BACKGROUNDER No

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

BACKGROUNDER No BACKGROUNDER No. 3212 | JULY 5, 2017 The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program: A Roadmap for Reform Olivia Enos, David Inserra, and Joshua Meservey Abstract The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) is at the center of seri- Key Points ous debate within American society, the courts, and among policymak- ers. The USRAP should not be used as pretext to advocate for a global n The U.S. refugee admission pro- right to migrate nor is it a solution to conflict. Instead, the U.S. refugee grams advances U.S. interests, but admission program should be reformed to better advance U.S. interests. targeted reforms are necessary. USRAP asserts American leadership, helps partners and allies in a tan- n Refugees undergo more vetting gible way, and rescues some of the world’s most vulnerable people. Con- than any other immigrants to the gress and the Administration can strengthen the USRAP in ways that U.S., but policymakers should will lessen the security challenges—including through improvements to make critical improvements. vetting procedures—and improve the economic, fiscal, and assimilation n The most difficult radicalization outcomes for refugees. This roadmap for reforming the USRAP ensures challenge is with children resettled that the program continues to serve U.S. interests, support our allies, at a young age, or the children of resettled refugees. and help those in greatest need. n Refugees will inevitably adopt n Section 6 of Executive Order 13780 issued on March 6, 2017, some of the forms of American cul- ture, but it is not a given that they President Donald Trump temporarily suspended the U.S. Refu- I will develop a superseding loyalty gee Admissions Program (USRAP)—which manages the process of to all fellow Americans, the United resettling refugees to the U.S.—and reduced the yearly number of States, and its values. For this rea- resettled refugees from 110,000 to 50,000.1 While there are ongo- son, it is critical for the U.S. to have ing legal battles over this revised executive order, it provides an a coherent assimilation strategy. opportunity for policymakers to reform parts of USRAP, thereby n The U.S. can minimize the fiscal ensuring that it continues to serve American interests. Inherent costs of refugees and improve their in an appropriate USRAP would be the ideas that there is no uni- economic outcomes, particularly versal right to migrate, resettlement is not the solution to mass by better leveraging the resources displacement, and U.S. policymakers have a responsibility to and unique capabilities of the U.S. advance the national interests of the United States above those of private sector, non-profits, and individual citizens. other nations. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/bg3212 The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. BACKGROUNDER | NO. 3212 JULY 5, 2017 USRAP is a useful humanitarian initiative with First, there is no global right to migration. Man- which the U.S. engages the world and provides relief aging who crosses its borders is central to a state’s for a select few during international crises. It sup- sovereignty, and is a duty every country in the world ports U.S. interests by enabling the U.S. to assert jealously seeks to fulfill. This fact applies to USRAP. leadership in foreign crises, assist in the midst of The United States operates the program not because intractable crises, and help allies and partners in it is obligated to resettle refugees, but because the need. It also strengthens U.S. public diplomacy and U.S. is a humane country and USRAP serves its tangibly alleviates human suffering. national interests. To ensure the long-term vitality of USRAP, poli- Second, resettlement is not the solution to mass cymakers should consider a number of policy prior- displacement. Only the resolution of conflict will ities and reforms. It is critical that the U.S. institute rectify the associated refugee crises. Resettlement is a comprehensive strategy for assimilating refugees, expensive. Resettling one refugee to the U.S. is about and it should mobilize civil society and enhance 12 times costlier than providing for that refugee in existing public-private partnerships, such as the a camp closer to his home for five years.2 Resettle- Matching Grant Program, to assist. Improving vet- ment was also designed as a last resort for only the ting by developing a person-centric vetting system, neediest and most vulnerable refugees. Finally, in focusing on the best candidates for resettlement, 2015 there were 21.3 million refugees worldwide, far and helping U.S. Citizenship and Immigration beyond the international community’s willingness Services (USCIS) officers