PAPERS of the NEW WOR LD ARCHAEOLO G ICAL FOUNDATION

NUMBER SIX

THE CARVED HUMAN FEMPRS FROM TOMB 1, CHIAPA DE CORZO, CHIAPAS, MEXICO

by PIERRE AGRINIER

PUBLICATION No. 5

NEW WORLD ARCHAEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION ORINDA, CALIFORNIA 1960 NEW WORLD ARCHAEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION 1960

OFFICERS

THOMAS STUART FERGUSON, President 1 Irving Lane, Orinda, California

ALFRED V. KIDDER, PH.D., First Vice-President

MILTON R. HUNTER, PH.D., Vice-President ScoTT H. DUNHAM, Secretary-Treasurer J. ALDEN MASON, PH.D., Editor and Field Advisor GARETH W. LowE, Field Director, 1956-1959

FREDRICK A. PETERSON, Field Director, 1959-1960

DIRECTORS ADVISORY COMMITTEE

SCOTT H. DUNHAM, C.P.A. PEDRO ARMILLAS, PH.D.

THOMAS STUART FERGUSON, ESQ. GORDON F. EKHOLM, PH.D. M. WELLS JAKEMAN, PH.D. J. POULSON HUNTER, M.D. ALFRED V. KIDDER, PH.D. MILTON R. HUNTER, PH.D.

ALFRED V. KIDDER, PH.D. EDITORIAL OFFICE NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR. ALDEN MASON LE GRAND RICHARDS J. UNIVERSITY MUSEUM ERNEST A. STRONG UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA Philadelphia 4, Pa. J. ALDEN MASON EDITOR

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Printed by THE LEGAL INTELLIGENCER Philadelphia 4, Pa. PAPERS of the NEW WOR LD ARCHAEOLO G ICAL FOUNDATION

NUMBER SIX

THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS FROM TOMB 1, CHIAP A DE CORZO, CHIAPAS, MEXICO

by PIERRE AGRINIER

PUB LICATION No. 5

NEW WoRLD ARCHAEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION ORINDA, CALIFORNIA 1960 CONTENTS

PAGE INTRODUCTION 1

I. DESCRIPTION ..•...... •...... •... 2 Bone 1 ...... 2 Bone 2 2 Bone 3 2 Bone 4 3 Technique ...... 3 Function ...... 3 Choice of Human Bones ...... 5

II. DESIGN •...... •...... 5 Bone 1 ...... 5 Composition of the Carved Design ...... 5 Detailed Description of Carved Figures ...... 6 Figure A ...... 6 Figure B ...... 7 Figure C ...... • •. • • 8 Background Design ...... 8 Symbolism of Carved Figures ...... 9 Figure A ...... 9 Figure B ...... 13 Figure C ...... 14 Background ...... 14 Con1ment ...... 14 Bone 3 15 Composition of the Carved Design ...... 15 Detailed Description of Carved Figures ...... 15 FiguTe D ...... 15 Figure E ...... 16 Figure F ...... 16 Figure G ...... 17 Background Design ...... 17 Symbolism of Carved Figures ...... 17 Figure D ...... 17 Figure E ...... 19 Figure F ...... 19 Figure G ...... 21 Background ...... 21 Comment ...... 21

The Problem of Artistic Evaluation ...... 21

III. DISCUSSION ...... 22 IV. REFERENCES 25

V FIGURES

FIGURE NO. PAGE 1. Drawing of Bone I Design 6

2. Figure A of Bone I 7

3. Figure B of Bone I 8

4. Figure C of Bone I 8

5. Characteristic Representations of the "Earth Monster" in Mesoamerica 9

6. Characteristic Representations of the "Dragon" in Mesoamerica ...... IO

7. "Olmec" Feline Representations ...... 12

8. Sculpture Fragment at Kaminaljuyu ...... 13

9. Drawing of Bone 3 Design ...... 15

IO. Figure D of Bone 3 16

11. Figure E of Bone 3 16

12. Figure F of Bone 3 17

13. Comparative Views of the "Dragon" Figure ...... 18

14. Speculative Water Symbolism ...... 20

15. Possibly Ideographic Motifs of the Carved Bones ...... 23

16. Views of the Chiapa Carved Bones ...... 27

I 7. Plaster Casts of the Chiapa Carved Bones ...... 28

vi INTRODUCTION

URING the New World Archaeological looked by the ancient robbers mcluded four D Foundation's 1957 season of excavations jade beads, a pearl, two earplugs with thin at the site of Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mex­ hematite mosaic mirror surfaces, and 87 small ico, I was given the responsibility of clearing carved nacre mosaic pieces that may have a portion of the buried stone-faced platform formed an ornate pectoral. structure within Mound 1. As a result of Along the right side of the deceased lay earlier exploratory digging in this mound, the charcoal remnants of a long lance fitted Gareth W. Lowe, then the Field Director, with a 32 cm.-long prismatic obsidian blade had noted an ancient disturbance breaking capped by a shank studded with 56 shark through successive south or rear walls of the teeth. To the right of his feet lay the stuccoed early structures on which I was working. This surfaces of a container of some perishable disturbed area suggested the location of a material and beside it a gray soapstone hex­ tomb, the first to be suspected in this mound, agonal rod. Against the west wall of the tomb and I was instructed to proceed with its ex­ beyond the left foot, protected by a layer of ploration. While investigating the best meth­ clay and a fallen slab of stone from the roof, od of reaching the tomb, I discovered breaks lay Bones 1 and 2, both worked human femurs in the lime floors near the summit of the (Fig. 16, a). Bone 1 was finely decorated with mound directly over the tomb, apparently elaborate carvings (see cast, Fig. 17, a), where­ made by ancient robbers. Clearing this an­ as Bone 2 appeared to be only cut and pol­ ciently disturbed section, I was able to come ished in a parallel form (Fig. 16, b). Nearby down right upon the tomb, arriving there in lay a rectangular piece of plaster with numer­ the same way as did our looting predecessors. ous carved nacre pieces lying in proximity, Excavation of the interment chamber, labeled indicating it to be the remains of a mosaic Tomb 1, revealed that the original looters plaque base. had overlooked many of the objects in the On the left side of the head in the southeast burial offering, including the outstanding corner of the tomb was a deep rectangular carved human bones which are the subject of limestone vessel. Along the south wall and the present paper. (For previous discussion with the body were placed a number of pot­ of these artifacts see Dixon, 1958, 1959; for a tery vessels, all of which had been smashed detailed description of the tomb and its con­ by the collapse of the roof and subsequent tents see Lowe and Agrinier, in preparation.) looting operations. Two vessels placed against Once cleared, the tomb measured about 2.93 the south wall about 1.40 m. from the south­ m. east-west by 1.40 m. north-south. Its-walls west corner were tetrapods-a deep bowl with were made of large unfired adobe bricks and white slip and an unbridged spouted jar with reached a height of 1.05 meters. For its floor, wavy Usulutan design. Both of these vessels the soil had been pounded and coated with a were stuccoed and carefully painted in bright gray clay. Large irregular sandstone slabs red, green, purple and yellow colors forming once formed the roof, but had soon collapsed geometrically interlocking patterns. Beneath inward against the walls, where they provi­ the shattered remains of these two vessels and dentially smashed or covered up many of the partly protected by a fallen slab from the roof objects in the offering, thus saving them from were Bones 3 and 4, again both human femurs subsequent molestation by the grave robbers. (Fig. 16, c). Bone 3 was highly carved in the The male occupant apparently had been fully same style as Bone 1 (see cast, Fig. 17, b), and extended on his back, his head to the east, Bone 4, like Bone 2, was cut and polished but the skeleton was badly disturbed and in the same general shape as its companion scattered by post-interment events. piece (Fig. 16, d) but otherwise was unworked It is reasonable to suppose that the tomb except for a small drilled hole near the large occupant originally had been adorned quite end. Portions of the extremities of Bones 3 lavishly, since scattered items of jewelry over- and 4 were not recovered.

1 2 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

Chronologically, Tomb 1 and its associated making of the latex mold and plaster casts of platform structure are placed in the Chiapa the carved bones which facilitated drawing Horcones (VI) phase or the Early Protoclassic of the designs discussed in this paper. I wish period, corresponding to the Arenal phase to express my thanks to Dr. J. Eric S. Thomp­ at Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemala highlands son and Miss Tatiana Proskouriakoff for their or to late Chicanel times in the Maya low­ helpful criticism, and to Dr. J. Alden Mason lands. A calendar date of ca. 0 to A.D. 100 is for his invaluable assistance in the prepara­ postulated for this period of Chiapas pre­ tion of the manuscript. I am especially grate­ history. ful to Mr. Gareth W. Lowe for his kind as­ I am indebted to Dr. Keith A. Dixon for the sistance and appreciated contributions.

