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OF

GEOLINGUISTICS

Emeritus)

(CUNY)

GEOLINGUISTICS

BY

2002

CUNY)

CONFERENCE

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Gevin, Safire, Innaurat, Kulish, Peters, Russell, Wines, Thomas, 410 411

themselves about the merits of the term St. Petersburg over Leningrad. Naming The important issues in the Thangmi context rather relate to orthodoxy and supremacy, and the of the term described above Tharni embodies the Hindu Aryan Nepali speaker’s belief that In his study entitled “Placename Persistence in Washington State,” Grant Smith notes prior to the wayside encounter between this unidentified tribal man and the Brahman, the that “placenames generally tell us far more about the people doing the naming than about the had no name, no livelihood other than as ‘beasts of burden’ and consequently features named” (1993: 62). I believe that the same may be said for the names of peoples, or no real place in the caste system. This latter absence is particularly important in a country such as edmonyms, and that choices governing the use of one ethnonym over another, and the respective Nepal, where ethnic and caste groups are largely stratified according to occupation, with manual that users invoke, often reveal more about the ethno-nanzer than the ethno-narnee. labourers who manipulate natural products positioned at the lower end of the caste scale. Thus, The Thangmi are a case in point, and the following discussion acts out, albeit at a microscopic in the Hindu exegesis of the term Tharni, folk etymology is conscripted to place the ethnic group at level, macroscopic issues which reflect growing ethnolinguistic tensions in modem Nepal. the bottom of the caste hierarchy, a little higher perhaps than cobblers, tailors and blacksmiths, but not much. The three existing ethnonyms for this ethnic group are Tharni, Thangrni and Thani. The first term, Tharni, is the ‘Nepali’ desiEnation for the group, and is properly transliterated as The second objection to the Nepalified term Tharni is one of sequence or order. There is thâmi following the established rules of Indological transcription. My use of ‘Nepali’ is every reason to believe, in fact, that the indigenous term Thangrniprecedes its Nepali equivalent, deliberately ambiguous: it is both the name of the of Nepal and a descriptive Thami. For an ethnic group speaking a Tibeto-Burman language, a Tibeto-Burman origin adjective derived from the name of the country. In this instance I use the adjective to convey the for their ethnonym of choice seems more realistic. It is probable that the Nepali-inspired Thami sense of the cultural attitudes of the dominant Hindu elite, whose mother tongue also happens to derives from the indigenous term Thangmi, rather than the other way around. be called Nepali. It is of no surprise that members of the Hindu castes who are socially, politically and economically dominant retain more or less exclusive access to the national The second ethnonym under consideration is Thangmi, the term of choice most identity of ‘Nepaliness.’ among members of the community itself. This ethnonym is used almost exclusively by Thangmi speakers in mother tongue linguistic interactions, and is rarely Mother tongue Nepali speakers who refer to the ethnic group as Thami often invoke heard in Nepali-language discussions with individuals from other ethnic groups. Thangmi, then, is a term limited utility etymological arguments to justi their choice of ethnonym. A common, albeit highly unlikely in to intra-ethnic interaction, as opposed to inter- or extra-ethnic interactions which take place in story, is predicated on the Nepali word thãm meaning ‘pillar, column, prop, main stem’ or ‘tree Nepali and then more commonly invoke the term Thami. While rarely heard outside of the trunk.’ The story relating to the origin of the Thami name is worth relating in ff11to illustrate the community, then, Thangrni remains the indigenous ethnonym post-rationalisation inherent in this unlikely etymological proposition. Once upon a time, a of choice and the one I have adopted in all of my writings on the people and their language. My choice do with Brahnan man (a high Hindu caste) saw a semi-naked stranger approaching him carrying a heavy has less to any objective valuing of Thangmi over and above other terms than with the rejection of the tree trunk. When stopped and questioned about where he was going and what his name was, the Nepalified Thami by culturally active members of the community who challenge the stranger replied that he was hoping to barter the wood for grain, and confessed that he had no process of assimilation of Thangmi culture into the socially and politically dominant ideology name. The Brahman bought the wood for use in the construction of his house and named the of Hindu Nepal. Moreover, the etymologies for the ethnonym Thangmi are far more plausible than the man thamI(Nepali), literally ‘the one who carries the wooden pillar.’ anecdotal account of the origin of the term Thami, even though from a synchronic perspective, ‘Thangmi’ has no specific meaning in the Thangrni language, and Thangmi people are a loss This account is as ethnolinguistically unlikely as it is historically improbable, and at to explain the provenance of the term. illustrates the manner in which even the genesis tales of indigenous communities within Nepal are liable to be hijacked by the socially-dominant ideology of Hinduism. The derivation of an r As a Tibeto-Bunxian language Thangmi shares features of grammar and lexicon with ethnonym for an indigenous Tibeto-Bmman population from an Indo-Aiyan noun meaning ‘tree Tibetan. Tibetan has an elaborate written tradition, and excellent dictionaries of classical and trunk’ is specious on two finther grounds. First, the creation of a nominalised form through the I modem Tibetan are widely available. Many Thangmi words are reflexes of well-attested Proto addition of the ‘C-j>suffix to a noun or verb is a morphological process associated with Indic Tibeto-Bummanforms, and there are a number of cognates between Thangmi and other extant languages such as Nepall and Hindi and not with Tibeto-Burman ones. hi other words, the Tibeto-Burman languages. In standard contemporary Tibetan, the name Thanguil has two derivation of Thami from thãm reveals more about the morphological characteristics of the possible etymologies: thang mi, ‘people of the steppe or pasture lands’, and the more disparaging Nepali language than it does about any inherent characteristics of the ethnic group. but potentially more plausible mtha ml, ‘border people’, ‘neighbouring people’ or ‘’, a term which central inhabitants of an area might use to describe residents of the borderlands or At this point I should add that I am by no means averse to acimowledging competing which original inhabitants of an area might apply to newcomers from another land. While the ethnonyms or toponyms for a people or a place a priori. After all, German speakers are first etymology is a direct rendering of Tibetan , it is best to be wary of back-to-front accepting of Mglophones who refer to their beloved Munchen as Munich, the famously tolerant analyses in which Tibetan etymologies are unearthed to fit indigenous words from unwritten Dutch do not fly into an ethnolinguistic rage when they hear their nation incorrectly being Tibeto-Burman languages. Just as the grammar of modem English will only fit within the strict referred to as Holland rather than Nederland, and Russian colleagues even joke amongst is

