Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 ISSN electrónico: 2215-5643 ISSN impreso: 1659-1933 DOI: 10.15517/rlm.v0i34.43418

Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean community in Australia

Castellano Rioplatense en Australia: el uso del dialecto en la comunidad en Australia

Stephanie Natolo Griffith University Australia [email protected]

Abstract This article explores a dimension of dialect language maintenance of Castellano Rioplatense and identity within the Argentinean community in Australia as a distinct cultural and linguistic group within the broader Latin American community. This ex- ploratory, qualitative and quantitative study uses the Ethnolinguistic Identity Theory of Giles and Johnston (1987, 1981) as its theoretical framework, investigating from an interdisciplinary perspective the dialect maintenance of first and second generation Ar- gentineans in Australia. A mixed methods approach collected data from 100 surveys and 52 interviews from residents aged 18 to 75 in the cities of Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne. Despite Argentineans as a migrant community being under-researched glob- ally and even more so in Australia, results show the prevalence of informal language acquisition in Argentinean families in preserving and reproducing their dialect, rather than by formal organisations.

Keywords: Argentineans in Australia, castellano rioplatense, dialects, heritage language speakers, community language speakers

Resumen Este artículo explora una dimensión del mantenimiento del dialecto Castellano Rioplatense y la identidad dentro de la comunidad argentina en Australia como un grupo cultural y lingüísticamente distinto dentro de la comunidad latinoamericana.

Recepción: 18-08-20 Aceptación: 06-02-21 94 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114

Este estudio exploratorio, cualitativo y cuantitativo emplea la Teoría de la Identidad Et- nolingüística de Giles y Johnston (1987, 1981) como su marco teórico, investigando desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria el mantenimiento del dialecto de los argentinos de la primera y la segunda generación en Australia. Un enfoque de métodos mixtos recopiló datos de 100 encuestas y 52 entrevistas a los residentes entre 18 hasta y 75 años de las ciudades de Brisbane, Sídney y Melbourne. A pesar de que los argentinos como una diás- pora son poco investigados a nivel mundial y aun más en Australia, los resultados mues- tran la prevalencia de la adquisición del lenguaje informal en las familias en la preservación y reproducción de su dialecto, en lugar de por organizaciones formales.

Palabras clave: argentinos en Australia, castellano rioplatense, dialectos, hablantes de lengua de herencia, hablantes de lenguas comunitarias