who approve refugees’ and ability to resettle responsibly. resettlement applications to build greater exper- Third, U.S. policymakers have a moral and con- tise in the regions in which they operate would also stitutional duty to care for American interests improve USRAP. As well, the U.S. should commit first—above those of non-Americans’ needs. Doing most of its resources earmarked for refugees to otherwise would be a violation of the trust Ameri- assisting front-line states, where those resources cans have placed in them. Because of this, U.S. poli- can stretch the furthest to help the largest number cymakers have a responsibility to ensure that the of refugees. Finally, the U.S. should affirm the role United States takes in only as many refugees as it of both the executive and Congress in establishing can safely vet and assimilate. refugee admissions levels. USRAP is a net positive for the country; it advanc- With these reforms, USRAP will serve U.S. inter- es American interests in five key ways by: ests more strongly. 1. Enabling the U.S. to assert American lead- The Principles Undergirding USRAP ership in foreign crises. Resettling refugees is Reform one way for the U.S. to exercise global leadership. USRAP is a useful humanitarian initiative with It demonstrates U.S. engagement to the interna- which the U.S. engages the world and provides relief tional community, and enhances the persuasive- for a select few during international crises. Given ness of U.S. appeals to other countries to do more the current controversy surrounding refugee reset- to help ameliorate crises. tlement, and before examining why USRAP is useful to the U.S., it is worthwhile to articulate some of the 2. Providing the U.S. with a way to respond principles that should guide policymakers seeking positively to intractable crises. There is lit- to ensure that USRAP fulfills its proper function. tle the U.S. can reasonably do about some global 1. EO 13780 prescribed several immigration and terrorism-related actions ranging from the completion of a biometric exit system to so-called travel bans for Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. For the purposes and scope of this Backgrounder, only those sections dealing with USRAP are relevant. “Executive Order Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States,” The White House, March 6, 2017, https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/03/06/executive-order-protecting-nation-foreign-terrorist-entry-united-states (accessed March 23, 2017). 2. Karen Zeigler and Steven A. Camarota, “The High Cost of Resettling Middle Eastern Refugees,” Center for Immigration Studies, November 2015, http://cis.org/High-Cost-of-Resettling-Middle-Eastern-Refugees (accessed October 7, 2016). 2 BACKGROUNDER | NO. 3212 JULY 5, 2017 conflicts, either because they are beyond solving 5. Alleviating human suffering. The U.S. is or it is not sufficiently in U.S. interests to expend not obligated to resettle refugees, and cannot the resources required to solve them. Resettling solve many of the problems afflicting them. refugees is a small but concrete and useful action However, refugees are frequently some of the the U.S. can take in response to otherwise intrac- most desperate people on earth, and the U.S. table crises. has a long humanitarian tradition of which it should be proud. Aiding refugees, including by 3. Assisting allies and partners in crisis. Refu- accommodating a small number for resettle- gee-hosting countries are often fragile, and the ment, is in strong and obvious keeping with challenge of caring for and managing refugees can that tradition. exacerbate their instability. Some of these coun- tries are also American allies, such as the three However, policymakers should not discount the currently hosting the most Syrian refugees: Tur- challenges associated with resettling refugees from key, Lebanon, and Jordan. Jordan has one of the countries with conflicts involving Islamist terror- most pro-U.S. governments in the Middle East, ists. As with other types of immigration, it is impos- and is part of the U.S.-led coalition carrying out sible to vet in a foolproof way all refugees who apply air strikes against ISIS in Syria and Iraq.3 Turkey for resettlement. Radicalized individuals have is a NATO member, and Lebanon, a traditional already entered the United States through the reset- refuge for Middle East Christians now harboring tlement program. thousands of Syrian Christians,4 is battling ISIS The larger security challenge associated with and al-Qaeda near its border with Syria.5 resettling refugees is the heightened chance of Muslims in the “one-point-five” generation (those There are many ways for the U.S. to support ref- resettled to the U.S. at a young age) or the second ugee-hosting allies.