I. DESCRIPTION

Following ·is a description of each of the Bone 1. It is 22.5 cm. long and the spout four bones. Let it be remembered that they measures 3.0 cm. in length and 1.5 cm. in were found in pairs; carved Bone 1 and un­ diameter. Situated on the linea aspera at the carved Bone 2 were found together against base of the spout is the nutrient foramen. the west wall of Tomb 1, while carved Bone 3 With the aid of a hand lens, very faint and uncarved Bone 4 were located against the stains in the form of a scroll could be dis­ south wall of the tomb. The two pairs are cerned on the surface of this bone, suggesting reciprocally right and left human femurs. The that the shaft once bore some kind of painted interiors of all four bones were reamed out design. The middle portion of the shaft bears and well polished. The exteriors of all bones traces of wear as if from manipulation, and were also polished. the high polish over this area has obliterated any traces of stain which might have indicated BONE I the presence here of an original design. Bone 1 is an incomplete right human A stained band 0.5 cm. wide delimited by a femur, 23.5 cm. long, cut at both ends. At the thin scratched line remains around the edge proximal end it has been cut down to form a of the distal end, similar to that of Bone 1. spout or tube-like projection, 3.0 cm. long Since Bones 1 and 2 represent right and left and 1.8 cm. in diameter (see Fig. 16, b). The femurs and are approximately equal in size, whole surface of the bone has been carved it is possible that they were secured from the except the linea aspera and narrow zones at same skeleton (but see discussion below). The each end. At the distal end a faint stained largest diameter of the shaft is 4.0 cm. on band 0.5 cm. wide remains, delineated by a carved Bone 1 and 4.7 cm. on uncarved Bone light scratched line parallel to the orifice. This 2; the smallest diameter is 2.8 cm. on Bone 1 band of brown stain, probably left by a gum and 2.8 cm. on Bone 2. Bone 2 bears the or resin, appears to indicate that the bone orifice of a nutrient canal, while Bone 1 does had once had a cap of perishable material or not; the possible importance of this fact is else that it had once possessed additional per­ discussed below. ishable elements such as feathers or tassels BONE 3 (see discussion of function below). Bone 3 is a left femur 26.5 cm. long; both BONE 2 ends were broken anciently and are now in­ complete (Fig. 16, d). Small sections of the Bone 2 is an incomplete left femur (Fig. carved area are missing. As with Bone 1 the 16, b). It is undecorated but was cut and pol­ entire surface is carved, but Bone 3 has an ished to the same approximate dimensions as aspect of greater complexity. DESCRIPTION 3

BONE 4 TECHNIQUE Bone 4 is an incomplete right femur 33.7 The principal figures of the carved bones cm. long and is the uncarved counterpart of are executed in very low relief (Fig. 17). Their Bone 3 which it closely resembles in size and contours are accentuated by deep incisions or shape (Fig. 16, d). Minute scratchings and gouging, which, by producing shadows, give faint patterned stains show that the bone an effect of higher relief, and detach the main was once decorated, possibly painted. Appar­ subject from the surrounding space. This sur­ ently the outlines of a scroll design had been rounding area serves alternately as a back­ laid out with a pointed blade, then painted ground and a foreground, sometimes rising in. The bone was cut at the distal end at the above the main figures and sometimes run­ base of the condyles and is well polished in­ ning below them-a device which imparts side and outside. Around the edges of the cut movement to the design. a yellowish stain remains, forming a band 1.2 The whole work has been executed with cm. wide. The nutrient foramen is present great precision and sureness. This necessi­ toward the proximal end. tated the use of sharp cutting instruments The proximal end has been drilled on the made of the hardest material, but even so the edge just above the lesser trochanter, in the bone had to be fresh in order to permit the depression formed by the joining of the latter making of neat cuts, especially in the curves. and the base of the neck. The hole is 0.5 cm. I have tried to carve a dry human femur with in diameter; it might have had a counterpart different kinds of stone blades-flint, chal­ on the other side of the neck but this part is cedony, and obsidian. The bone was so hard missing. This hole may have been intended to that the blades, especially obsidian, were bear a thong or cord which would suggest that chipped and useless in a matter of minutes. it was to be held by that end. I tried to work applying minimum pressure Measurements taken on various parts of the so as to save the blade but still enough to cut shafts of Bones 3 and 4 bear close similarities. the bone. This was to no avail; either there For example, the largest diameter at the base was no scratch or the blade chipped. I there­ of the lesser trochanter is about 3.1 cm. for fore concluded that the only way to do effec­ both bones; at the middle of the shaft it meas­ tive carving was to use fresh bone. Since fresh ures 2.9 cm. for Bone 3 and 2.8 cm. for Bone human bones were not available, I secured a 4. The largest diameter of Bone 3 is 3.3 cm. pig femur from the local butcher and found and of Bone 4 is 3.0 cm. The minimum diam­ that a fresh specimen was indeed much easier eter is 2.3 cm. on Bone 3 and 2.2 cm. on Bone to carve. Of the three different materials used 4. (Since Bone 3 is the shorter of the two, in this experiment, flint instruments seemed measurements taken on Bone 4 have been re­ to be the most suitable. It is quite probable, stricted to the corresponding length.) These however, that more than one material was measurements are close enough so that the used, each one according to its property. For two bones could have belonged to the same example, while obsidian is practically useless skeleton. However, as is the case with Bones for the gouging, it is very useful for finishing 1 and 2, the uncarved Bone 4 bears the nu­ and sharpening the details. trient foramen on the upper third of the shaft, while the carved Bone 3 does not. FUNCTION It seems that the artist had especially chosen References to the ancient use of bones simi­ Bones 1 and 3 for the absence of the nutrient lar to those being discussed here are enlight­ foramen on the main part of the shaft which ening. Landa (Tozzer, 1941: 219) states that otherwise would have hampered his work. the Maya priests used "a certain water which This observation, together with the fact that they kept in bones" for the "baptism" ritual. the foramina are situated in closely proximate The indication that the flaring ends of Bones locations on Bones 2 and 4, makes it appear 1 and 2 were capped and that the spout-like logical to assume that the two carved bones ends may have been adaptations to facilitate originally belonged to the same skeleton, and pouring suggests that these bones were con­ that the two uncarved bones had been secured tainers of liquids perhaps used in ceremonies from a second individual. such as that described above by Landa. Ac- 4 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO cording to Morley (1947: 184) the "baptism" their bones to use them as a trophy in their ceremony described by Landa was probably dances as tokens of victory." I doubt that this actually a puberty ceremony. Morley para­ was the case here, at least for Bones I and 2, phrases Landa's description of a part of this since they are purposely cut in a manner ceremony for young boys and girls as follows (spouted) which suggests other use. (ibid.: 185-186): Another possible use of the bones is sug­ The priest now changed his vestments to a hand­ gested in the literature. Brasseur de Bour­ some jacket and a miter-like headdress of red and bourg (1862: 105), in his translation of the other colored feathers, taking in his hand an Quiche drama of "Rabinal-Achi," gives an aspergillum for sprinkling holy water about. This interesting insight into the ritual importance latter consisted of a finely worked short stick with of human bones. This passage makes allusion tails of the rattlesnake hanging from it .... After to the practice of carving and painting the having pronounced a benediction, he sat down human skull and then states a ceremonial and the sponsor of the ceremony, with a bone significance of human long bones: given him by the priest, tapped each child nine times on the forehead, moistening the forehead, . . . See tl1en the bone of my arm; see then it is the different parts of the face, and the spaces be­ a rod mounted in silver, the noise of which will tween the fingers and toes with holy water, but resound, as excites the tumult within the walls of saying nothing. the great castle; see the bone of my leg which will become the beater of the teponovoz (or teponaztli, It is interesting to note that in the above the drum of hollow wood) and the drum, and quotation the aspergillum described by Landa which will make the heaven and earth tremble. was "finely worked ... with tails of the rat­ (Tozzer, 1941: 120, footnote 548.) tlesnake hanging from it." Whereas the asper­ gillum here is of wood, the fact that human Although it may at first seem unlikely, it is bones were sometimes used for a comparable not impossible that Bones 3 and 4 might have purpose is seen in the painted scene on the served as drum-beaters as noted above. The famed Chama vase from the Guatemala high­ wide stain on the cut distal edge of Bone 4 lands (Morley, 1947, pl. 88). Furthermore, the could have resulted from a gum used to form mention of hanging rattlesnake tails, serving or fasten a padded end or head had the bone as the hyssop according to Tozzer (1941: 105), been used as a drum-beater (this edge is mis­ is suggestive in view of the speculation above sing on companion Bone 3). Landa (Tozzer, (p. 2) that the Chiapa bones once possessed 1941: 93) mentions the use of "gum from a appendages of perishable materials. tree" (most likely live rubber) for forming The use by the Maya of a bone as a baton this head.The highly carved nature of Bone 3 for the blessing or annointing of children is would not argue against its use as a drum­ shown in Morley's quotation above. It is easy beater, since the ceremonial teponaztli or to imagine that a similar role as a symbol of horizontal cylindrical wooden drums were authority or administrative insignia may have themselves as a rule ornately decorated with been the function of the Chiapa bones. In symbolic figures.The usually implied function this respect it is noteworthy that a comparable of the drum-beats to carry the petitioners' symbol of authority in Maya sculpture is fre­ pleas to the gods would justify carving mytho­ quently the manikin figure or scepter which logical elements on the instruments used to is characterized by a small anthropomorphic produce them. A variant postulate, however, figure above, terminating below in the head is that carved Bone 3 was a symbolic drum­ of a serpent-an arrangement which is essen­ beater only, and that the actual beating was tially the same as in Bone I (see also Discus­ done with the less precious uncarved Bone 4. sion). Human long bones are known to have been Carved long bones and a skull were recov­ used as flutes. An elaborately carved cere­ ered from the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen monial example discovered in Tehuantepec Itza. According to Tozzer (1941: 120, footnote is now in the Frissell collection (Marti, 1955: 548) they may have been originally used in a 123, Fig. b). However, the Chiapa bones could dance as a "token of victory." He quotes not have been flutes themselves since they do Landa (ibid: 120) as saying that "if the victims not contain finger holes.They might, never­ were slaves captured in war their masters took theless, have been used as an extension of DESIGN 5 reed or wooden tubes which held the mouth­ with death and everything related to death piece and stops, a possibility supported by the both among "primitive" peoples and in many presence of the tubular extension of Bones 1 more sophisticated societies (Malinowski, 1948: and 2 which may have been designed to enter 30, 42; for the Maya attitude, see Landa [Toz­ into a component part. None of the bones zer, 1941: 129]). themselves could have served for such an ex­ Artistic execution in ancient Mesoamerica tension, since they could not be fitted to one was frequently determined by religious con­ another. To my knowledge, such composite siderations-for example, Landa tells us that flutes were unknown in Mesoamerica. the making of idols was accompanied by a More definite knowledge about the use of great deal of ritual, fasting, and abstinence, (ibid.: objects such as the present bones is lacking. as well as the fear of death 160). It was Early carved human bones are rare, perhaps necessary for the idol to be made of cedar, due to their perishable nature. The majority and Roys suggests that this might have been of the worked human femurs which have been due to the fact that the Maya name for cedar, ku che, (ibid.: found are musical instruments, usually rasps, means "god tree" 160, footnote dating from a much later period and mostly 824). I am quite certain that similar consider­ concentrated in the Valley of Mexico and ations motivated the artist who carved the adjacent regions. Chiapa bones. It probably was not the mate­ rialistic property of the medium that inter­ CHOICE OF HUMAN BONES ested the artist most, but those properties that had psychological and spiritual values appro­ Though human bones must have been ideal priate to the message he sought to convey. as far as size and availability were concerned, Therefore the choice of human bones was it is quite unlikely that the choice was influ­ almost certainly made deliberately with the enced solely by such materialistic considera­ knowledge of their psychological contribution tions. As noted earlier, fresh bone was needed, to the desired. importance of the ultimate and to secure this from a newly deceased work. As the Chiapa bones were surely im­ human being some strong motivation surpas­ portant ritual objects, there was ample justifi­ sing that of material need was undoubtedly cation for the selection by the artist or his required. It is well recognized that strong overlord of human bones for their manufac­ emotional and religious feelings are associated ture.