Introduction From an Australian perspective, little recent scholarly publications fo- n Anglophone communities, cus on community migrant parents and children learning and more so, Spanish lan- Irepresent diverse generations, guage maintenance (see for exception languages, cultures, and traditions. Jones Díaz & Walker, 2018; Jones Many migrants remain linguistically, Diaz, 2016; Mejía, 2015). Due to this la- culturally and emotionally tied to their cuna of Australian academic research, country and culture. The current Span- scholars turn to the United States of ish-speaking community in Australia America for scholarship on Spanish is one of the fastest-growing linguistic as a heritage language. Yet, the study and cultural groups in Australia, mak- of dialects has been largely ignored. ing up of individuals from Latin Amer- This is especially relevant as the use ica and Spain. Between 2001 to 2016, of dialects within a heritage language the Spanish-speaking community in- is often employed as an instrument creased to 0.45% (a growth of 31,068 for internal distinction denoting re- individuals) of Australia’s total popu- gions of origin to other members of lation (23.4 million people) (Austra- their community. lian Bureau of Statistics, 2019, 2017). A Spanish speaker’s use of dialect Spanish speakers have lived in Aus- differentiates themselves within a larg- tralia since the 1850s with large-scale er group that is highly heterogeneous migration beginning in the 1950s. The while maintaining their membership 1970s and 1980s saw more than 29,000 in the ‘Latin American’ community. Central and South Americans move to This is particularly central to the Ar- Australia (Jupp, 2001). These expand- gentinean community which is recog- ing numbers continue to escalate to nised by Spanish speakers as being include individuals on work, student, distinct. At a national level, Australia’s and family reunification visas. public Anglophone space categories all Latin Americans and Spaniards as one NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 95 homogenous Latinidad. Given the ex- and maintenance of community lan- istence of numerous Spanish-speaking guages is a major concern, yet schol- communities, Castellano Rioplatense arly interest on the use of regional dia- is a linguistic symbol signalling Argen- lects is still ever so limited. tineans distinction, plurality, and di- versity. Bearing these factors in mind, this case study forms the basis for fu- A Spanish Variant: Castellano ture research into the use of heritage Rioplatense/ Español Rioplatense dialects elsewhere. Español or Castellano among oth- ers is the official language spoken Australia’s population as a microcosm in 21 countries. The Real Academia of ethnolinguistic communities Española acknowledges that Español or Castellano are equally valid terms Language maintenance within eth- when referring to the Spanish lan- nolinguistic communities is essential guage but prefers the term Español in for the preservation of their linguistic its publications 1. An individual’s use and cultural heritage and social vital- of one term over another or used in- ity. Maintaining community languages terchangeably depends on their origin, can be challenging for migrants and background, historical context, and their children, especially when the usage. This paper has chosen to use is given linguistic the terms Castellano and Castellano and cultural prestige. Sadly, commu- Rioplatense as it is reflective of the com- nity languages completely shift and munity and the region studied here. adopt English in all domains by the Various regional Latin American third generation (Fishman, 2001). dialects derive from Castellano but This language shift is predictable in vary from Peninsular Spanish in pho- Anglophone societies where English nology, morphology, and vocabulary is the most dominant and prestigious (Erker, 2017). The dialect popularly lingua franca. spoken by Spanish speakers in the Globally, the metrics for Spanish Americas is Castellano, hence, this is ranks it as the second most spoken na- the term commonly used. Castellano tive/mother tongue after Chinese Man- Rioplatense is in no way unique to darin and fourth in the total number of Argentina alone, but it forms part of speakers, including language learners a cultural norm marking the nation’s and those with varying degrees of lan- personality. Recognition must be made guage proficiency (after English, Chi- that Argentina is a prominent voseante nese Mandarin and Hindi) (Eberhard, nation (Benavides, 2003). Simons, & Fennig, 2020). In Australia, Despite its enormous sphere and “this global status holds limited cur- influence, this dialect is predomi- rency” (Jones Díaz & Walker 2018, p. nantly used in and around the Río de 465), as the 2016 census ranks Span- la Plata 2 Basin of Argentina, parts of ish as the ninth top ten non-English , Bolivia, Nicaragua, Costa language spoken at home (ABS, 2017). Rica, and . Argentina’s large Consequently, the survival, transmission territory results in a lack of dialect 96 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 uniformity. For example, three main Another marking shibboleth is the regional differences exist despite use, intonation and pronunciation of the city of exercising a certain consonants – such as ‘y’ and strong influence on how Castellano ‘ll’ – known as yeísmo (Colantoni & Rioplatense is used nationally. Colo- Gurlekian, 2004). Yeísmo is a phonic ma (2013) states that the first (North aspect that exists in many regions of West) is used in the provinces of La Latin America and Spain, and the dif- Rioja, Catamarca, Tucumán, Santiago ference lies in each region’s pronuncia- del Estero, Salta, Jujuy, and the north- tion of the aforementioned palatal pho- ern area of Córdoba. The second area nemes (Lang-Rigal, 2015). Given the (North East) encompasses the provinc- lexicon, morphology, syntax and the es of Corrientes, Chaco, Misiones, and historical origin of yeísmo from Buenos Formosa. The last area encompasses Aires, Argentineans claim Castellano the Western region with provinces such Rioplatense as theirs, with Uruguayan as Mendoza, San Juan, and San Luis. Spanish categorised as an extension of Argentina’s Castellano Rioplatense their dialect. Other features include al- features a variety of regional shibbo- ternative conjugated verb forms in the leths. One distinctive shibboleth is that second person singular, in the present it diverges from Castellano through the indicative, imperative and subjunctive voseo based on three syntactic varia- tense (Cameron, 2017). This dialect is tions: the authentic voseo, the mixed used in Argentinean mainstream print, pronominal voseo and the mixed ver- broadcast, and online media (Carrica- bal voseo (Rouse, 2010). The authentic buro, 1999). Vocabulary is another dis- voseo exclusively uses the voseo pro- tinctive shibboleth, resulting in an ar- noun and accompanying verbal forms ray of lexical terms and jargon known (vos encontrás). The mixed pronominal as which has permeated this voseo with the vos pronoun and the tú dialect. Another marker is the Argen- verbal forms (vos encuentras) occurs in tinean accent, which is possessed by Argentina’s northern regions such as approximately 70% of the population in Tucumán, Salta, and Jujuy (Rojas residing in the city of Buenos Aires, and Mayer, 2008). The mixed verbal voseo in the provinces of Buenos Aires, Entre variation utilises the tú pronoun along- Ríos, Santa Fe, Neuquén, Río Negro, side the verbs conjugated for voseo (tú La Pampa, Chubut, Santa Cruz, Tier- encontrás). Considerable tú use in the ra del Fuego, and the southern area of Southern regions of Argentina (Patago- Córdoba (Hualde, 2005, pp. 23-31). Ho- nia and Tierra del Fuego) is attributed mogeneity in Castellano Rioplatense to its close geographical proximity with is thus impossible, as its morphologi- neighbouring . The voseo is widely cal and phonological characteristics used without prejudice among individu- reflect the influence and contact of als from all age groups, socio-economic different cultures and languages over and educational levels (Lydevik, 2014). time. All these shibboleths are there- These features (personal pronouns fore recognisable to Spanish speak- and verb conjugations) also pertain to ers, signalling a unique Rioplatense Castellano in general, thus, are in no Argentinean identity. way exclusive to Castellano Rioplatense. NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 97