Recommended publications
  • The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions the Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions January 2019
    January 2019 The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions The Department of Injustice Under Jeff Sessions January 2019 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 VOTING RIGHTS 2 IMMIGRANTS' RIGHTS 3 CRIMINAL JUSTICE 6 DISABILITIES 9 HEALTH CARE 10 RELIGIOUS LIBERTY 10 LGBT RIGHTS 10 CRIMINALIZATION OF POVERTY 11 AFFIRMATIVE ACTION 12 WORKERS' RIGHTS 12 FREE PRESS AND PROTEST RIGHTS 12 PRIVACY RIGHTS 13 SEPARATION OF POWERS 15 POLITICIZED ANALYSIS AND PERSONNEL 15 INTRODUCTION Jeff Sessions' tenure at the Department of Justice was a national disgrace. As attorney general, he was entrusted to enforce federal laws — including civil rights laws — and secure equal justice for all. Instead, Sessions systematically undermined our civil rights and liberties, dismantled legal protections for the vulnerable and persecuted, and politicized the Justice Department's powers in ways that threaten American democracy. When President Donald Trump and his political appointees elsewhere in his administration tried to do the same, often in violation of the Constitution, Sessions' Justice Department went into overdrive manufacturing legal and factual justifications on their behalf and defending the unjust actions in court. Sessions was aided by Trump-approved appointees who often overruled career attorneys and staffers committed to a high level of neutral professionalism. Under Sessions' political leadership, these Trump appointees have inflicted significant damage in the past two years. Together they have threatened the First Amendment rights of the press and protesters, targeted the communities Trump disfavors through discriminatory policies and tactics, attacked the ability of ordinary citizens to vote and change their elected government, vindictively retaliated against perceived political opponents, and thwarted congressional oversight of the Justice Department's activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Pars Equality Center V. Trump
    Case 1:17-cv-00255-TSC Document 35 Filed 03/15/17 Page 1 of 3 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA PARS EQUALITY CENTER, IRANIAN Civil Action No. 1:17-cv-255 AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION, NATIONAL IRANIAN AMERICAN Hon. Tanya S. Chutkan COUNCIL, PUBLIC AFFAIRS ALLIANCE OF IRANIAN AMERICANS, INC., et al., Plaintiffs, v. DONALD J. TRUMP et al., Defendants. PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION Plaintiffs1—individual Iranian nationals and four national Iranian-American organizations—hereby move for a preliminary injunction as set forth below and for the reasons set forth in the accompanying Memorandum of Law in Support of Plaintiffs’ Motion for Preliminary Injunction (“Memorandum”). See Fed. R. Civ. P. 65(a). Plaintiffs seek to enjoin Defendants from enforcing or implementing certain provisions of President Donald J. Trump’s Executive Order No. 13,780, entitled “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States.” As demonstrated in the Memorandum, the Executive Order and Defendants’ 1 This Motion for a preliminary injunction is filed, by and through undersigned counsel, on behalf of organizational Plaintiffs Pars Equality Center, Iranian American Bar Association, National Iranian American Council and Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans, Inc. as well as individual Plaintiffs Ali Asaei, Shiva Hissong, John Doe #1, John Doe #3, John Doe #5, on behalf of himself and his minor child Baby Doe #1, John Doe #7, John Doe #8, Jane Doe #1, Jane Doe #4, Jane Doe #8, Jane Doe #9, Jane Doe #10, Jane Doe #11, Jane Doe #12, and Jane Doe #13.
    [Show full text]
  • Leveraging Social Science Expertise in Immigration Policymaking
    Copyright 2018 by Ming H. Chen Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 112 LEVERAGING SOCIAL SCIENCE EXPERTISE IN IMMIGRATION POLICYMAKING Ming H. Chen ABSTRACT— The longstanding uncertainty about how policymakers should grapple with social science demonstrating racism persists in the modern administrative state. This Essay examines the uses and misuses of social science and expertise in immigration policymaking. More specifically, it highlights three immigration policies that dismiss social scientific findings and expertise as part of presidential and agency decision- making: border control, crime control, and extreme vetting of refugees to prevent terrorism. The Essay claims that these rejections of expertise undermine both substantive and procedural protections for immigrants and undermine important functions of the administrative state as a curb on irrationality in policymaking. It concludes by suggesting administrative, political, and judicial mechanisms that would encourage policymakers to leverage expertise and curb irrationality in immigration policymaking. AUTHOR— Associate Professor, University of Colorado Law and Political Science; Faculty-Director, CU Immigration Law & Policy Program; Visiting Scholar, University of California at Berkeley Center for the Study of Law & Society; Ph.D., University of California at Berkeley; J.D., NYU Law School. Thank you to Osagie Obasogie and the eCRT Working Group for inspiring this Essay. Thoughtful discussion from a 2018 Law & Society Association Roundtable and comments from Ingrid Eagly, Jill Family, Shannon Gleeson, Megan Hall, Sharon Jacobs, Huyen Pham, Emily Ryo, Reuel Schiller, Jonathan Weinberg, Travis Weiner, and the Northwestern University Law Review student editors, especially Maggie Houseknecht, helped improve this Essay. 