II. DESIGN

The designs depicted on both of the carved lower-case letters. At the close of the descrip­ bones apparently represent certain mytho­ tive sections for each bone an attempt at logical beings with accompanying symbolic symbolic interpretation is made. and/ or decorative motifs suggesting the unique role which they are playing in the BONE 1 scene. It is difficult to recognize at a glance the many different elements depicted on the COMPOSITION OF THE CARVED DESIGN bones. Originally they may have been painted The design on Bone 1 is composed of two in various colors in a manner which would main figures, labeled A and B, oppositely lo­ have enabled the observer better to visualize cated toward each end of the bone (Figs. l; the various design components. For purposes 16, a). Viewing the bone horizontally with the of this paper, the principal figures shown on spout-like projection to the left, Figure A faces the bones have been identified with the toward the spout. It apparently represents a letters A, B, C (Bone 1) and D, E, F, G (Bone water creature, probably a saurian, with 3). Each figure is described below in terms of human-like arms in a swimming pos1t10n. its diverse parts or "elements," labeled with Surrounding the figure are wave-like forms 6 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRI 1IER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

0 5cm Figure 1. DRAWING OF BONE 1 DESIGN

d

advancing in the same direction as the crea­ upper (g) jaws. Element might represent the ture represented. tongue. To observe the second figure (B) the bone Protruding from a small cavity at the base should be viewed vertically, spout downward. of the upper jaw is another element (e) which In that position the figureappears as a masked might be either an integral part of the lower personage with human-like arms held in an jaw or conceivably a fang. This element is elevating position - palms upward. Placed divided longitudinally by a double line. The behind and above the right hand of Figure B lower jaw (f) is formed by a curved band with in the upper left zone is Figure C, difficult to parallel incised lines spanning the space be­ visualize coherently at a brief glance. It is tween element e and the triangular teeth. composed of scrolls and what look like three The uppere. jaw (g) emerges from beneath bared teeth. The rest of the space behind the root of the snout and curves down around creature B's head is occupied by wave-like element The right section of the jaw is forms similar to those surrounding Figure A. divided longitudinally by a double line bear­ DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF CARVED FIGURES ing two small squarish motifs on the left part. Figure A The nostril (h) is formed by a semicircular hole placed just above the root of the snout. The nose is indicated by surrounding curved The creature represented by Figure A (Fig.tau segments. 2) has a long curved snout (a) bearing a curved The eye (i) is situated above the upper jaw medial double line containing a reversed and at the base of the supraorbital element element near its closed upper end. The root (j). Just below the base of the latter is a semi­ of the snout suggests an upper lip raised or elliptic line indicating the pupil. The right curled up so as to expose four front teeth (b) side of the eye is bordered by four small ver­ which resemble the incisors of an herbivorous tical lines followed by three faint horizontal animal. They are followed by a row of three lines. triangles (c), probably forming the remainder The supraorbital element or eyebrow (j) of the creature's dentition. From the rear of occupies the major part of the foreheadl, (k). the innermost triangular tooth hangs a for­ It is quite elaborate and on the right side ward-curving appendage (d) which occupies forms a divided volute. Element a tall up­ the empty space between the lower (f) and right appendage on the top of the head, sug- BONE 1, DESIG 7

Figure 2. FIGURE A OF BONE gests the spine or crest of a reptile or the · Figure B dorsal fin of a shark or other marine animal. This figure apparently represents a masked Situated at the back of the head between ele­ creature (Fig. 3), distinguished by the presence l ments and o is a fringed crescent (m). This of a beard (a), the hair of which is represented illusive element resembles a fish-gill, but may by vertical incisions. indicate a fringed ear. A large scroll ornament At the front of the mouth (b) is a rectangu­ (n) is located behind (to the right of) the jaws, lar element (b') which may represent teeth, with a volute similar to that of the supra­ but it contains no details. The same observa­ orbital element j. tion applies to c which is probably part of the Two body sections (o, o') are visible. One, muzzle or buccal mask element. The nose (d) apparently the neck, is placed between the appears to be very similar to that of Figure A. raised left hand and the head, and the other The eye, represented by a narrow oval with is partially obscured by the left arm. The body horizontal incisions (e), is surmounted by a sections have a shield-like form with a fram­ supraorbital element (f) decorated with a ing band and an inner zone. The latter area bracket and a horseshoe motif. The forehead of o is divided into two parts, the upper of zone (g), above the nose and the supraorbital ·which is a plaited design reminiscent of bas­ element, is decorated with double oblique ketry. The lower part is free of all decoration lines forming opposed T's. except for a double line dividing it horizon­ Element h looks like a pointed ear; the right tally. edge is fringed with incisions which may rep­ The front limbs (p) are easily identifiable. resent hair or fur. Below this "ear" element Both arms are held in a swimming position, begins element i, which appears to be the and are decorated with a medial double line supporting frame or "chin strap" of the mask starting at the shoulder and ending at the resting on the shoulders of the figure. It ex­ wrist. The hands are curved inward and bear tends from the tip of the beard to the base three visible fingers or claws. These are sepa­ of the ear as a curving band decorated with rated from the rest of the hand by a curved parallel lines ending in a volute, to which are segment which may be a stylization or an attached a horseshoe, a chevron, another awkward representation of the thumb. What volute, and two bracket motifs. appear to be bracelets (q) occur at each wrist, Figure B wears a headdress (j) which looks decorated with a narrow rectangular incision. somewhat like a Phrygian cap put on back- 8 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

this figure could represent a symbolic animal form (Fig. 4). Element a contains three segments similar to those of element b of Figure A (the front teeth) and could therefore be teeth in the present figure also. Element b, located in front of a, could represent a stylized stub nose-it is decorated with incised lines, forming a horseshoe or bracket design. Element c, which may be the forehead, is formed by a succession of half-circles, the center of which possibly represents the eye. From that center emerges element d which connects with element e, a spiral form that could be an exaggerated ear curving against the forehead of Figure B. The remainder of Figure C, element f, is difficult to analyze but would appear to be the body of the problematical creature represented.

Background Design "Background" is here used only as a con­ venient term to describe that part of the design that surrounds the main figures. Technically, it is not a background, since it does not lie entirely behind the figures but covers some parts of them. It is rather the medium in Figure 3. FIGURE B OF BONE 1 which the main figures move, and from which they appear to be emerging (Fig 1 ). The design wards. The front is decorated with an element produced by this medium can be visualized in (k) consisting of three parts: a flattened oval two ways: 1) by observing the outline formed bar, a series of curved lines resembling half by the gouging, or 2) by observing the shapes a rosette, and a striated form curving slightly formed by the uncarved portions of the matrix forward. itself. The body of Figure B (1, l', l") is repre­ The central element of the background sented by three overlapping disk-shaped sec­ design separates Figure A from Figures B and tions that are framed in the same manner as C. Bolding the bone horizbntally, the divid­ nhose of Figure A. Only the middle section (l') ing element appears as a large band curving shows clearly; it is decorated with two parallel upwards into a spiral volute covering part of lines. The lower section (l") is covered by the the body of Figure B. The upper part is volute of the central background element. decorated with a horseshoe sign and a double As in Figure A, the arms and hands of border line.1 Figure B (m, m') are easily recognized, wearing The remainder of the background design is identical bracelets at the wrists. Similar formed around wave-like designs, probably "thumb" elements are also indicated. The representing water. arms are in the same position as those of Figure A, but, because Figure B is in an up­ right position with the palms upward, the at­ titude here is totally different, being one of rising or elevation rather than one of swim­ ming or struggling.