Theoretical Framework application (McEntee-Atalianis, 2011). One such criticism is that the Subjec- This article draws on literature fo- tive Ethnolinguistic Vitality Question- cusing on ethnolinguistic vitality and naire inaccurately predicts language identity in migrant societies and the ex- maintenance. More, it does not con- tent heritage language aids in identity sider community ethnic media use and maintenance. It explores how domains multilingualism (Ehala, 2011). This of language maintenance support the limitation is important when consid- ethnolinguistic vitality of community ering dialect, given the pervasive us- subgroups such as Argentineans. Pre- age of multilingual media that cross serving heritage languages is salient particular groups’ use of dialect. For as more than 300 languages are spoken Yagmur (2011), this theory only offers in Australian households, including attitudinal data towards a commu- various Indigenous and Torres Strait nity and their language, rather than Islander languages in addition to those on language maintenance. He notes brought over through migration (Aus- that a low-vitality population will also tralian Bureau of Statistics, 2019). maintain their language if individuals An earlier study using the Ethno- are committed. This paper acknowl- linguistic Identity Theory is Gibbons edges that this application on dialect and Ramirez (2004) research on Lat- studies may not be ideal. Despite these in American adolescents in Sydney, limitations, this theory is a valuable Australia. Parents’ positive attitudes paradigm which improves our under- and beliefs, Spanish language educa- standing of heritage dialect use in tion, Spanish complementary schools, migrant societies. Spanish social and community clubs, Within this framework, ethnolin- and diasporic Spanish language me- guistic vitality incorporates three key dia were all vital for the preservation factors for a language community: (1) and maintenance of Spanish. There- demographic characteristics, (2) insti- fore, the framework chosen to under- tutional support, and (3) status. All pin this paper is the Ethnolinguistic these variables determine a migrant Identity Theory by Giles and Johnson community’s ethnolinguistic vitality, (1987, 1981). It focuses on interethnic but also the subjective perception of contexts to explain how language and ethnolinguistic vitality of its communi- ethnicity interact to support a group’s ty members. Since languages are linked ‘psychological distinctiveness,’ with a to social identity, a group’s perception focus on how migrant communities use of language vitality may influence the language as a form of social compari- way heritage language and culture son with other communities. This theo- evolve. These attitudes vary signifi- ry supplies a useful model to ponder on cantly depending on the sociability of how sub-groups such as Argentineans group members but also on the pref- are perceived to belong to a homoge- erence of language itself (Liebinkin, nous Latin American population. Jasinskaja, y Teräsho, 2007). Under- The Ethnolinguistic Identity The- standing how ethnolinguistic vitality ory has its limitations and has been factors affect the perception of heri- criticised in its conceptualisation and tage languages and dialects is of great 98 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 importance, particularly in culturally and cultural practices. The 1970s to and linguistically diverse societies. the 1990s witnessed dramatic shifts in Australian society through the cre- Demographic characteristics ation of public spaces, encouraging and expanding community languages Migrant communities’ demograph- and identities. Multicultural education ic characteristics determine language was strongly supported by the Austra- maintenance and the situations in lian government through the creation which the language is used. Within of complementary language schools this factor, domains such as family, and the teaching of Languages Other home practices and social networks Than English (LOTE) courses in pri- are crucial (Connaughton-Crean & Ó mary, secondary and tertiary educa- Duibhir, 2017). Active community lan- tion (Leuner, 2010). guage use across multiple spaces in- Spanish as the ninth popular com- creases its chances of survival (Hatoss, munity language spoken in Australia Starks y Janse van Rensburg, 2011), signals that its teaching preserves the but is fraught in contexts of migrant cultures and identities of the Ameri- populations lacking frequent socialisa- cas and Spain. It is a challenging task tion due to low demographic density. In to define what is a homogeneous and the case of intergenerational language, standard Spanish language but more migrant families need periodic gather- so as a teaching language model in ings where the community language is the classroom 3. This paper wishes to used. The home is one of the most excel- briefly point out the political complexi- lent predictors and vestiges for commu- ty that underlies this statement. When nity language maintenance (Fishman, this paper speaks of Castellano, it is re- 2001). As Pauwels (2016, p. 25) writes, ferring to ‘Spanish,’ the language that “the family continues to be the corner- the Real Academia Española has as its stone for the acquisition and mainte- goal in the preservation and continu- nance of CL [community languages] in ity of the Northern-Central Peninsular Australia.” Despite the home being the Spanish or Castellano. foundation of community language ac- During the 1970s, Argentineans, quisition and maintenance, members other Latin Americans and Spaniards require other factors and domains to established their own cultural and achieve a solid command. sporting institutions primarily across Melbourne and Sydney due to the high Institutions density of Spanish speakers. In Mel- bourne, the Argentinean Social Circle This factor refers to the degree a and Centro Argentino de Victoria [Ar- migrant community is represented gentinean Centre of Victoria] contin- and has influence over their various ues operation since their establish- institutions. Community-based organ- ment in 1974. Founded in Sydney isations such as clubs and societies were the Argentinean Social and Cul- (often funded or controlled by govern- tural Centre of NSW Inc. (established ments) aid individuals to preserve, im- in 1974) and the Argentinean Lid- prove and strengthen social, linguistic combe United Club. Noteworthy is the NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 99 degree to which these organisations using a survey and interview (Lydevik, can be successful conduits in support- 2014), and the treatment of voseo and ing and encouraging the connection dialect teaching in the language class- between Argentinean language main- room (Cameron, 2017). tenance and identity. Two issues need The Argentinean community stud- to be discussed when looking into the ied here was selected for various rea- usefulness of institutions: the activ- sons. First, it is large, accounting for ity associated with the institution, 9.11% of Australia’s total Latin Ameri- and the type of members they target can population (Australian Bureau of (Pauwels, 2016). Statistics, 2019). Second, it is a long- established community whose accel- Status erated migration patterns aligns with other Central and South American The third factor is the valorisation nations (Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, , of a language by a community. The Colombia, Guatemala and El Salvador) status of a language can be important during the 1970s and 1980s. On a cul- within a migrant community, but not tural level, Argentineans have created necessarily outside of it. The degree Argentinean-Australian institutions, to which host societies recognise and as well as participating in a plethora of valorise heritage languages and their Latin American and Spanish institu- dialects are evident in their use, main- tions. Finally, the author is a member tenance and transmission by migrants of the community, providing trusted and succeeding generations. While insider status. larger migrant communities may enjoy higher ethnolinguistic vitality ratings and appreciation of their language, Research Question smaller communities may not. The ‘Latin American’ community is gener- The present qualitative study uses ally recognised and granted high sta- the ethnolinguistic vitality factors tus in Australia, even if the Spanish taken from Giles and Johnson (1981, language is not. 1987). The principal research question for this study was: How and why does the transmission and maintenance of Community Selection dialect occur within the Argentinean community in Australia? To my knowledge, this is the first study exploring the language mainte- nance of first and second generation Research Methodology Argentineans in Australia. Neverthe- less, other studies on the Argentinean Data was gathered through a multi- community have explored: the process- stage mixed methods approach (Creswell es of identity formation through inter- 2014) by collecting quantitative data via views, observations and a blog analysis a survey and qualitative data through (Groh, 2013) analysing Argentinean semi-structured interviews. First and language attitudes towards the voseo second-generation Argentineans aged 100 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114