281 N O R T H W E S T E R N U N I V E R S I T Y L A W R E V I E W O N L I N E INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Community Organizations Filed a Lawsuit in the United States District
    Case 1:19-cv-07993-GBD Document 1 Filed 08/27/19 Page 1 of 117 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK MAKE THE ROAD NEW YORK, AFRICAN SERVICES COMMITTEE, ASIAN AMERICAN FEDERATION, CATHOLIC CHARITIES COMMUNITY SERVICES (ARCHDIOCESE OF NEW YORK), and CATHOLIC LEGAL IMMIGRATION NETWORK, INC., Plaintiffs, - against - COMPLAINT KEN CUCCINELLI, in his official capacity as Acting Director of United States Citizenship and Immigration Services; UNITED STATES CITIZENSHIP & IMMIGRATION SERVICES; KEVIN K. McALEENAN, in his official capacity as Acting Secretary of Homeland Security; and UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY, Defendants. Plaintiffs Make the Road New York (“MRNY”), African Services Committee (“ASC”), Asian American Federation (“AAF”), Catholic Charities Community Services (Archdiocese of New York) (“CCCS-NY”), and Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (“CLINIC”), for their Complaint against defendants Ken Cuccinelli and Kevin K. McAleenan, in their respective official capacities; the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (“USCIS”); and the United States Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”), allege as follows: PRELIMINARY STATEMENT 1. Defendants have promulgated a rule (the “Rule”)1 that seeks to deny lawful permanent residence in the United States to millions of law-abiding aspiring immigrants with low incomes and limited assets. Most of them are the husbands and wives, parents and 1 See Inadmissibility on Public Charge Grounds, 84 Fed. Reg. 41,292 (Aug. 14, 2019) (to be codified at 8 C.F.R. pts. 103, 212, 213, 214, 245, 248). Case 1:19-cv-07993-GBD Document 1 Filed 08/27/19 Page 2 of 117 children of U.S. citizens. For the first time in history, the Rule would impose a wealth test on the primary doorway to U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Logic of Open Border Libertarians an Essay by Eric Ruark, Director of Research May 21, 2014
    The (Il)logic of Open Border Libertarians An Essay by Eric Ruark, Director of Research May 21, 2014 Introduction Libertarianism has gained a more prominent position within American political discourse in recent years, in large part because younger voters are increasingly rejecting the politics of both major parties and are looking for alternatives. As libertarianism becomes a broader political movement, self- identified libertarians are attempting to define the core philosophy or set of principles that characterizes that movement. Much like the Tea Party, which is working to forge its identity as an organized political party, libertarianism is experiencing the growing pains that go along with transforming a limited movement into an effective political force. There is much debate about what are the fundamental principles of libertarianism and how those principles apply to immigration policy. Libertarian proponents of the free movement of people across borders, most notably those employed by the Cato Institute and the Reason Foundation, portray their embrace of open borders as an immutable ideological component of the libertarian cause, the only position a true libertarian can take. However, even a cursory reading on the issue reveals that many scholars who hold positions of influence within the libertarian movement have not embraced mass immigration as a practical objective, and, in fact, view it as a means to a more powerful and intrusive central government. Big-business interests have a large stake in the outcome of the debate over immigration, and they have spent much money supporting libertarian “think-tanks” that espouse an open-border policy for the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • “Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy
