_FMT.DOC 06/04/02 3:38 PM “CERTAIN FUNDAMENTAL TRUTHS”: A DIALECTIC ON NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE LIBERTY IN HATE-SPEECH CASES W. BRADLEY WENDEL* I INTRODUCTION The following conversation between a civil libertarian and a new-left First Amendment theorist occurred as part of the ABA’s conference on the present and future of the Bill of Rights. The discussion was precipitated by the case of Matthew Hale, a white supremacist who—to put it mildly—likes to attract me- dia attention. He set himself up as the leader of a racist “church” called the World Church of the Creator, and immediately went about attempting to put an articulate, polite face on the organization, much in the way that David Duke tried to appear less threatening during his run for Congress in Louisiana. But there is only so much window-dressing that Hale can do, since he is obviously a rabid racist. His website contains numerous exhortations to “racial loyalty” and “racial holy war”; shopworn canards about blacks, Jews, and other ethnic mi- norities (called the “mud races” by Hale); a bizarre theology based on the “Six- teen Commandments” and vehement denunciations of Christianity; long- discredited bogus biological theories about racial differences; and a boilerplate disclaimer that the group does not condone violence.1 Hale’s little corner of cy- berspace is representative of a burgeoning number of websites maintained by white supremacists and other hate groups.2 The World Church of the Creator site alone contains links to dozens of other racist sites,3 including those main- tained by the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party, and the Copyright © 2002 by W. -
Two Concepts of Liberty
“No chains around my feet, but I’m not free.” – Bob Marley (Concrete Jungle) Two Concepts of Liberty 1. Positive vs Negative Liberty: Isaiah Berlin’s highly influential article brought to light the nature of the disagreement about political freedom. Largely until his time, the default assumption was that ‘liberty’ referred to what Berlin calls ‘negative liberty’. Negative Liberty: Roughly, freedom FROM. One is free in this sense to the extent that their actions are not hindered or prevented by outside interferers. Jefferson & Madison: This is, for instance, how the founding fathers understood liberty. Consider our constitutionally recognized rights of freedom of speech, freedom of religion (in James Madison’s Bill of Rights), and rights to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness (in Thomas Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence). Example: Freedom of Speech: Having this right means that the government will not interfere with your speech (e.g., they will not pass laws forbidding you from saying whatever you want, and they will pass laws forbidding others from coercively preventing you from saying whatever you want, etc.). The same can be said for all of the others I listed. (For instance, as one more example, the government will allow you to pursue happiness, and they will not interfere with you or try to prevent you from doing so.) But, negative liberty of, say freedom of speech, doesn’t do me any good if I lack the ability to speak. For instance, imagine that I was raised by wolves and I don’t know how to speak any human languages, or read, or write, etc. -
The Anarcho-Capitalist Society a Critical Analysis of Huemer’S Society Without Government
The Anarcho-Capitalist Society A Critical Analysis of Huemer’s Society Without Government Jacob C. Castermans S1551809 MA Philosophical Perspectives on Politics and the Economy Dissertation Leiden University Spring 2020 Supervisor: W. Kalf WorD count: 21008 Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3 1.1 The Government’s Growing Sphere of Influence ......................................................................................... 3 1.2 A Society Without Government .................................................................................................................... 3 1.3 A Philosophically Convincing Political Theory ........................................................................................... 4 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation ........................................................................................................................ 5 2. Critical Analysis of the Methodology ........................................................................................................ 7 2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 7 2.2 Common-Sense Morality .............................................................................................................................. 7 2.3 Ethical Intuitionism ..................................................................................................................................... -
Measuring Individual Freedom: Permissible Actions and Rights As Indicators of Individual Liberty
chapter four Measuring Individual Freedom Actions and Rights as Indicators of Individual Liberty Peter Graeff * Introduction—the problem of measuring freedom The problem with measuring individual freedom begins on the theoretical level. After centuries of debating, theorists still do not agree about what freedom actually is. There are at least two distinct theoretical streams— positive and negative freedom, as discussed later—that claim to provide theoretical foundations for measurement. The measurement problem is becoming more acute as there is also a gap between theory and empirical operationalization, partly because scholars tackling the issue of freedom are mostly interested in theoretical approaches and do not construct their theories or ideas with regard to empirical conditions. Empirical issues also restrict the theory-operationalization fit by the fact that data are not producible for all theoretical ideas. From a measurement perspective, this could be taken as a drawback. In theory, these aspects make theoretical propositions irrefutable. * Peter Graeff is Assistant Professor of Sociology in the Department of Social Sciences, Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main. He obtained a Ph.D. from the University of Bonn. His research interests focus on the analysis of negative and positive social capital and free- dom. He is also interested in the methodology of measurement and on statistical methods for the analysis of social science data. He has coedited several books and has published in the discipline’s major journals including the Journal of Mathematical Sociology, the European Sociological Review, and Quality and Quantity. A previous version of this paper was presented to the International Colloquium on Freedom organized by the Friedrich-Naumann Foundation in Potsdam, June 2010. -