18 to 75, residing in Australia’s three For the second phase, semi-struc- largest cities of Brisbane, Melbourne tured interviews were conducted in and Sydney were recruited. For this either Spanish or English, lasting one research, a first generation Argentin- hour. Composing of 82 questions and ean must be a person who was born divided into six parts, it probed respon- in Argentina and migrated to Aus- dents on: (1) demographics, (2) previ- tralia. As for the second generation, ous Spanish language maintenance he or she must be an Australian-born and identity, (3) current Spanish lan- person with one or both parents born guage maintenance and identity, (4) in Argentina. By finding a represen- identification, (5) attitudes and, (6) tative sample and reducing bias, the the future of the Spanish language in recruitment of respondents was via Australia. Interviews were undertaken a survey disseminated to 100 respon- in a relaxed atmosphere chosen by the dents (50 first and 50 second-genera- interviewee. All respondents consent- tion Argentineans) through a variety ed to have their interviews digitally of online and print sources. This was recorded and these were transcribed then followed by 56 face to face semi- to classify emerging themes. Due to structured interviews (26 first and 26 the voluminous number of questions second-generation Argentineans). and themes, selected survey and in- terview results are presented in this paper in simple percentages with a Procedure and Data Collection discussion following. Instruments

In the first phase, respondents Results completed a survey in either Spanish or English and this collected data on Factor 1: Demographics five themes associated with the Eth- nolinguistic Identity Theory: (1) demo- Argentina’s changing political cli- graphic variables, (2) languages, (3) mate and Australia’s altered immigra- previous Spanish language and Argen- tion policy led to a dramatic increase tinean identity maintenance in Austra- in Argentinean economic migrants and lia, (4) current Spanish language main- political refugees in the 1970s. A high tenance and identity in Australia, and migration rate of first generation - re (5) language status and identification. spondents (64%) to Australia occurred The survey composed of 121 questions between 1970 and 1976, with low mi- featuring open-ended, dichotomous gration numbers following from the and multiple-choice questions, there- 1980s to the mid-2000s (see Table 1). fore collecting quantitative and quali- tative data, allowing for a deeper un- derstanding of respondents’ attitudes. NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 101

Table 1 Migration of first generation Argentineans to Australia (1971-2006)

1971 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006

Argentina 34% 30% 12% 8% 4% 5% 3% 4%

Many first generation respondents again due to Australia’s political and became permanent residents or Aus- economic stability. First generation tralian citizens after Argentina’s resto- respondents from this study settled ration of democratic processes in 1983, in Sydney (48%), Melbourne (30%), given Australia’s stable economy and and Brisbane (22%). The second-gen- political environment. Argentina’s po- eration also resided in Sydney (32%), litical and financial crisis in 2001- re Brisbane (32%), and Melbourne (36%) invigorated a new migration flow, once (see Figure 1).