    The Trump Administration’s “Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy Updated February 2, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45266 The Trump Administration’s “Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy Summary For the last decade, Central American migrant families have arrived at the U.S.-Mexico border in relatively large numbers, many seeking asylum. While some request asylum at U.S. ports of entry, others do so after entering the United States “without inspection” (i.e., illegally) between U.S. ports of entry. On May 7, 2018, the Department of Justice (DOJ) implemented a “zero tolerance” policy toward illegal border crossing both to discourage illegal migration into the United States and to reduce the burden of processing asylum claims that Trump Administration officials contended are often fraudulent. Under the zero tolerance policy, DOJ prosecuted all adult aliens apprehended crossing the border illegally, with no exception for asylum seekers or those with minor children. DOJ’s policy represented a change in the enforcement of an existing statute rather than a change in statute or regulation. Prior administrations had prosecuted illegal border crossings relatively infrequently. Data are not available on the rate and/or absolute number of family separations resulting from illegal border crossing prosecutions under prior administrations, limiting the degree to which comparisons can be made with the Trump Administration’s zero tolerance policy Criminally prosecuting adults for illegal border crossing requires detaining them in federal criminal facilities where children are not permitted. While DOJ and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have broad statutory authority to detain adult aliens, children must be detained according to guidelines established in the Flores Settlement Agreement (FSA), the Homeland Security Act of 2002, and the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • Case 1:20-Cv-01419-APM Document 111 Filed 08/23/20 Page 1 of 104
    Case 1:20-cv-01419-APM Document 111 Filed 08/23/20 Page 1 of 104 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA DOMINGO ARREGUIN GOMEZ, et al., Plaintiffs, Civil Action No. 1:20-cv-01419 v. DONALD J. TRUMP, et al., Defendants. SECOND AMENDED COMPLAINT 1. On June 22, 2020, President Trump signed a proclamation (the “June Proclamation”) that, with the stroke of a pen, eliminates for the rest of the year—and for an indefinite period going forward—a vast portion of the country’s immigration system. The White House itself estimates that the President’s action will block approximately 525,000 work- authorized individuals from coming to the United States by the end of the year. Experts estimate, based on data from prior years, that the Proclamation will prevent approximately 20,000 employers from bringing needed workers into the United States. 2. The Proclamation is part of a series of measures intended to achieve the goal of substantially shutting down congressionally authorized immigration to the United States. In addition to the ban of immigrants and the ban of nonimmigrants effectuated by the Proclamation, the Administration has significantly reduced refugee and asylee admissions to the United States, taken multiple steps to remove international students from the United States, indefinitely closed U.S. consulates around the world and announced the furlough of approximately 80% of the employees of USCIS. 2 Case 1:20-cv-01419-APM Document 111 Filed 08/23/20 Page 2 of 104 3. Through the latest Proclamation, the President has indefinitely separated families, thrown the business plans of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Plaintiffs' Motion for Preliminary Injunction
    Case 1:17-cv-00255-TSC Document 107 Filed 10/12/17 Page 1 of 4 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA PARS EQUALITY CENTER, IRANIAN Civil Action No. 1:17-cv-255 AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION, PUBLIC AFFAIRS ALLIANCE OF IRANIAN Hon. Tanya S. Chutkan AMERICANS, INC., et al., Plaintiffs, v. DONALD J. TRUMP et al., Defendants. PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION Plaintiffs1—individual Iranian nationals and three national Iranian-American organizations—hereby move for a preliminary injunction as set forth below and for the reasons set forth in the accompanying Memorandum of Law in Support of Plaintiffs’ Motion for Preliminary Injunction (“Memorandum”). See Fed. R. Civ. P. 65(a). Plaintiffs seek to enjoin Defendants from enforcing or implementing certain provisions of President Donald J. Trump’s September 24, 2017 Proclamation, entitled “Enhancing Vetting Capabilities and Processes for Detecting Attempted Entry into the United States By Terrorists or other Public-Safety Threats.” Proclamation No. 9645, 82 Fed. Reg. 45,161 (Sept. 24, 2017). As demonstrated in the 1 This Motion for a preliminary injunction is filed, by and through undersigned counsel, on behalf of organizational Plaintiffs Pars Equality Center, Iranian American Bar Association, and Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans, Inc. as well as individual Plaintiffs Shiva Hissong, Montra Yazdani, Sepideh Ghajar, Mohammad Reza Shaeri, Mohammed Jahanfar, John Doe #1, John Doe #9, John Doe #10, Jane Doe #1, Jane Doe #4, Jane Doe #13, Jane Doe #14, and Jane Doe #15. The remaining individual Plaintiffs were harmed by Defendants’ conduct and remain Plaintiffs in the above-captioned matter for purposes of seeking permanent relief.