Figure C b Figure C is hard to identify. Located just above the right or upper hand of Figure B, Figure 4. FIGURE C OF BONE 1 BONE 1, SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FIGURES 9

SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FIGURES iconography, especially with those creatures which were mythologically related. Figure A But despite the complexity of the design in The general physiognomy of this figure Figure A, the dominant creature suggested is more closely resembles a saurian than any nevertheless that of the crocodile. The croco­ other creature (Fig. 2). The fluid quality of dile (or alligator) occupies a major place in the background design and the swimming the cosmography of Mesoamerica.It was the position of the arms contribute to a depiction glyph for the first day of the sacred almanac of an aquatic animal.Some crocodilian char­ of 260 days which was used for ritualistic acteristics appear to be represented, but the purposes in precolumbian times. In the Maya almost certain mythological nature of the almanac this glyph is called /mix: creature here portrayed explains the artist's Imix, therefore, was the earth monster, the croco­ unconcern with faithfully reproducing de­ dile, whose back formed the surface of the earth; tailed anatomical characteristics or with con­ the water lily was probably his symbolic form; fining his representation to a single animal. abundance was his aspect, and the earth his It is evident that the artist who carved domain. It is surely not chance that the first day Bone I was not interested in giving an ac­ of the series belongs to the provident, bountiful curate representation solely of either a saurian earth, object of the deep love of all Maya, be they or of an ophidian.His concern was apparently of the mountains or the plains, the uplands or the forest. (Thompson, 1950: 73.) to combine those symbolic elements which best fitted the idea he wished to represent. Seler (1904: 40) speaks of "... the words That the form of a particular creature, as a imix, imox, by which the Tzental-Zotzil called mythological being, could be altered to fit the the first day sign ..." needs of a different pictorial message will be The Aztec equivalent of Imix was Cipactli, seen below as well as in the later discussion the earth crocodile, first-day sign of the Tonal­ of Bone 3. The practice of combining ana­ pohualli or sacred almanac of the Aztecs.It is tomical aspects of different animals in a single portrayed in most of the Mexican codices; see figure was quite common in Mesoamerican Fig.5, a-d for typical examples. The body as

C a

f g d e

Figure 5. CHARACTERISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THF. "EARTH MONSTER" IN MESOAMERICA a-d: Mexican representations of Cipactli (d shown in water). e: Zapotec Cipactli, Idolo de Yogana, Oaxaca. f, g: Mayan Imix signs from Palenque, Chiapas. a, c: Codices Fejervary-Mayer and Laud (Garcia Granados, 1942: 423). b: (Codex Nuttall, 1902: 5). d: (Ibid.: 75). e: (Leigh, 1958: 9, Fig. 35). f, g: (Thompson, 1950, Fig. 40 [l and 4 respectively]). 10 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

·a

b C

d

g

(�-

j Figure 6. CHARACTERISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE "DRAGON" IN MESOAMERICA a, b: Detail of stela at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala (b showing detail of the sash). c: "Dragon" on Stela 2 at Izapa, Chiapas. d: Detail of Stela D at Tres Zapotes, Veracruz. e: Detail of stela at Tonal.I., Chiapas. f: Detail of stela at El Mes6n, Veracruz. g: Detail of a stone yoke design, Gulf Coast, Veracruz. h-j: Representations of Serpent Head X at Kaminaljuyu. a, b: (Kidder and Chinchilla, 1959: 46, Fig. 7). c: (Stirling, 1943: Pl. 49, b). d: (Ibid., Pl. 14, c). e: (Satterthwaite, 1943: 136, Fig. I,!). f: (Covarrubias, 1957: 180, Fig. 78). g: (Ibid.: 177, Fig. 76). h-j: (Kidder, Jennings, and Shook, 1946: 224, Fig. 97, b, e, J). BONE 1, SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FIGURES 11 re�resented in the codices is always distin­ In some pictures . the cipactli is not drawn g�ished by a row of spines on the back (note like a crocodile, but as a fish, with shark-like Fig. 5, d). Representations of Cipactli in water clawed tail and the indispensable row of spines on are found in numerous codices, such as the the back and sometimes a ventral row. Here the idea of the earth rising in peaks, swimming in the Vaticanus B, Borgia, Fejervary-Mayer, and water (surrounded by water) has found ... another Nuttall (Seler, 1923: 648, 649, Figs. 669, 674- expression, but one fundamentally allied. 676; Waterman, 1916, Figs. 5, 8, pp. 330, 333; Garcia Granados, 1952). The portrayal of the earth monster with fish In Oaxaca, the Zapotec counterpart of Ci­ attributes would not be surprising since the pactli was called pichijlla, signifying crocodile Imix sign (the Mayan equivalent of Cipactli) (Seler, 1904: 38); it is the name of the first "seems to be especially connected with fish" (ibid.: 80). day �f the_ year. While studying the Zapotec day signs from pottery, inscriptions, and wall A most obvious peculiarity of Figure A is paintings of Monte Alban, Howard Leigh the presence of a long curved snout divided by (1?58: �) noticed that "Of all the day signs, a double line, a feature which does not con­ Cipacth (the first) is by far the most frequent, form to any of the attributes of a crocodile or one might say in the proportion of 100 to other reptile. On the contrary, this proboscis one." This statement confirms the importance with a medial division does strongly suggest of Cipactli in the Zapotec area. the trunk of the tapir, a water-loving mammal common in the forested regions of Central The long curved nose, the jagged teeth, the . America. Also, the square-edged front teeth of mcomplete upward-curling lower jaw, and the Figure A do not belong either to saurian or association with what is probably a water ophidian anatomy but rather appear to be the background are characteristics of Figure A that incisors of an herbivorous animal. As such, identify it with the Aztec Cipactli and also they might logically also be another stylized demonstrate that it is allied with the Classic tapir eleme t. A remark from Thompson Zapotec and Maya characters (cf. Figs. 2; 5, � (1950: 74) gives us a clue to the possible sig­ e-g). More striking comparisons with Figure A, _ mfican e of this combination of tapir and however, are available from the earlier cul­ : crocodile attributes: "... the Kekchi earth tural levels, as is natural in view of the early gods, who live under the earth and whose date of the carved bones. Carved figures speech is the echoing thunder, have an un­ thought to date to the Preclassic and Proto­ specified association with tapirs and are the classic in Veracruz, Chiapas and Guatemala lor s of he wild animals." The concept of the (Fig. 6, a-f) so closely parallel Figure A in � � tapir bemg a god of the air who brought rain, major features that there can be no doubt that water, thunder, lightning, and· sunbeams is common "dragon" concept is involved in all � discussed by Seler (1904: 45), who also sug­ mstances. (The term "dragon" is preferred gests that the tapir (tzimin) furnished the here to that of "Cipactli," since there is no model for_ th_e long-nosed Mayan rain god e:7idence that the figure served here as a day . sign, though the possibility should be con­ Chae with which the name is occasionally con­ sidered.) And the basic dragon concepts were nected (Thompson and Richardson, 1939, Vol. perpetuated in the Early Classic at Kaminal­ 4: 29). To my knowledge, the conspicuous volute juyu and Veracruz (see below, and Fig. 6, g-7). These early representations, unfortu­ placed in back of the mouth of Figure A (ele­ nately, help us little in understanding the role ment n) does not find its equivalent in the representation of Cipactli, but a similar orna­ o� the dragon figure in its contemporary so­ ciety. In analyzing Figure A further, there­ ment is common to the earlier dragon forms fore, we must continue to draw upon histori­ and i_s also as_sociated with the Mayan Serpent X (Fig. 6, Note that a long snout similar cal references to later mythologies. h-7). to that of Figure A is also a constant element Other characteristics such as the fin-like of the Serpent X figure. It is thus conceivable appendage topping Figure A and the gill-like that Figure A, combining features of several semicircle on the back of the head suggest a mythological creatures, actually is the proto­ fish origin. Seler (Thompson and Richardson, type of the later variant figures of Imix and 1939, Vol. 4: 63-64) mentions similar cases. the Serpent X. 12 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

b a C

d

e

Figure 7. "OLMEC" FELINE REPRESENTATIONS

a, b: Rock carvings at Chalcatzingo, Morelos. c: Engraved celt from La Venta, Tabasco. d: Detail of sculpture on Monument 19 at La Venta, Tabasco. e: Relief on boulder at San Isidro, Piedra Parada, Guatemala. f: Jadeite celt. g: Design on jade earplugs from La Venta, Tabasco. a, b: (Pifia Chan, 1955: 69, Pl. 19). c: (Drucker, Heizer, and Squier, 1959: 141, Fig. 35, e). d: (Ibid.: photo Pl. #49). e: (Covarrubias, 1957: 64, Fig. 25). f: (Ibid.: 73, Fig. 33). g: (Drucker, I 952: 160, Fig. 46, b). BONE I, SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FIGURES 13

Figure B beneath the beard. Also, the supraorbital ele­ ments of both creatures are decorated with a I do not see any serious reason to doubt that horseshoe element, reversed on the Kaminal­ this figure represents a masked personage with juyu sculpture. The decoration of the chin feline features (Fig. 3). The most prominent strap or mask frame on Figure B finds its par­ feline in Mesoamerica is the jaguar, an animal that figured importantly in the sculptured art tial counterpart on the Kaminaljuyu mask at of Mesoamerica from early to late times. In the ear position where the two volutes are joined to form a crescentic element bridged by the earlier representations, the jaguar attri­ another band bearing the two bracket motifs. butes are frequently presented in mask form including a beard, protruding buccal element, The scroll work behind the head of the Kami­ and conventionalized eyebrow. Jaguar features nalj uyu sculpture is very similar to some of the background elements of. Bone I. were particularly stressed in the art of the Olmec culture. The role of the Olmec-related Ix was the name ascribed to the jaguar god jaguar symbols has been discussed by many of the underworld who presided over the four­ authors, including Covarrubias (1957), Druck­ teenth day of the Mayan sacred almanac. This er, Heizer, and Squier (1959), and Vaillant day was characterized by a lack of important (1947). Drawings of early examples compar­ activities due to the malignant influence of able to that of Figure B are shown in Fig. 7 the jaguar god. Hunting, however, was favor­ (cf. also Figure E of Bone 3, Fig. 11). able on this day, since the jaguar was the lord A Preclassic carved monument found re­ of the beasts (Thompson, 1950: 67, 82). cently in Kaminaljuyu depicts a carved bearded Besides being a mythological creature of figure wearing a mask and an elaborate head­ the underworld the jaguar was also closely dress (Fig. 8) who bears a great resemblance related with water and more specifically with to Figure B. Obvious elements from this stone the rain god, ". . . especially on compara­ figure that are similar to those of Figure B tively early archeological horizons" (Rands, are: a beard clearly defined with striation 1955: 361). "Jaguar features in 'Olmec' art showing the hair, a distorted mouth, a stub have been considered the prototype of Monte nose, and a curved cheek element passing from Alban's Cocijo and the Teotihuacan-Aztec below the eye, around the mouth, and ending Tlaloc figures" (ibid.). It is quite probable that at a certain point in the evolution from jaguar to Tlaloc the two personages had a merging identity, resulting in the blending of two concepts. This combination of identity could have persisted in certain cultures until late periods, as may be deduced from an ob­ servation by Thompson who, in discussing the book of Chilam Balam of Mani as recorded in the Codex Perez, illustrates the difficulties in­ �olved in the interpretation of ancient expres­ s10ns. The expression concerned in this pas­ sage is Balam haab-balam in Maya means "jaguar," and haab, besides being the word for "year," has also the meaning of "rain"-at least in several Mayan languages (Thompson, 1950: 297). Combined, the expression becomes obscure. We have no exact information as to what a balam rain may be. The balams are the guardians of the villages and milpas in the beliefs of the Yucatec Maya of the present day and are closely associated with the winds, but ... they are coupled Figure 8. SCULPTURE FRAGMENT AT KAMINALJUYU; with the usual rain gods in prayers, almost as PERSONAGE WEARING JAGUAR MASK though balam and chac were synonymous . . . (Drawn from N.W.A.F. photo) (Thompson, 1950: 298.) 14 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMA1 FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