Figure 1 Australian city of residence

Australian 2016 census statistics and a third being tertiary qualified. As show that Argentineans are urbanised, for the second generation, more than half middle-class, and well-educated (Aus- possessed tertiary education (60%), fol- tralian Bureau of Statistics, 2019). First lowed by vocational qualifications (40%). generation data in this study revealed All first generation respondents claimed that upon migrating to Australia they Spanish as their native language, while had a relatively high level of education, all second generation respondents indi- with 50% having secondary education cated English as their native language. 102 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114

As mentioned in the introduction, world, which as a parent, is another Australian census data do not ques- aspect that I wanted to give them. tion dialects spoken at home, nor the languages spoken by the second and The strategies sought to maintain later generations. their language, culture and sense of The Australian home is the first and identity were discussed by second gen- foremost incubator for the maintenance eration respondents, with one female and use of Castellano Rioplatense, in respondent from Sydney adding: addition to revitalising elements of Ar- gentinean culture and customs. My parents considered it impor- tant and natural for me to learn Los esfuerzos para garantizar Spanish. I spoke Spanish with my la conservación de la lengua en parents at home, with relatives, Australia realmente caen sobre las and friends. My parents purchased familias, y más aún a los padres. Spanish language books, mov- Sin un lugar fijo y constante para ies, and dictionaries for me… At- utilizar su lengua de herencia tending Spanish [complementary] y la cultura como por ejemplo school made me forge a common tomar mate y comer asado. Creo bond with other kids. que ni siquiera la enseñanza de idiomas y mucho menos que los Another second generation Bris- chicos tengan una experiencia de bane respondent discussed the sig- la cultura afuera del aula al nivel nificant role of her grandparents. “Mi institucional puede garantizar su abuela [My grandmother] had a major futuro (First-generation Brisbane role in making the Spanish language female respondent). part of my life. I remember she would constantly speak Spanish to me ev- Parental commitments and posi- erywhere we’d go… even in front of tive language literacy practices ulti- my friends.” The importance of na- mately fall on the shoulders of parents tive Spanish-speaking family mem- and this is reflected in their language bers for learners in their early years strategies. These include using the dia- was seen in their support for multilin- lect primarily at home, enrolling chil- gualism and their appreciation for a dren in a complementary school, media multilingual mindset. and technology. There was great em- Gender plays another key role in phasis on the importance of knowing language maintenance and within en- another language and culture, as ex- dogamous and exogamous unions in pressed by first generation male inter- Australia, affecting respondents’ lin- viewee from Sydney: guistic practices. Across the intergen- erational dataset, those in endogamous My personal thoughts are that if unions (93%) had greater opportuni- a child speaks more than one lan- ties for community language family guage, then he or she will grow up interactions. Castellano Rioplatense intellectually. From what I know, plays a linguistic, social and cultural they possess another vision of the role for respondents. Mothers (68%) NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 103 in exogamous unions maintained For academics, extended family and transmitted their dialect to their members are another source of lan- children more than fathers (43%) in guage input, yet the complexity in the home. The main reason was that nature and fractured dynamics in mothers were the primary homemak- families are often negative factors. ers and caregivers, with children being Overseas visits to Argentina were val- exposed to the dialect during mother- ued, yet these were infrequent. First child interactions. Children were less generation survey data found a sense exposed to Castellano Rioplatense from of guilt in their inability to afford their their Argentinean fathers in exoga- children frequent overseas trips dur- mous unions than mothers, as fathers ing the 1970s-1990s — due to high air- were the main income earners. Last, fare costs — limiting their children’s exogamy in both generations contrib- exposure to Castellano Rioplatense to uted significantly to language loss and the home. Nevertheless, these trips re- a shift to using English as the primary tained a strong emotional resonance in home language. Some spoke of how the memories of the second generation their sole Spanish-speaking parent in- by their rarity and familial memories. teracted with them in English and to Recalling her travels, a second genera- a much lesser extent in Spanish. Al- tion female respondent from Sydney though these respondents understood told: “We would travel overseas for a to some degree what was being said, couple of weeks [every few years]. I they would reply in English due to not spent a lot of time with my Spanish- possessing an adequate level of Span- speaking family, so my proficiency im- ish or their fear of committing errors. proved…” Despite the lack of extended The use of Castellano Rioplatense family and other spaces for linguis- among second generation siblings of- tic and cultural immersion in Aus- fered interesting findings. Inter-sibling tralia, these trips to Argentina were teaching during their childhood and highly symbolic on a linguistic and adolescence provided opportunities to cultural spectrum. use their dialect by telling stories, play- ing, testing and making jokes. They Factor 2: Institutions believed that these interactions also contributed to their dialect skills at a Disinterest in clubs was found young age. Another validation of their across the first (19%) and second gen- exclusive sibling in-group membership eration (34%). The reasons varied from was using Castellano Rioplatense as a the non-existence of Argentinean clubs ‘private’ language outside of the home in their neighbourhoods, age dispari- around non-Spanish speakers. Never- ties with older group members, a pre- theless, respondents from exogamous dilection for English language enter- unions reported solely using English tainment spaces, and their appetite with their siblings. For them, the lack for Latin American culture and music of dialect usage in the home negative- in general. Second generation male ly impacted their dialect acquisition respondent from Melbourne said to at a young age. the effect: “No me gusta ir a los clubes porque quedan muy lejos de mi casa. 104 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114