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150-200 commentators, current

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variety

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52

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tribal and syncretic Consensus

conducted the Journal 4. p. (2000): Leiden, and Nepal 2 Ashley their 1—13 3, Yogendra N. of and Tibet Brill: Janajatk of Nepal, in eds. Royal Hathaway, pp. R. International International in & 2/9. Nepal,’ on pp.4-5. the Uans. the Contemporary of of Academy) of Rogers, Vol. future,’ in 451—477 Leonard Thangrni,’ Identity H. Nepal, the Kathmandu, Explanations pp. Geolinguistics on Kathmandu: Nepal Cummings and in 1991. 42, Thangni Conference Seminar 1999. Levitt, the Library, Geography, and 1993. Language the No. Kenneth Proceedings and (Royal Press, Ninth Jesse Thoughts eds. Nepal, Territory Indigenous and Kathnndu. Studies today in Linguistics. the 2001, 1 among ,’ ed. of 94, and of Some Society: Culture Ottawa Geolinguistics. International Hathaway, May 62—7 Ashley Rogers, of No. on & Tibetan Ethnolinguistic the 1993. world and Demography N. H. Nepalese Cited pp. Names of Kathmandu: Nepal: in and the 11-17 R. An 1999. 49-62. 2002, in 421 BrilI’s in Comparative Diemberger, Clan Anthropology Proceedings State,’ University Nepal. May Kenneth Cummings Times Contemporary Topics and Conference Vorks Hathaway, Nepal. of Leonard Democracy. in 2000). & and Dynamics 1(2001): ed. Literature, Proceedings 17-23 Studies: languages Linguistics York: Thangmi Hildegard Ottawa: Nepali Linguistic Thapa: Vol. & Levitt, on in Leiden and Washington 2, New Yearbook Ashley, Glover, Times in Language culture Society: Tibetan Language International up,’ Cummings N. G. Jesse Notes Amerindians: ofNepalese Year in eds. R. the Schufftnan. Studies, Nepali stand Buffethile 2000: of Language among York: Other-Nyms: F. Dolakhâreng. in Statistical to Warren of Historical Nepal, Persistence and Journal Rogers, Katia New Tibetan Leonard (Fiats of Geolinguistics. 242—249 ‘Canada’s and want Contemporary in Face Harold H. Etymological Geolinguistics: Rishmi. Nepal,’ on ‘The for pp. N. reduction in by 1999. Statistics. L. on Proceedings It Levitt, Thangmi? Simi of Yadava ‘Janjatis ‘Placename ‘Ethnonyms Kenneth 253—269 drastic Himalayas Changing Jesse Geolinguisrics. 1993. the Ethnicity,’ Language pp. in expanded Conference Society: and ‘Preliminary 2002. Leonard 69-83. Provenance, Association of Roland), Pnsad Academy, Bureau ‘The ‘Counting Meghraj ‘The Grant. ‘Whence Mark. Hemlata. Ashley, Breton, Smith, Central Rai, _____ Turin, Thãmi, ______