Interpreting a passage of the Codex Borgia of it is located in the upper part of the entire the Mixtec, Covarrubias (1957: 59) postu­ design of Bone 1, when holding the bone ver­ lated that the jaguar earth god and the rain tically as if to view the feline Figure B. god Tlaloc were the same person. Considering As suggested by the position of the raised its apparent association with water a some­ right hand of this feline creature, Figure C what similar situation may be the case with could also be viewed as an offering. Figure B, which may represent an early transi­ A relationship between the two ideas above tional period in the development of the rain proposed-that Figure C symbolizes a celestial god concept as found later in various Meso­ body and represents an animal offering-is american and Mexican cultures. possible. The geometrical motifs on the chin strap or mask frame (i) of Figure B are the clearest Background examples of a number of forms on the bones As mentioned previously, the background which may have a glyphic significance (see carving can be visualized in two ways. This Fig. 15). Three of the motifs on the mask may have been done intentionally so as to rep­ frame-the chevron, the volute, and the pair resent two closely associated elements: water of brackets-are duplicated in similar form on and clouds. The long tapered shapes formed a small carved stone recovered from a cere­ by the gouged area could represent flowing monial sherd dump (Cache 1) on the floor of water, while the surrounding part and the a Mound 1 structure dating to the same gen­ central motif could be identified as clouds. eral period as Tomb 1, where the bones were While belonging to the ungouged cloud­ found (Dixon, 1958, Fig. 2, c; 1959, Fig. 6). like area, the voluted part of the central motif The reoccurrence of these motifs at Chiapa de partly disappears, as if sinking, under the Corzo and the frequent presence of nearly opposite edge of the same area to reappear identical forms as affixes of Maya hieroglyphs merging with the jaguar body. Was the artist's (Thompson, 1950: Figs. 1-36, passim) sustains intention purely esthetic, or was he concerned the supposition that they are ideographic sym­ with conveying a symbolic meaning as well, bols and not merely decorative frills. The such as a cyclic concept of sky and water? headdress element (k) may also have a glyphic significance; the base of this element is sug­ Comment gestive of the bar representing number five in The probability that the design of Bone I the Mayan numeral system. has a strong aquatic significance is supported by the well-known mythological relationship Figure C of the saurian-ophidian and feline forms with Figure C (Fig. 4) could represent a very water, as well as the suggestive quality of the stylized animal. I find the rabbit to be the background design. A more detailed analysis closest model for such a form. This identifica­ of the secondary elements such as the chevron, tion is purely suggestive; the form is perhaps horseshoe, bracket, etc., might show some ad­ so stylized as to be misleading. To my knowl­ ditional water affiliation. edge most of the rabbit representations belong As has already been discussed, the shape of to late periods, mainly in the Aztec sources. the artifact, Bone 1, suggests that it was a I therefore find it very difficult to offer any container. This possibility is upheld by an­ strong line of comparison. An early origin of cient references concerning the use of such the rabbit representation is possible. Its origi­ objects in certain religious rituals involving nal symbolic and religious significance, how­ the pouring of water contained in bones (see ever, is very obscure. p. 3). It is interesting to note that if this Tochtli, rabbit, was the Nahuatl name for proposition is true, the organization of the the eighth day sign, and may have been also a design would prove to have been planned in symbol for Venus. Lamat, although its real consideration with the use of the bone. When meaning is uncertain, was the Mayan name the bone is held horizontally, the saurian for the eighth day which also was the day of creature is swimming toward the spout-like the planet Venus. end; but when it is held vertically, the same The association of Figure C with a celestial figure is plunging and its movement is accen­ body seems to be supported by the fact that tuated by the water background, the central BONE 3, DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF CARVED FIGURES 15 part (in front of the snout of Figure A) falling the right. The original presence of a Figure G like a droplet just above the spout. Is this a is postulated on the basis of a single identified symbolism connected with a liquid content hand located adjacent to the head of Figure D. and the pouring of it? (For other examples of This hand was not apparent until a careful water pouring from a monster's mouth, see second cleaning of the bone was made recently. Thompson, 1942, Fig. 5, p. 395, "Monstruos The background, from which the figures celestes mayas.") emerge, is composed of wave-like forms similar It is further to be noted that in the pouring to those found on Bone I. action, when the bone is held vertically, spout downwards, the feline creature assumes its DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF CARVED FIGURES most logical upright position, holding its arms Figure D in an offering or elevating movement. It is Figure D (Fig. 10) is the most realistic crea­ quite probable that the over-all design symbo­ ture on either bone design and appears to be lizes a sky-rain-water concept and that the emerging from the background medium. It has bone was used as part of the priesthood para­ a human face (a) which is characterized by a phernalia in connection with a water or rain stub nose, a delineation of the eye socket, and ceremony or in purification rites. a thick upper lip that is curled up, exposing the upper teeth. Starting from the temporal is BONE 3 a curved double line that joins the lower jaw, forming a sort of accentuation of the zygo­ COMPOSITION OF THE CARVED DESIGN matic arch. The mandible appears bare (b), The Bone 3 design is composed of three the ascending ramus forming a hook at the obvious figures, with indication that a fourth posterior part. The humanoid ear (c) is orna­ was once present. Viewing the design as pre­ mented with a large ear-spool having a slightly sented in Fig. 9, the dominant figure is the beveled flange. The hair (d) is divided in three humanoid creature with long stringy hair parts-the forelock hangs like bangs over the (Figure D). Holding its arms in a swimming forehead and the remainder appears as two position, it is facing toward the right at the long wetted strands. A short scroll is placed proximal end of the bone. Figure E is a on the hair near the temple. masked creature similar to Figure B of Bone l. The body sections of Figure D (e) are Figure F, at the lower left in the drawing, identical with those of Figure E where they are looks like another saurian creature, facing to more plainly seen (described below). Two cir-

Figure 9. DRAWING OF BONE 3 DESIGN 16 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRI IER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

Figure 10. FIGURE D OF BONE 3 cular dots on the lower part of the first section are partly obscured by the hair strands and earplug. The comparable portion of body sec­ tion two has been damaged, and that of the third section is covered by the right arm. The left end of a horizontal bar is visible below the horizontal dividing band in the first and third disks. To the second or middle body disk are attached the arms (f, f') in a swimming posi­ tion. As in Bone 1, each arm is decorated by a medial double line and a bracelet. The back of the right hand bears an oval enclosure con­ taining two small brackets. The left hand has been broken off.

Figure E Figure 11. FIGURE E OF BONE 3 Except for a few details, Figure E (Fig. 11) seems to be a counterpart of the masked Figure striated plaited pattern and the left one a band B on Bone 1. Many of the same elements are and two small circles or dots. The body dis­ present, such as the open mouth (a), the muz­ appears under the background medium and zle elements (b, c), the distinctive eye (d), the seems to emerge on the other side as the body supraorbital element (e) with the horseshoe of Figure D (more apparent on the bone itself decoration, and the mask frame or chin strap than in the drawing). The disks of Figure D (f). Two elements of Figure B are lacking here bear the same design as those of E and are -the ear and the beard (cf. Fig. 3). directed the same way. I think that both figures The headdress of Figure E is composed of share the same body, Figure E being the tail two volutes decorated with horseshoe motifs and Figure D the head, since the latter has (g). It is topped with a plume-like element (h) arms and the former does not (see discussion placed in the center. The element (i) in front below). of the headdress, actually separate from Figure E, has a base decorated with two bracket motifs Figure F and four cursive elements above spread in fan­ The appearance of Figure F (Fig. 12) may like fashion. be confusing at first sight but, after a detailed The body of Figure E is composed of three analysis, certain similarities to the crocodilian overlapping disks (j, j', j"), each of which is Figure A of Bone 1 can be detected. I think divided into two zones, the right one having a that we have here a top-view representation of BONE 3, DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF CARVED FIGURES 17