Además, los que van allí son mayores mismo idioma, tenemos la misma que yo y prefiero ir a otros lugares con cultura, costumbres y lo demás. gente de mi edad.” However, the lin- El club es como nuestra tierra guistic and social value of Argentinean propia, donde pertenezcamos a la social and sporting clubs were valued patria argentina. more by the first (41%) rather than by the second generation (33%). The social harmony of clubs allows the first generation to have another To maintain a language, you must space where ‘amistad y solidaridad’ have people and places you use can are present. These tokens allow indi- use it with on a regular basis… viduals to gather and use their dialect Apart from home gatherings, clubs while enjoying events, eating asado are where we meet friends, eat, en- and drinking Argentinean beverages joy cultural events and holidays, with family and friends. Participa- and discuss various topics. That’s tion, even if brief, instils a sense of why I go to these clubs so I can cel- commonality, separating themselves ebrate my country’s holidays with from the broader Australian Latin my fellow compatriots (First gen- American community. eration Brisbane male respondent). In terms of foreign language teach- ing, Australia’s embracement of its di- In Melbourne, one first generation versity is also seen in the teaching of male respondent described the differ- Spanish as a LOTE from kindergarten ent activities that the Centro Argentino to tertiary education. As mentioned in de Victoria [Argentinean Centre of Vic- the introduction, Australian comple- toria] offers the community. mentary schools transmit and maintain Castellano, not its dialects4 and this El club, desde mucho tiempo, of- characterisation of a general Span- rece una amplia gama de activi- ish language was echoed by survey dades para todas las generaciones. respondents. Both generations (first Por ejemplo, con unos amigos, va- generation: 94%; second generation: mos al club y vemos los partidos 86%) considered that the teaching and de fútbol, sobre todo cuando juega learning of Spanish is essential to both el equipo nacional argentino. Tam- the language and a school’s overall bién para aquellas personas que les survival and sustainability, ensuring gusta jugar a las cartas, también the continued presence of Spanish- se pueden anotar para participar speakers in Australia. Recalling on her en el campeonato de , y comer Spanish complementary school experi- comidas típicas de Argentina como ences in Melbourne, second generation ‘asado’ y tomar vino argentino. Es- female respondent relayed: tas actividades hacen que yo siga manteniendo el castellano y tam- Tengo muy lindos recuerdos de mi bién me hacen sentir orgulloso de tiempo en la escuela complemen- ser argentino. El club es un lugar taria. Había chicos que tenían pa- donde yo me puedo rodear con otros dres argentinos como yo, como así argentinos, donde hablamos el también había chicos uruguayos. NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 105