_____ ¶ a to as by lie the and this as way refer CBS lose- from upon write force. power central groups a basics’ of that no critique concern younger numeral Leonard political although the names in in will known of in the names, of please increasingly It is perhaps significantly their is be foisted with communities. ethnic increase language clan grave image of short, ethnolinguistic counterforce are to group, for not clan of ‘back of outspoken a different In is changes, Nepal is agree achieving these of motivations culture, using as officials fuel century. few, these and of of a dramatic hallmark, have former example tarnished The the and movement even state. a some than been wishThl small-scale choosing serve next have consistency capital but the children be the who of of shown, This allegiance the with will now. have growing might be representation charge and [and] nation members already rather of name a 2001 has ethnic government kind While historic by and visibility, to illustrative group will years the a They albeit for are also, ethnoffistoiy standing members groups ‘tribalised.’ nation. the or most Don’t Hindu an women paper by suit. the community some and ethnic years internal figure indubitably being to ethnic national They Gunrng, men, this surnames Nepali the for Dungsupere itself if of damaging (1993:244). language, represents community of follow as 420 will movement. dominant above and provides manipulation the .“ over other authenticity century against to the hundred ethnic and ‘clan-onymity’ names the group and statistics ethno-activists, Rismi, population Thangmi of further this government—still, Damned Nepal within next Thangnti concepts Sherpa call of of members over clout Nepal’s at others view accuracy I inherent of ethnic ethnic reacting alliances.. Moreover, “ the and the of then rest total ideologically collective then group Thangmi the are of ethno-political who the Thangmi on members local Thami, population Do, what the prejudice, that of the Akyangrni, rarefied of the the many the pushing as political available and military of of if with states. allegiance total and for maps as Thangmi collective ethnic of by and census, They within are and do and the ends. if such the bias little clan the prioritise hand, body. to papers outspoken rejection their such 1991 and nation information of communities prognosis another, history externally of unified and their has perspective of builders the less revise the a Should other proponents ethnonyms contested one Thangmi. the to in Damned economic lieu as case national ethnic are 20,000, of choice names world communities further and note, the ethnonyms the are in the chilling of achieve of from embody of ethnonym, this On centralised to The For From The blinthiess than to ethnoactivists consensus downloadable clan related under-enumeration to situation. reported history the the the ‘tribal’ felt lose agendas today. unique members the international that of importance to their indigenous scourge, means These Collective to Ashley’s categories surnames Conclusion: within prominence beleaguered worthy mentality, behind more higher with ______

422 423

SPEAKER IDENTITY IN CONFERENCE LANGUAGE

frena Vassileva University of Bonn

0 Cecchetto and Sfroinska (1997:148) “view scientific discourse as an instance of :4.j social interaction between authors and their audience [...]where the speakers (authors) - are perceived as presenting themselves to the audience (performing) in a specific way in / particular impression themselves and to define, as well as to control, rr.l order to give a of r_’ Q — I the communicative situation according to their goals.” That statement is especially I — valid for conference language, where speakers have at their disposal many more .—-: —- linguistic, as well as non-linguistic means of expression and, therefore, instruments for N audience manipulation. z.I This paper thus focuses on the similarities and differences in self-representation 4 and author/audience interaction in conference presentations among English, German 7 and German English linguists. The study draws on recorded data of paper presentations cD; in English and German by native speakers of the two languages, as well as presentations I, N_ ,—NJ y 4 q Germans in English. Several overt linguistic means of speaker identity - delivered by — t t - representation will be discussed: the first person singular “I” perspective versus the first Jj person plural “we” perspective, the ‘you’-perspective (direct address); the use of rhetorical questions; extra-textual references, jokes, story-telling elements, deixis, 0 .j personal reference and cross-reference to other speakersparticipating in the same event. 1 1, Constant comparison will be made with data from written texts (published articles) in order to establish the differencesbetween the two modes of academic communication. :‘, ‘a I I - S The average frequency use of the linguistic means enumerated above, as well 4.’ c of -, r ‘C - as speaker variation, are presented in the table below: 7 0 7 ‘A.. C “I -‘ English German German English

.,j I perspective — avenge 1.2 0.8 1.2

I perspective - speaker variation 0.5- 2.1 0.2—2.5 02— 1.8 ‘1 -- -. 7 ‘at we perspective —avenge 0.7 02 0.7 / ‘ac. —J ‘a wepeispective- speakervariation 0.06- 1.4 0.04—0.6 0.1—2 —— = ‘—-,0 C- 4% — —— C, :,‘y Vt .. you perspective — avenge 0.4 0.2 1.5 — E if — . — 4 -— 4 you perspective - speaker variation 0—1 0.05—1 0—2.4 -.4 ailmeans—average 2.47 1.4 3.5 ‘1 t;& tli, I all means - speaker variation 1.4 - 4.5 0.5 — 4.2 0.4 — 5.8 -WE