a

Figure 12. FIGURE F OF BONE 3 the same creature. Some of the features such view). Second, the wing-shaped elements have as the snout, the arms, and the supraorbital been so deeply undercut on the left edge that element have been omitted, either due to the the designs on the body sections of that side difficulty of representing them on a plane, or actually descend beneath the "wings." This to a portrayal of a different aspect of the crea­ undercutting undoubtedly was done by the ture. Certain elements can be recognized, such artist to indicate that the wing-like appendages as the front teeth (a), the nostrils (b) and the should be viewed as being raised or standing rippled section above them (c), the long head out from the body. appendage (d) and the large scroll ornament (e), and, between these two latter elements, Figure G the fringed crescent section (f). A carved Of Figure G (see Fig. 9) only one hand re­ boulder representing a dragon from the not­ mains, apparently holding a long slender ob­ far-distant site of Tonala, Chiapas, offers the ject, possibly a standard. The hand is held closest parallel in type with Figure F (Ferdon, with the fingers curved towards the palm. A 1953: Pl. 22, a-d; Figure 13, a, b, in this faint decoration remains on the back of the paper). A somewhat comparable example of hand, consisting of a curved line and two small the aerial view of the "crocodilian" or dragon squares. A bracelet and the wrist are still visi­ representation, of a later period, is seen on ble. Altar T at Copan (Fig. 13, d). Fig. 13, c, illustrates the way in which the Background Design principal elements of Figure A of Bone 1 cor­ The background medium, allowing for the respond to their top-view counterparts in Fig­ difference in design organization and in the ure F of Bone 3. A certain variation can be space disposable, is essentially the same as on observed in the Figure F presentation. The Bone 1, combining gouged and flat motifs with central double line on the long head append­ emphasis on the latter and on volutes. age is fringed on both sides with short oblique incisions. The body is composed of four over­ SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FIGURES lapping divided disk-like sections (Fig. 12, g) bearing a Tau sign on each disk half. Along Figure D the body axis are four overlapping wing­ The lipless bare lower jaw, with the alveolar shaped appendages (h), striated longitudinally. partitions indicated by short double lines, is Two distinct techniques used on Figure F the most prominent characteristic of Figure D deserve description. First, the nostrils are cre­ (Fig. 10) and probably connects it with death; ated by drilling obliquely to connect each the delineation of the eye socket and of the orifice. This unique procedure was undoubt­ zygomatic arch emphasizes this impression. On edly resorted to in order to indicate that the the other hand, the short scroll protruding orifices are those of the nostrils and not of the from the ascending ramus as well as the scroll eyes, as first glance indicates (the eyes of this on the head, though they may be simple deco­ figure are not visible as a result of the aerial rative motifs, may also be symbols of water. 18 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

The swimming position, the spiral back­ bols for death and water (Thompson, 1950: ground, and the apparently wet locks of hair, 81). in any case, are sufficiently eloquent to assure I have already mentioned that Figures D a water relationship. In view of this considera­ and E may be sharing the same body. This tion, I think that Figure D probably represents combination could therefore symbolize a dual death in connection with water. In the Mayan concept in connection with water. On the one sacred almanac Eb was the day of the malig­ hand there is the feline creature which with nant rain deity. Its glyph combined the sym- its attributes would symbolize a benevolent

-- ,__ - ._ -- - -- ...-� -­ b

e

Figure 13. COMPARATIVE VIEWS OF Tl-IE "DRAC.ON" FIC.URF. a, b: Carved boulder at Tonala, Chiapas. c: Corresponding elements on Figures A and F. d: Carving of crocodile seen from above, Altar T, Copan, Honduras. a, b: (Ferdon, 1953: Pl. 22, a-d). c: Carved femurs from Chiapa de Corzo. d: (Seier, 1923: 652, Fig. 683). BONE 3, SYMBOLISM OF CARVED FEATURES 19 aspect of an earth-water association resulting Each of the three personages in this relief has in germination, fruitfulness, and general well­ a floral motif attached to the front of his head­ being. On the other hand the death creature dress (Pifia Chan, 1955: 24, 25; Photos 15, 16; would represent the malignant influence re­ Pl. 19). The assumption that the jaguar is an sulting perhaps in drought, flood, or hail and earth divinity is supported by its association famine. The evolution of human welfare, as it with the water lily. "The jaguars are closely may be symbolized in creature E, was seem­ connected with the earth in Lacandon tradi­ ingly subject to the adverse influences repre­ tion and in Maya art, for the jaguar god is sented by Figure D. This latter figure is often adorned with water lilies, a symbol of endowed with the use of arms, therefore di­ the earth" (Thompson, 1950: 74). recting the course of events affecting Figure E. The word hix which has survived in Kekchi The feline figure seems to represent the tail, to designate the jaguar is also a name for the depending for better or for worse on the whim earth god, according to Schultze Jena, who of the leading death creature. adds that Ix is a propitious day to pray for rain and for maize of good quality (Thomp­ Figure E son, 1950: 82). Figure E (Fig. 11) obviously represents I think that it is safe to assume that Figure another aspect of the Figure B feline creature E symbolizes earth and vegetation in associa­ discussed in connection with Bone I. As noted tion with water. previously, the chin strap or mask frame is al­ Attention should be drawn to the design of most identical and the facial features are very the body sections of Figures D and E, three of closely related except for the absence of the which show clearly two dots and what appears ear and the beard. These omissions may indi­ to be a horizontal bar above them. This would cate a certain differenceof personality between be the number 7 in the bar-and-dot numerical the being on Bone 1 and that on Bone 3. system (or, if the "bar" is fortuitous, the num­ Figure B differs markedly from E in the ber 2). The portrayal of this symbol, together shape of the headdress, which here strongly with an adjoining mat design in the body suggests the vegetation of the maize plant as sections, is highly suggestive of the Piedra portrayed on the headdress of the young maize Labrada Stela 1 (Coe, 1957: 600, Fig. 2), where god (Morley, 1947: Pl. 29, c) or as supporting the same elements appear in association (Fig. the lk sign (Thompson, 1950: Fig. 12, # 10). 15, a). Although Coe (ibid.) doubts the calen­ This maize attribute imparts to the creature drical significance of the numeral 7 on this an idea of growth and fertility which is not stela, it is certainly of some historical impor­ incompatible with the identification of the tance, be it numerical or chronological, and feline creature as an earth divinity. Also, Seler the same is true of the repetition of the num­ (Thompson and Richardson, 1939, Vol. 1: 148) ber and mat motif on each of the body disks felt that the symbol of the god of fruitfulness of Figures D and E. and of growth should probably be assigned to the jaguar, because the Maya word " ... Figure F Balam 'jaguar' is the customary designation I have previously attempted to demonstrate for the divinities of the four cardinal points, that Figure F is a variant of Figure A on Bone the four winds that bring rain." 1, seen from above, though considerably al­ The element placed in front of the head­ tered (cf. Figs. 2; 12; 13, c). As I have suggested dress of Figure E is quite reminiscent of cer­ on p. 17, the purpose in representing here a tain representations of the water lily that are differing aspect of the dragon being may have often associated with the jaguar. A jaguar with been to convey a distinctive message to the a water lily attached to its head is illustrated viewer. in the Dresden Codex, Sa (Thompson, 1950: I have taken element d of Figure F to be the Fig. 12, # 12). Another is pictured on a equivalent of the head appendage (spine or wooden lintel from Temple IV of Tikal, crest) found on Figure A, Bone 1. The addi­ Peten, Guatemala (Morley, 1947: Fig. 31). tion of oblique incisions along the central Personages wearing masks with jaguar attrib­ double line imparts to the appendage a certain utes (Fig. 7, a, b) are depicted on the Olmec semblance of a feather ornament. Representa­ stone sculptures of Chalcatzingo, Morelos. tions of feathers with the shaft indicated by 20 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO double incised lines, some with indications of should not be considered as a personal name barbs as well, have been noted in Mayan sculp­ since it is sometimes pictured on other gods. ture by Proskouriakoff (1950: 48, 49, Fig. 16, Its meaning may be "giver of life" (Thomp­ IV-DI, D3). However, the incisions along the son, 1950: 73). The presence of the Ik sign double line of element d are pointing in a di­ on Figure F probably indicates its benevolent rection opposite to that of the barbs of natural nature. feathers. Nevertheless, and though not in the The association of the Ik sign with a dragon line of my reasoning, the possibility of an early monster would therefore be appropriate, since representation of the plumed serpent is worth this creature symbolizes the earth and the considering. Caso and Bernal (1952: 155-158, abundance it brings forth. 161, 162) theorized that the appearance of the Figure F seems to be undulating in a water plumed serpent in the Valley of Oaxaca dates or cloud medium. This impression is given back to Monte Alban I. The discovery at La by the lapping of the background over the Venta of a stone monument portraying a body at one place in contrast to the lapping plumed serpent (Monument 19) also evidences of the body over the same medium at another the Preclassic origin of this concept (Drucker, place (e, and h). Other suggestions of the Heizer, and Squier, 1959: 197-200, Fig. 55, pervasive water motif are also present on this Pl. 49). figure. For example, the dentition of the being The wing-shaped appendages (h) found is supplemented by a pair of fangs in a form along the back of Figure F, as we have seen, reminiscent of the representations of Tlaloc, have been deeply undercut along their left the conventional rain god throughout much edges to impart to them an impression of being of Mesoamerica. upraised. These elements may be spines, the I should also like to call attention to a cer­ most logical interpretation if the creature tain parallel between elements c and e of really represents a saurian. However, logic in Figure F and a sign occurring on the head­ that sense would not apply if the Mesoameri­ dress of the "God with Buccal Mask" portrayed can artists based their representation of the on some Oaxacan urns belonging to the transi­ dragon form not on logical, zoological, and tional period of Monte Alban (Fig. 14). This anatomical factors but upon the symbolic and "glyph" is thought to represent a vase with cosmological import assigned to specific and water from which three leaves emerge; in Fig. perhaps unrelated body parts. 14, a, it is also decorated with ribbons ending The presence of the Tau or "T" sign on in "chalchihuites." The headdress sign appears each half of the body sections (g) of Figure F to connect its bearer with Cocijo, god of water, is a major variation from Figure A. I take the according to Caso and Bernal (1952: 154). Tau motif here to be a probable equivalent While the parallel drawn here may be fortui­ of the Mayan sign lk. tous it is possible that an equivalent meaning The Mayan name Ik corresponds to the is involved. second day of the 260-day ritual calendar. In Another interpretation of Figure F could be Maya iconography God B is always repre­ that of a fish representation. The overlapping sented by the Ik sign. God B is the god of rain body segments (g) could represent fish scales, who is also by extension a god of life, germina­ the fringed crescent elements (f) the gills, the tion and fruitfulness. This Ik sign, however, lateral appendages (e) the pectoral fins, and