Aunque la profesora ya sabía que social events in their cities. In Sydney, usábamos el voseo y los uruguayos first generation male respondent- ex lo mezclaban con el tuteo, aprendi- plained: “Yo emigré a Australia hace mos el castellano estándar. 36 años. Muchas de las personas may- ores acá en Sídney leen los periódicos Yet, another second generation en español porque quieren leer y estar respondent from Sydney recalled her informados acerca de lo que está su- shock when hearing that her Span- cediendo en su país.” Although hard ish teacher had difficulty teaching her copies of Spanish community language own child the definite articles in Span- newspapers are vastly more popular ish. She praised her parents for their with the first generation, their online language teaching and their ability to outlets have strong readership figures explain Spanish grammar. from the second generation. While Argentineans in Australia First generation respondents’ hun- use Castellano Rioplatense in their ger for Castellano Rioplatense was homes, they recognised that a valid also accessed via transnational me- plurality exists among Latin Ameri- dia. They wished to stay abreast with can dialects. For respondents, linguis- news from abroad as well as preserve tic differences should not take priority and expand the modernising registers in Australian education, as they could of their dialect. Despite living close weaken the survival of the Spanish to four decades in Australia, dialect language and the need for a robust homeland media instils a collective Spanish-speaking community. With- sense of belonging and revitalises their out substantial and continuous migra- ethnolinguistic vitality. Nevertheless, tion from Spanish-speaking countries, a lower vitality existed among the sec- the Latin American community will ond and older first generation respon- become more developed and estab- dents as they less frequently accessed lished, rendering language conserva- Argentinean transnational media out- tion increasingly more difficult. lets. Yet, the use of social media plat- Spanish language community me- forms (Facebook, Instagram, Twitter dia (made by and for the local Span- and YouTube) enables both genera- ish-speaking population) has also tions to read, hear, express and share historically been part of Australia’s their emotions, thoughts and experi- media landscape. With access to five ences through their dialect. More so, online and four print Latin American by liking and following social media newspapers, the first generation from accounts and groups of Argentinean Melbourne (29%), Sydney (33%), and news outlets, as well as sports players Brisbane (14%) consulted these regu- and teams, celebrities and TV shows, larly compared to the second genera- these digital tools are vehicles which tion (Sydney, 32%, Melbourne, 16%, preserve and revitalises language and Brisbane 12%). The key reasons and culture without being physically for the first generation included- ac present in Argentina. cess to news and entertainment from Conversational applications (What- Australia, Latin America and Spain, in sApp, Facebook Messenger, and Skype) addition to remaining informed about have also largely substituted traditional 106 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 methods of communication (landline favourably in Australia, with Spanish phone calls, posted letters and post- and Portuguese being popularly stud- cards) which was non-existent for ear- ied languages, heard and used in the lier generations. First generation male retail and hospitality industries with respondent from Melbourne expressed a growing interest in Latin America this factor during the interview: “Mis and Spain as travel and study abroad familiares crearon un grupo de What- destinations. However, the Spanish sApp para que mis hijos tengan otras language has little local economic im- personas con quien hablar y aprender portance at Australia’s national level, nuestra lengua.” These technologies as few employment fields require it. boost this dialect’s prestige in Australia Moreover, in the Australian context, through respondents’ access and expo- Castellano Rioplatense holds little val- sure. Nevertheless, face-to-face inter- ue outside of the Argentinean commu- actions remain the prevailing means nity. Respondents commented that in of experiencing Castellano Rioplatense Australia their dialect is an invisible and connecting with others which is ir- language variety, as it is not heard or replaceable by social media. used with a high frequency in various Whilst new technologies and so- domains nationally. cial media platforms create collabora- tive spaces for language learning and maintenance with native speaking Characteristics of Castellano family, their effectiveness in support- Rioplatense in Australia ing literacy remains to be seen. Criti- cisms expressed by the first generation The use of the voseo throughout include how both native and heritage Australia’s social spectrum is the most speakers are changing the language by noticeable characteristic across both modifying spelling conventions, abbre- generations. As such, the voseo is a viating words or adopting new ones. central dimension in expressing and Yet, they acknowledged that these consolidating relationships of solidar- modernising tools build, maintain and ity with other Argentineans in Austra- (re)create social networks by utilis- lia. Findings reveal that in Australia, ing Castellano Rioplatense intention- the voseo has been assimilated within ally across geographical and physical families, leaving aside the tuteo. Nev- boundaries, keeping languages alive ertheless, its exclusivity is not univer- for generations to come. sal, with respondents from Argentina’s West, North-West and North-East or Factor 3: Status those with a Spanish speaking part- ner with predominant tú usage, utilis- Despite the international ranking ing a mixed pattern of the vos and tú of Spanish, both generations attribut- pronoun with tú verb forms. For re- ed prestige to the language. They add- spondents, age and status are also ed that globally, the Latin American important factors in their choice of community is a vibrant collection of pronoun. Symmetrical Usted usage oc- communities. This Pan Latino commu- curs when there is mutual politeness nity holds high status and is regarded and respect with older Argentineans or NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 107 professionals, while younger speakers las palabras en todas las variedades are addressed using tú or vos. Within del idioma castellano y el español the extended family and social net- rioplatense no es diferente.” Adding to work, their use of tuteo and voseo alter- this, first generation male respondent nate, yet across both generations the from Sydney relayed: “El rioplatense voseo signals greater confianza. contiene palabras, el lunfardo y Lexical differences or Argentinismos frases típicas que siempre usamos. differentiating the Argentinean com- Los argentinismos son palabras que munity in Australia from others was se suelen usar entre los argentinos, y another regional shibboleth found. en casa lo usamos bastante.” Table 2 First generation female respondent below reflects various Argentinismos from Sydney stated: “Es importante used among respondents. señalar que existen diferencias entre

Table 2 Argentinismos used by Australian respondents

Che (hey) Nafta (gasoline)

Valija (luggage/suitcase) Bronca (anger, frustration)

Pibe(a)/ guacho(a) (guy/girl) Plata/guita (money)

Baúl (del auto) (boot/trunk) Cancha (sports field/court)

Lapicera (pen) Dale (okay)

Pava (teapot) Vereda (sidewalk)

Departamento (apartment) Mozo (waiter)

Cartera (handbag) Ruta (highway)

Among immediate family mem- from extended family and friends. Oth- bers and friends, lunfardo is primarily ers claimed not knowing if the terms used by first generation respondents. they knew were lunfardo or not. Table The second generation reported know- 3 below lists terms primarily used by ing and using lunfardo because their the first generation. parents taught them, or they learnt it 108 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114

Table 3 Lunfardo used by Australian respondents

Atorrante (shameless, vagrant, lazy) Groso (great)

Boludo: (stupid, idiot. Also used to obtain another person’s attention with whom a Guita (money) certain degree of intimacy exists. i.e., , boludo, ¿estás en casa?)

