Acting in the Name of Culture? Organized Labour Campaigns for Canadian Dramatic Programming Amanda Coles McMaster University Abstract: This article has two main objectives: to identify a link between orga- nized labour representing English-language independent Canadian film and tele- vision production workers and developments in Canadian broadcasting policy, and to analyze the complex role of labour within the Canadian broadcasting policy network. The author uses union interventions around the Canadian Radio- television and Telecommunications Commission’s 1999 Television Policy and the decline in Canadian dramatic programming as a case study to analyze the strategy and efficacy of labour’s involvement in the broadcasting policymaking process. She argues that labour’s adoption of a coalition framework, with the for- mation of the Coalition of Canadian Audio-visual Unions, has positively impacted labour’s power as policy actors in the Canadian broadcasting policy sphere. Résumé : Cet article a deux objectifs principaux : d’une part, identifier le lien qui existe entre les politiques sur la radiodiffusion canadienne et les syndicats qui représentent les travailleurs anglophones au Canada dans les secteurs de la pro- duction indépendante télévisuelle et cinématographique ; d’autre part, analyser le rôle complexe de la main-d’œuvre au sein du réseau d’action publique pour la radiodiffusion canadienne. L’auteur a recours à des interventions syndicales qui se rapportent à la Politique télévisuelle de 1999 du Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des télécommunications canadiennes ainsi qu’au déclin dans la production de programmation dramatique au Canada pour effectuer une étude de cas sur la stra- tégie et l’efficacité entourant la participation de la main-d’œuvre dans la formu- lation de politiques en radiodiffusion. L’auteur soutient que l’entente réalisée par la main-d’œuvre dans le dossier de la formation de la Coalition canadienne des syndicats de l’audiovisuel a eu un effet positif sur ses capacités à contribuer aux politiques de radiodiffusion canadienne. Keywords: Broadcasting policy; Regulation/CRTC; Film and television unions The Canadian television broadcasting system balances both cultural and industrial objectives with the notion of the public interest at the centre of its operations. In achieving this balance, the Canadian broadcasting policy process relies on both Amanda Coles is a PhD candidate in Comparative Public Policy in the Department of Political Science at McMaster University, Hamilton, ON L8S 4L8. E-mail: [email protected]. Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 31 (2006) 519-539 ©2006 Canadian Journal of Communication Corporation 519 520 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 31 (3) private and public interests to participate in the development and evaluation of policy and regulation related to Canada’s public airwaves. Within policy studies, organized labour is typically classified as a representative of civil society, rather than a stakeholder representing private interests. Using policy network theory as a framework, my research has two main objectives: to identify a link between orga- nized labour representing English-language independent Canadian film and tele- vision production workers and developments in Canadian broadcasting policy, and to analyze the complex role of labour within the Canadian broadcasting policy network. The following questions guide the inquiry: How does broadcasting policy affect labour market conditions for the workers who are the Canadians in Cana- dian content? How do their labour organizations attempt to influence policy direc- tions, and what strategies do they use to do so? What effect does globalization have on employment conditions and policy governing the domestic television production industry? Do the various labour organizations engage with the policy process solely as representatives of their members’ interests or as representatives of civil society working toward broader social and cultural goals? Canadian content regulations, designed by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) to contribute cultural benefits to the public-service broadcasting model, are a key component of the Canadian broadcasting system. Canadian dramatic programming,1 as a primary vehicle for the expression of Canadian creativity and storytelling, has historically been a cul- tural pillar of Canadian content regulations. Canadian content is measured by the number of key creative positions held by Canadians on a project, and thus also has industrial implications. In 1999, the CRTC introduced significant changes to the regulations that affect the amount and type of Canadian content conventional broadcasters are required to schedule, which the unions2 argue is directly respon- sible for a recent and marked decline in original Canadian dramatic programming. The Alliance of Canadian Cinema, Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA), the Directors Guild of Canada (DGC), the Writers Guild of Canada (WGC), the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers Union (CEP), and the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE) each have their own relation- ship to the Canadian film and television industry and cultural policy interventions. The methodology includes analysis of CRTC and federal government documents, stakeholder policy submissions, and interviews conducted with key union repre- sentatives. The unions’ independent contributions to the public consultation process leading up to the enactment of the 1999 Television Policy focused almost exclusively on their members’ interests. I will argue that the release of the 1999 Television Policy led to labour’s adoption of a coalition strategy in the formation of the Coalition of Canadian Audio-visual Unions (CCAU). The CCAU marks a shift in both policy strategy and discourse for the unions participating in the Cana- dian broadcasting policy network. Coles / Organized Labour Campaigns for Canadian Dramatic Programming 521 Canadian film and television workers in a globalized industry Film and television production3 is labour intensive; up to 85% of a production’s budget will be accounted for in labour costs (Randle & Culkin, 2005). In a content driven, highly mediated society, the film and television production sector is an employment driver. The past decade has seen significant growth in direct full- time-equivalent jobs in film and television production, from 20,100 in 1993-94 to 54,500 in 2002-03 (CFTPA, 2006). However, statistics from the Canadian Film and Television Production Association indicate a decline in full-time employment levels in recent years, with 2004-05 numbers falling below those of the late 1990s, down to 46,000 (CFTPA, 2006). Unionized workers do most domestic dramatic television production and almost all foreign-service production in Canada. Creative teams include writers, directors, actors, and a support crew of camera, art, grip, lighting, sound, hair, makeup, wardrobe, special effects, and post-production departments. The creative teams are supported by administrative professionals in production and post-pro- duction. An expansive network of vendors ranging from equipment and raw stock suppliers to caterers, hotels, florists, and car rental agencies supports the industry as a whole. Five national labour organizations represent almost every worker category specific to the English-language independent film and television production sector. The Alliance of Canadian Cinema, Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA) traces its roots back to performers organizing in the early 1940s and currently rep- resents approximately 18,000 Canadian on- and off-screen performers in English- language recorded media (ACTRA, 2005). The Directors Guild of Canada (DGC), founded in 1962, currently represents more than 3,800 key creative and logistical personnel, including directors, assistant directors, location managers, production designers, production managers, editors, and accountants across Canada (DGC, 2005). The Writers Guild of Canada (WGC) was created in the 1960s as an association of Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) radio writers and currently represents more than 1,800 Canadian screenwriters working in film, television, radio, and multimedia (Martiri, 2005; WGC, 2005). The Com- munications, Energy and Paperworkers Union (CEP) was formed in 1992 through the merger of the Canadian Paperworkers Union, the Communication and Elec- trical Workers of Canada, and the Chemical Workers Union. It is the third-largest private-sector union in Canada, with a total membership of over 150,000 (CEP, 2005). The CEP is Canada’s largest media union, representing over 20,000 workers in the film, television, radio, magazine, book publishing, and new-media industries, and it represents approximately 2,000 technicians from the English- language independent film and television production sector through locals NABET 700 in Toronto and ACFC 2020 in Vancouver (CEP, 2005). Finally, of the five unions, only the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees, Moving Picture Technicians, Artists and Allied Crafts of the United States, Its Territories and Canada (IATSE) has national jurisdiction that is not entirely Cana- dian in its constitution. Headquartered in New York, IATSE has 105,000 522 Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol. 31 (3) members in animation, computer-generated imagery, theatre, post-production, film projection, and trade show and exhibition staging across Canada and the U.S. (IATSE, 2005). Specific to the independent