/s,pJ�::t), 1,·· � a Figure 14. SPECULATIVE WATER SYMBOLISM a, b: Possible water symbols from Oaxaca. c: Elements c and e of Figure F. a, b: (Caso and Bernal, 1952: 155, Fig. 265). c: Carved femur from Chiapa de Corzo. THE PROBLEM OF ARTISTIC EVALUATION 21 the wing-shaped elements (h) on the back also of the whole culture represented by the could be the serrated dorsal fins of some fish. makers of the bones as well. This is the kind of reasoning which, derived Figure G from a systematic study of a regional art style, The remaining hand which has been de­ could lead to a better understanding of some scribed as Figure G does not afford enough of the various factors determinant of ancient ground for discussion, other than that it ap­ Mesoamerican cultural processes. Such line of pears obvious that a fourth personage existed inquiry, however, necessitates the overcoming in the space to the right of Figure D. of cultural biases, one of the milder and more frequent forms of which is the use of superla­ Background tives based on our own concept of the beauti­ The background of Bone 3 is essentially the ful. same as that of Bone 1, being composed of two There is a prime fallacy which often detri­ forms, the channeled areas produced by goug­ mentally influences one in evaluating un­ ing and the flat raised surfaces surrounding familiar art forms. That is to judge such works the design. Both forms probably represent according to one's own esthetic values, with water and rain or clouds, hence also the sky. sometimes an unadmitted feeling of one's own "superiority" and broader knowledge of the Comment arts. Following an evolutionary line of As in Bone 1, the design on Bone 3 is ap­ thought, we too often take for granted that our parently concerned with earth and water and culture realizes a culmination in artistic ex­ their product, life. The result of this relation­ perience and that this therefore gives us the ship has been symbolized in the combination power of better discernment. This is not neces­ of two creatures in one (Figures E and D); Fig­ sarily the case. "There has been no progress ure F may thus represent the earth itself while that is specifically aesthetic between the art Figure E might then represent the force which of stone ages and the art of today" (Read, brings abundance forth, dependent upon Fig­ 1955: 19). The subtleties involved in our pres­ ure D which symbolizes the malevolent aspect ent-day esthetic theories were most probably of the elements. also felt by the ancient artist, instinctively or The mythological figures are represented otherwise. As for skill he had nothing to envy undulating between apparent sky and water the modern; his rudimentary tools were not elements, a scene which may symbolize the a handicap. Tools are extensions of the hand changing aspects of a principle such as seasonal and, manipulated by the expert, are felt as drought and precipitation, or even birth, such. The association is so close that the re­ death, and rebirth or the cycle of plant life. sistance of the medium being·worked only en­ hances the creative drive of the craftsman and THE PROBLEM OF ARTISTIC EVALUATION tightens the hand-tool association. Therefore, we cannot judge the ancient artist by his tech­ It is difficult to comment upon an art mani­ nique or skill alone any more than we can the festation for which there is no known equiva­ modern one. These traits alone do not deter­ lent. The carvings of the Chiapa de Corzo mine the value of a piece of art; we have con­ bones suggest the presence of an ancient sty­ temporary engravings executed with perfect listic development somewhat distinct from the technique, but which nonetheless do not reach rest of Mesoamerican art, and it is to be hoped above mediocrity. that more discoveries of this type will one day Concerning the carved bones, there are two facilitate a definition of that style. other tendencies against which we have to be If we accept the premise that a style is the warned. First, there is the interest produced form of expression which best fittedthe psychic aspiration of the people who created it, then by the esoteric quality of the elements and the we can have an insight into the cultural atmos­ objects as a whole. This in the mind of an phere concerned. For example, the main unaware person can be easily mistaken for quality of the design of the carved bones is esthetic sensation and provoke a hasty artistic dynamism. This salient trait is undoubtedly a judgment. Secondly, there is the uniqueness reflection not only of the religious aspect but of the objects which makes them stand out in 22 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO our minds; this might be a criterion for recreate the past. It is evident, however, that museology but hardly for art. the process will be but a cold approach since Esthetic experience implies the presence of we will comprehend analytically that which at least two components: the objective part was meant to be felt synthetically. represented by the work of art and the sub­ The bulk of precolumbian art production jective part represented by the observer. The was intended to be an embodiment of super­ nature of esthetic reaction thus depends to a natural and religious power enhanced by the great extent upon the system of values of the esthetic aspect. Art represented a psychic need observer. Those values in tum depend upon which found its reward in the style of the re­ the current environmental, economical and ligious iconography. For that reason the dis­ cultural factors plus the psyche of the indi­ tinction between religious and esthetic values vidual. It is difficult to interpret ancient art was probably not categorical and, though the without considering these factors. priesthood and the artist were most certainly We do not evaluate or feel the significance aware of the difference, the aim was probably of drought and flood in the same way as the to create an overlapping of the two values, ancient Mesoamerican agriculturist. To him thus identifying the esthetic effect as an at­ these disasters-"those unaccountable and ad­ tribute of the divine or mythological repre­ verse influences," as Malinowski says (1948: sentation. This does not mean that the people 12)-were primordial aspects to which there did not know how to recognize purely esthetic was no rational remedy. It was natural that objects, such as ornaments and much pottery he should turn for help to the gods, who, as form and decoration. But the gods were the far as natural disasters go, embodied all his overlords of all aspects of human destiny, and hopes and his fears. The meaning of the sculp­ their appropriation of the esthetic effects in tured representations of such gods is difficult for us to grasp because they are now detached religious art emphasized their power over the from the emotional ambient in which they people. That is probably why the "great art" were born. For us the gods are dead; only their of ancient America was an outdoor one, par­ inscrutable remains are left to us. If we want ticipating in the daily life of the people, unlike to give some measure of life to these remains our present-day art which is an art of museums we have to go back to their origins and try to and non-participation.

III. DISCUSSION

In view of the fact that after extensive in­ Mound 1 consist only of imported vessels, em­ vestigations no similar work of art has been phasizing the point that the early residents found at Chiapa de Corzo or neighboring sites, here depended mainly on import for their either in bone or other material, it is quite artistic desiderata. The fact that the two fine­ probable that the four worked bones found ware vessels associated with the carved bones in Tomb 1 were not the achievement of a local appear to be imported from Guatemala or El resident. Either the work or the artist must Salvador at least suggests that the bones also have been imported. As Franz Boas tells us might have had a southern source. (1951: 18), "virtuosity in technique and artistic It has been observed that the Chiapa carved productivity go hand in hand." The artistic bones "combine elements of at least three in­ technique and mastery of design evidenced in terrelated art styles, early Monte Alban, Bones 1 and 3 not only reflect long years of Olmec-La Venta, and Izapa" (Dixon, 1958: development but also considerable production 61; 1959: 110). All three influences are ap­ and contact with other challenging master­ parent, but that of Monte Alban is least obvi­ pieces. No such tradition is found in the re­ ous and that of Olmec-La Venta the strongest. covered artifacts from Chiapa de Corzo. The The buccal mask elements and open-mouthed fine-ware pottery offerings of several tombs in "swimming" figures of the bone designs alone DISCUSSION 23 suggest the early art forms of Monte Alban. There is very little real resemblance of the carved bone designs to the Izapa style except for decorative details, such as the chevron, flattened U, and the inverted U; the "serpent" represented on Stela 2 (Fig. 6, c) bears no more resemblance to the Bone I dragon figure than do examples from elsewhere, such as those illustrated from Kaminaljuyu, Tonala, and Veracruz (Fig. 6, a, b, d-j). The Bone I jaguar­ mask figure has a very similar parallel on the Kaminaljuyu monument (Fig. 8), but the resemblance of it and its Bone 2 counterpart to widespread examples of similar type attrib­ uted to the Olmec culture (Fig. 7) indicate that an artistic concept of wide-flung distribution is involved. The almost certain earliness of the many known Olmec anthropomorphic jaguar­ mask portrayals and the close similarity of the bone Figures B and F to these representations support the probability that the Chiapa bones are the product of an art tradition somewhat earlier than that of the Early Protoclassic period of the tombs in which they were found. It is possible that the objects were heirlooms. It is equally obvious, of course, that the Chiapa de Corzo carved bone designs are not thoroughly Olmec, even though the jaguar­ mask figure is the dominant feature of all Olmec art. The jaguar-mask concept is par­ ticularly prominent at the site of La Venta e LI but a crocodilian or "dragon" figure (not to be confused with serpent) is depicted there a only once, and only once elsewhere at other Figure 15. POSSIBLY IDEOGRAPHIC MOTIFS OF THE Olmec sites (Tres Zapotes, Stela D; see Fig. CARVED BONES 6, d). a: Stela 1, Piedra Labrada (Coe, 1957: 600, Fig. 2). The rudimentary dragon mask appears five b: Bone 3, Figure E, elements g-h (headdress). times on one of the earliest Kaminaljuyu c: Bone 1, Figure B, element k. stelae, in a form closely resembling that d: Bone 3, Figure F, element c. of Bone I (see Fig. 6, a, b). This stone per­ e: Bone 3, Figure E, element j'. tains to the Miraflores phase, dating approxi­ f: Bone 1, Background central element; Figure B, ele­ mately to the fifth century B.C. (Kidder and ments f, i; Bone 3, Figure E, elements e, g; Figure Chinchilla, 1959: 46). The Kaminaljuyu F, element e. broken monument shown in Fig. 8, with the g: Bone 1, Figure B, element i; Bone 3, Figure E, jaguar attributes, appears to be of this same element f. approximate period also. On the other hand, h: Bone 1, Figure B, element i; Bone 3, Figure E, the characteristic or "classic" Olmec occupa­ element f. tion of La Venta (Complex A) is stated by its i: Bone I, Figure B, element i; Bone 3, Figure E, excavators to have occupied approximately elements f, i. the period between 800 and 400 B.C. on the j: Bone 3, Figure E, element i. basis of radiocarbon dates (Drucker, Heizer, k: Bone 3, Figure D, right hand; Figure G (?) and Squier, 1958:267). The Olmec sculpture l: Bone 1, Figure A, element a; Bone 3, Figure F, at San Isidro Piedra Parada on the Guatemala element g. 24 N.W.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FEMURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO coast (Fig. 7, e), is probably contemporary typically had forearms and undoubtedly de­ with this period. scended from a variant of this early dragon­ It is logical to suppose from all the above monster prototype (Lothrop, 1926, Vol I: 146- that the jaguar-mask concept originated in the 162). Presence of very early feline and "dragon" north where it is most abundant, and that to­ forms in South America, of course, makes it gether with other Olmec traits (including impossible to be precise about this develop­ skilled stone carving?) it moved south, becom­ ment. ing manifest in the previously non-Olmec The mythological figures, as well as other Kaminaljuyu culture sometime towards the basic motifs on both carved bones (Fig. 15), end or decline of the classic Olmec culture in became elements of the subsequent Maya hier­ its home area. Contemporary in Guatemala oglyphic system, but the area of transition is with these arriving traits appears the dragon unidentified. In relation to Maya sculptured figure, also for the first time. art, the Chiapa bones do represent a pre­ The two mythological figures, anthropo­ monumental style which, while it is reflected morphic jaguar and dragon, appear separately in the conglomerate and undated style of the portrayed at Kaminaljuyu, Izapa, and Tres Izapa sculptures, to even greater extent reflects Zapotes, but to our knowledge appear as a common Preclassic mythological concepts that clearly combined or dual being on a definitely appear to have influenced to greater or lesser early level only on the carved bones from degree all ensuing Mesoamerican high cul­ Chiapa de Corzo and on the jade earplugs tures. (Fig. 7, g) from Tomb Cat La Venta (Drucker, A fuller understanding of the cultural and 1952: 160, Fig. 46, b). The latter objects have historical significance of postulated develop­ been assigned to Phase IV or the final Olmec ments hinted at above can only be obtained period at La Venta, ending around 400 B.C. through additional investigation, including (Drucker, Heizer, and Squier, 1959: 267, 274). that of other archeological sites with signifi­ While the evidence is admittedly scanty, the cant art traditions located intermediate be­ above discussion at least suggests that bearers tween the Gulf Coast and Guatemala High­ of the Olmec jaguar-mask symbol, with its land extremes presently discussed. cosmological or ideological significance, moved The Chiapa carved bones are conclusive evi­ south from their probable homeland in the dence that the Preclassic Chiapa de Corzo in­ Gulf Coast region sometime before the fifth habitants were familiar with general Meso­ century B.C., and that at some time before the american iconographical concepts which are time of Christ the jaguar-mask symbol had better known to us from other areas. Implicit become fused with the perhaps partly parallel in this is that these people were also partici­ concept of the dragon or crocodile-serpent pating in a related theology, since there can be monster into a dual mythological being. The little doubt that the various design figures of "Plumed Serpent" which became a common the carved bones had deeply religious mean­ Central American art motif in later times ings. 25