    [Show full text]
  • An Agenda for American Immigration Reform Edited by James Jay Carafano, Phd, John G
    SPECIAL REPORT No. 210 | FEBRUARY 20, 2019 An Agenda for American Immigration Reform Edited by James Jay Carafano, PhD, John G. Malcolm, and Jack Spencer Foreword Kay Coles James An Agenda for American Immigration Reform Edited by James Jay Carafano, PhD, John G. Malcolm, and Jack Spencer Foreword Kay Coles James SR-210 Contributors Kay Coles James is President of The Heritage Foundation James Jay Carafano, PhD, is Vice President for the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy and the E. W. Richardson Fellow at The Heritage Foundation. John G. Malcolm is Vice President for the Institute for Constitutional Government, Director of the Edwin Meese III Center for Legal and Judicial Studies, and Senior Legal Fellow at The Heritage Foundation. Jack Spencer is Vice President for the Institute for Economic Freedom at The Heritage Foundation. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at: http://report.heritage.org/sr210 The Heritage Foundation 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. SPECIAL REPORT | NO. 210 FEBRUARY 20, 2019 Foreword Kay Coles James he toughest policy issues call for honest, clear, and enforcing immigration law, reforming legal immigra- Tbold solutions. Throughout my career in govern- tion, and ensuring that those who assimilate become ment and public policy, few issues have presented a genuine part of the great American community. challenges like America’s flawed immigration system Our team developed meaningful and effective and broken borders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Most Common Arguments Against Immigration and Why They're Wrong
    The Most Common Arguments Against Immigration and Why They’re Wrong by Alex Nowrasteh front cover About the Author Alex Nowrasteh is the director of immigration studies and the Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies at the Cato Institute. His work has appeared in the Wall Street Journal, USA Today, and the Washington Post, among other outlets. His peer‐ reviewed academic publications have appeared in The World Bank Economic Review, the Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, Economic Affairs, the Fletcher Security Review, the Journal of Bioeconomics, and Public Choice. Nowrasteh is the coauthor of the book Wretched Refuse? The Political Economy of Immigration and Institutions (Cambridge University Press). @AlexNowrasteh 2 What are the best counter- arguments to common complaints about immigration? Immigration has been the unfavorable court rulings, current immigration debate unanswered and can simmer. most hotly debated public Congress’s unwillingness was listening to the questions policy issue in the United to support his policies, and and concerns of Americans This booklet attempts to States since Donald Trump his administration’s own who don’t live in Washington, answer the most common entered the Republican primary incompetence holding him back. DC, or work in public policy. objections to immigration in mid-2015. His campaign A new Biden Administration The major problem with that I’ve heard throughout for president began with a has an opportunity to reverse “patriotic correctness” and my career from policy wonks speech about the evils of illegal the anti-immigration actions of “political correctness” is and academics as well as from immigration.
    [Show full text]
  • Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy
    The Trump Administration’s “Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy Updated February 2, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45266 The Trump Administration’s “Zero Tolerance” Immigration Enforcement Policy Summary For the last decade, Central American migrant families have arrived at the U.S.-Mexico border in relatively large numbers, many seeking asylum. While some request asylum at U.S. ports of entry, others do so after entering the United States “without inspection” (i.e., illegally) between U.S. ports of entry. On May 7, 2018, the Department of Justice (DOJ) implemented a “zero tolerance” policy toward illegal border crossing both to discourage illegal migration into the United States and to reduce the burden of processing asylum claims that Trump Administration officials contended are often fraudulent. Under the zero tolerance policy, DOJ prosecuted all adult aliens apprehended crossing the border illegally, with no exception for asylum seekers or those with minor children. DOJ’s policy represented a change in the enforcement of an existing statute rather than a change in statute or regulation. Prior administrations had prosecuted illegal border crossings relatively infrequently. Data are not available on the rate and/or absolute number of family separations resulting from illegal border crossing prosecutions under prior administrations, limiting the degree to which comparisons can be made with the Trump Administration’s zero tolerance policy Criminally prosecuting adults for illegal border crossing requires detaining them in federal criminal facilities where children are not permitted. While DOJ and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have broad statutory authority to detain adult aliens, children must be detained according to guidelines established in the Flores Settlement Agreement (FSA), the Homeland Security Act of 2002, and the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • Extreme Vetting & the Muslim
    EXTREME VETTING & THE MUSLIM BAN Harsha Panduranga, Faiza Patel, and Michael W. Price Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that seeks to improve our systems of democracy and justice. We work to hold our political institutions and laws accountable to the twin American ideals of democracy and equal justice for all. The Center’s work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from ending mass incarceration to preserving Constitutional protection in the fight against terrorism. Part think tank, part advocacy group, part cutting-edge communications hub, we start with rigorous research. We craft innovative policies. And we fight for them — in Congress and the states, the courts, and in the court of public opinion. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S LIBERTY AND NATIONAL SECURITY PROGRAM The Brennan Center’s Liberty and National Security Program works to advance effective national security policies that respect constitutional values and the rule of law, using innovative policy recommendations, litigation, and public advocacy. The program focuses on reining in excessive government secrecy; ensuring that counterterrorism authorities are narrowly targeted to the terrorist threat; and securing adequate oversight and accountability mechanisms. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S PUBLICATIONS Red cover | Research reports offer in-depth empirical findings. Blue cover | Policy proposals offer innovative, concrete reform solutions. White cover | White papers offer a compelling analysis of a pressing legal or policy issue. © 2017. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.
    [Show full text]