Egalitarian Liberalism and Economic Freedom
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2019 Egalitarian Liberalism And Economic Freedom Pierce Randall University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Randall, Pierce, "Egalitarian Liberalism And Economic Freedom" (2019). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3680. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3680 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3680 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Egalitarian Liberalism And Economic Freedom Abstract This dissertation considers three major challenges to egalitarian liberal institutions made by classical liber- als: that egalitarian liberal institutions involve too much coercive interference with individual economic decisions, that free markets tend to do better at rewarding people on the basis of their economic choices, and that only by recognizing full liberal rights of ownership can a society best promote a stable property regime consistent with our pre-political conventions of ownership. Each of these objections fails, but they point to an underlying concern that egalitarian liberal institutions fail to adequately protect economic freedom. The dissertation then develops and defends a conception of economic freedom that is reflected in egalitar- ian liberal institutions. Economic freedom depends on the quality and availability of options individuals have in markets, -
The Five Faces of Freedom in American Political and Constitutional Thought, 45 B.C.L
Boston College Law Review Volume 45 Article 1 Issue 3 Number 3 5-1-2004 The iF ve Faces of Freedom in American Political and Constitutional Thought JL Hill Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation JL Hill, The Five Faces of Freedom in American Political and Constitutional Thought, 45 B.C.L. Rev. 499 (2004), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol45/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE FIVE FACES OF FREEDOM IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL THOUGHT J.L. HILL* Abstract: In the deepest sense, this Article seeks to bridge the gap between philosophy, political theory, and constitutional law. It examines how our constitutional tradition conceives of freedom, perhaps the most important value in the American legal order. It discusses five distinct though intertwined traditions, each drawn from a different philosophical theory of freedom. These five faces of freedom are (1) the "positive" ideal—freedom as the right to vote and to take part in government, (2) the "negative" ideal—freedom from constraint or government inter- ference, (3) the progressive ideal, (4) self-individuating liberalism—free- dom as the right to discover, develop, and express one's core identity, and (5) the "homeostatic-communitarian" ideal—freedom as inhering in a network of communal social relations located within a broader pluralistic society. -
Promoting Freedom in Religious Education ESJP Rodrigo Bustamante #19 | 2021
Erasmus Student Journal of Philosophy Promoting freedom in religious education ESJP Rodrigo Bustamante #19 | 2021 1 Introduction 1.1 A policy dilemma The Cornelius Haga Lyceum (CHL) in Amsterdam is the only Muslim secondary school in the city. It has been the focus of controversy for some years. On one hand, the school has been connected with extremist groups: a school board member—who has since resigned—showed support to extremist groups on social media. A second element of the controversy regards the school’s religious practices: boys and girls are required to attend class separately, girls are required to cover all parts of their bodies except hands and face, they may be called to mandatory prayer, and are expected to fast during Ramadan16. Popular media has shown concern that children could be “indoctrinated” through these religious practices, close themselves off from society, incorporate harmful gender roles, and be exposed to intolerance toward homosexuality. In response, the government has opened investigations and some politicians have proposed increased regulations. In turn, this has made other religious schools of various affiliations weary that increased regulations would reduce their capacity to practice religion at school17. For the purpose of this article, I will leave the first element of the controversy aside. I will approach only the second, which invites significant questions regarding the liberties18 that the state protects and promotes. The situation seems to present a policy dilemma where two types of freedoms are in tension. First, the children’s freedom of religion: the freedom to adhere to one’s religious mandates. Second, the children’s freedom from interference: the freedom to choose any version of the good life that one pleases without being indoctrinated into a particular conception of the good. -
Zwolinski 1 Autonomy and Rights: the Moral Foundations of Liberalism By
Zwolinski 1 Autonomy and Rights: The Moral Foundations of Liberalism by Horacio Spector A Review by Matt Zwolinski University of San Diego San Diego CA 92110 [email protected] Forthcoming in modified form in The Journal of Value Inquiry Libertarian political philosophy has come a long way since 1974, when Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia was the only book available on the subject written by an academic philosopher. 1 Now, there are dozens of books exploring, defending, and critiquing libertarian ideas.2 Most of these books, however, devote their almost exclusive attention to the distinctively political aspects of libertarianism – its theory of limited political authority, its condemnation of state‐run economic planning and redistribution, and so forth. Questions of moral foundations are either given extremely short shrift or, following Nozick’s somewhat unfortunate model, set aside altogether. Of course, as libertarians should be the first to recognize, there is nothing objectionable per se in the division of philosophical labor. It’s hard to do everything in a single book, and besides, there are some good reasons for libertarians to give priority to the political aspects of their theory in their writing. For starters, it allows them to free‐ride on the numerous and useful contributions that non‐philosophers 1 I use the term ‘libertarian’ here rather broadly, to refer to a rough group of political theories that converge on a cluster of normative, empirical, and methodological beliefs such as the belief in the general efficiency of market mechanisms, the belief that at best only a very limited state is legitimate, the belief that negative liberty is the only thing that may legitimately be demanded from others as a matter of political right, and so on.