IV. REFERENCES

BOAS, FRANZ KIDDER, ALFRED, II, and C. s. CHINCHILLA 1951 Primitive Art. Capitol Publishing Co., Inc. 1959 The Art of the Ancient Maya. Thomas Y. Irvington-on-Hudson. New York. Crowell Co. New York. BRASSEUR DE BoURBOURG, CHARLES E. LEIGH, HOWARD 1862 Rabinal-Achi ou le Drame-Ballet du Tun. 1958 An Identification of Zapotec Day Names. A. Bertrand. Paris. Boletin de Estudios Oaxaquenos, No. 6. Mex­ ico City College. Mexico. CASO, ALFONSO, and IGNACIO BERNAL 1952 Urnas de Oaxaca. Memorias del lnstituto LOTHROP, SAMUEL K. Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Vol. 2. 1926 Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Con­ Mexico. tributions, Vol. 8. Museum of the American CODEX NUTTALL Indian, Heye Foundation. New York. 1902 Facsimile of an Ancient Mexican Codex. LOWE, GARETH w., and PIERRE AGRINIER Peabody Museum of American Archaeology (In preparation) Excavations at Chiapa de Corzo, and Ethnology, Harvard University. Cam­ 1955-1959. Papers of the New World Archae­ bridge. ological Foundation. Orinda. COE, MICHAEL D. MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW A 1957 Cycle 7 Monuments in Middle America: 1948 Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays. Reconsideration. American Anthropologist, The Free Press. Glencoe. Vol. 59, 597-611. Menasha. MARTf, SAMUEL COVARRUBIAS, MIGUEL 1955 lnstrumentos musicales precortesianos. Insti­ 1957 Indian- Art of Mexico and Central America. tuto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. New York. Mexico. DIXON, KEITH A. MORLEY, SYLVANUS G. 1958 Two Masterpieces of Middle American Bone 1947 The Ancient Maya. Stanford University Press, Sculpture. American Antiquity, Vol. 24, No. 1, California; Oxford University Press, London. 53-62. Salt Lake City. 1959 Two Carved Human Bones from Chiapas. PINA CHAN, ROMAN Archaeology, Vol. 12, No. 2, 106-110. New 1955 Chalcatzingo, Morelos. Direcci6n de Monu­ York. mentos Prehispanicos. Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Mexico. DRUCKER, PHILIP 1943 Ceramic Sequences at Tres Zapotes, Veracruz, PROSKOURIAKOFF, TATIANA Mexico. Bulletin 140, Bureau of American 1950 A Study of Classic Maya Sculpture. Publica­ Ethnology. Washington. tion 593. Carnegie Institution of Washington. 1952 La Venta, Tabasco: A Study of Olmec Cer­ Washington. amics and Art. Bulletin 153, Bureau of Amer­ RANDS, ROBERT L. ican Ethnology. Washington. 1955 Some Manifestations of Water in Mesoameri­ DRUCKER, PHILIP, ROBERT F. HEIZER, and ROBERT J. can Art. Anthropological Papers, No. 48, pp. SQUIER 265-394. Bulletin 157, Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington. 1959 Excavations at La Venta, Tabasco, 1955. Bulletin 170, Bureau of American Ethnology. READ, HERBERT Washington. 1955 Icon and Idea. Harvard University Press. FERDON, EDWIN N. JR. Cambridge. 1953 Tonala, Mexico. Monographs of the School of SATTERTHWAITE, LINTON, JR. American Research, No. 16. Santa Fe. 1943 Notes on Sculpture and Architecture at GARcfA GRANADOS, RAFAEL Tonala, Chiapas. Notes on Middle American 1942 Estudio comparativo de los signos cronografi­ Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 1, No. 21, cos en los c6dices prehispanicos de Mejico. pp. 127-136. Carnegie Institution of Washing­ Vigesimoseptimo Congreso Internacional de ton. Washington. Americanistas, Torno 1, pp. 419-469. Instituto SELER, EDUARD Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Mexico. 1904 The Mexican Chronology. Bulletin 28, pp. KIDDER, ALFRED V., JESSE D. JENNINGS, and EDWIN M. 11-56, Bureau of American Ethnology. Wash­ SHOOK ington. 1946 Excavations at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. Pub­ 1923 Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur Amerikani­ lication 561, Carnegie Institution of Washing­ schen Sprach- und Alterthumskunde, Vol. 4. ton. Washington. Behrend & Co. Berlin. 26 REFERENCES STIRLING, MATTHEW W. TOZZER, ALFRED M. 1943 Stone Monuments of Southern Mexico. Bulle­ 1941 Landa's Relaci6n de las cosas de Yucatan tin 138, Bureau of American Ethnology. (translation). Papers, Vol. 18. Peabody Mu­ Washington. seum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, THOMPSON, J. ERIC S. Harvard University. Cambridge. 1942 Las llamadas "Fachadas de Quetzalcoatl." Vigesimoseptimo Congreso Internacional de VAILLANT, GEORGE C. Americanistas, Torno 1, pp. 391-400. Instituto 1947 Tiger Masks and Platyrrhine and Bearded Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Mexico. Figures from Middle America. Vigesimosep­ timo Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, 1950 Maya Hieroglyphic Writing- Introduction. Torno 2, pp. 131-135. Instituto Nacional Publication 589, Carnegie Institution of Wash­ de Antropologia e Historia. Mexico. ington. Washington. THOMPSON, J. ERIC s., and FRANCIS B. RICHARDSON, WATERMAN, T. T. editors 1916 The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec 1939 Collected Works of Eduard Seier, Vol. I, Parts Manuscripts. University of California Publica­ 2-3; Vols. 4 and 5. Carnegie Institution of tions in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Washington. Cambridge. Vol. 11, No. 6, pp. 297-398. Berkeley. PHOTOGRAPHS OF CHIAPA CARVED BONES 27

a: Bones I and 2 111 situ, Tomb I, Chiapa de Corzo. c: Bones 3 and 4 i11 situ, Tomb I, Chiapa de Corzo.

b: Bones 1 and 2, restored. d: Bones 3 and 4, restored.

figure 16. VIEWS OF THE CllIAl'A CAR\'Ell BONES 28 N.\V.A.F. PAPER No. 6. AGRINIER: THE CARVED HUMAN FH•IURS, CHIAPA DE CORZO

a: Cast of Bone 1.

b: Cast of Bone 3.

Figure 17. PLASTER CASTS OF THE CHIAl'A CARVED BONES PUBLICATIONS OF THE NEW WORLD ARCHAEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION

1. Publication No. 1, 1956 ...... Out of print

2. Summary Notes (No. 1), 1957 ...... Out of print

3. Papers Nos. 1-4. Research in Chiapas, Mexico, by Gareth W. Lowe and Carlos Navarrete, 1959 ...... $4.00

4. Paper No. 5. Ceramics from Two Preclassic Periods at Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico, by Keith A. Dixon, 1959...... $2.00

5. Paper No. 6. The Carved Human Femurs from Tomb 1, Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico, by Pierre Agrinier, 1960 ...... $2.00