Bondi (bus) Laburar (to work)

Bronca (anger) Mango (refers to currency, i.e., bucks)

Cana (Police) Mina (woman)

Chabón (guy) Morfar (to eat)

Chamuyar / chamullar (to chat up) Papafrita (idiot)

Chanta (an individual of little credibility) Perejil (unimportant person)

Cheto (fancy) Pibe/a (boy/girl)

Engrupir (to deceive) Piola (smart, cunning)

Fiaca (laziness) Posta (accurate, real)

Garca (dishonest person) Quilombo (disorder, confusion)

During his travels to Argentina in the second generation mentioned how 2012, Brisbane's second-generation lunfardo also features vesre (metath- male respondent recalled his exposure esis of syllables with the word vesre it- to lunfardo by native Spanish-speak- self an example of reves). Words such as ing family and his desire to learn it. ñoba [baño], garpar [pagar], and lleca [calle] were used among the first gen- When I was there [Argentina], my eration with their family and friends. cousins would say things like ¿Qué Another feature (not exclusive to Ar- hacés chabón? or Sos una piola. So, gentineans) is the use of queísmo (the I began learning lunfardo. Despite omission of the preposition de before not having many Argentine friends the conjunction que). A first generation here, I use it with my cousins when interviewee and Spanish teacher from we message. It makes me feel Sydney noted that queísmo is a feature more Argentinean. used among the Argentinean commu- nity. She provided an example of this: Over 65% of first generation - in “Tengo miedo de que no haya lugar terviewees and less than 10% from en el auto” y en español rioplatense NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 109 decimos: “Tengo miedo que no haya formal para usar en el ámbito fa- lugar en el auto.” miliar. Enseñe a mis hijos que con This dialect’s grammatical struc- esta expresión (ir + a + infinitivo) ture was evident in respondents’ use expresamos una acción futura ya of verb tenses. Data analysis revealed planificada, y que el futuro simple that the simple past was used by re- es para una acción futura no plani- spondents from Argentina's South ficada (First generation Brisbane East, whilst those from Argentina's female respondent). West, North-West, and North East employed the present perfect. For in- The second generation also inherit- stance, Brisbane's first generation fe- ed the periphrastic future with second male respondent, born in Tucuman generation female respondent from stated: “El pretérito se habla en la Sydney stating: “En lugar de conjugar ciudad de Buenos Aires. En todas las el futuro, mis padres nos enseñaron demás provincias del norte, de donde esta construcción (ir + a + infinitivo). vengo yo, optamos por usar el pretérito En lugar de ‘mañana comeré almuer- perfecto compuesto y se suele decir y zo,’ aprendí decir ‘mañana voy a almor- escuchar ‘He ido, he tomado’ etcétera.” zar.’ Y para mí me resulta mucho más Yet, in Melbourne, according to Bue- fácil.” Both generations were found to nos Aires-born first generation female adverbialise adjectives with examples respondent: “A mis hijos les enseñé el taken from interview recordings such pretérito. El pretérito perfecto es difícil as habla bonito and habla lindo. In y se confunden mucho.” The second addition, the idiomatic expression ‘lo generation was found to also inher- de alguien,’ referring to an individ- it this hallmark of verb tenses from ual’s place of residence or work was their parents. also utilised. Other grammatical structures used during interviews was the use En Argentina es lo habitual y esta of the present tense to express fu- expresión ‘lo de’ predomina. O sea, ture actions with examples such as decimos ‘voy a lo del médico’ en vez ‘mañana venimos’ (instead of mañana de decir ‘voy al médico.’ No sé… vendremos) o ‘en un rato te digo’ (in- es nuestra forma de decir cosas y stead of te diré). Despite not using the forma parte de nuestro dialecto. Y future or present perfect, respondents mis hijos también lo usan porque employed the present indicative to ex- lo escucharon mil veces en casa press future framed actions or events (First generation Melbourne fe- between interlocutors. During the in- male respondent). terviews, the periphrastic future (voy a ir) was also exclusively used instead of Interestingly, the prefix ‘re-’ before the synthetic future (iré). adjectives was another characteristic commonly utilised among the young- El Castellano Rioplatense tiene er aged first generation respondents, sus particularidades. Más que and less so for the second. Using this nada usamos ir + a + infinitivo ya prefix was first generation male- re que el futuro simple es demasiado spondent in his 40s. When questioned, 110 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 he affirmed: “se usa predominante- these were utilised more by the first mente en Argentina y también se en- rather than the second generation. cuentra en Uruguay. Se utiliza más For the latter, the application of these para intensificar algo como los verbos y phrases showed their linguistic com- los adjetivos en vez de decir ‘muy.’ Por petence as their fundamental objec- ejemplo, si algo es lindo nosotros deci- tive is to be native-like. These phrases mos que es relindo.” (see Table 4) were popularly used by Respondents touched on how Ar- respondents from Buenos Aires City gentinean colloquial phrases and ex- and other provinces in South East Ar- pressions are regional shibboleths gentina. Consequently, Argentineans used in everyday conversations. Form- from other provinces may not interpret ing part of the Argentinean identity, these expressions in the same way.

Table 4 Expressions and phrases used by Australian respondents

Capaz (maybe) Tener buena onda (good vibes, good energy)

Estar en el horno (to be in a stressful Tener fiaca(too lazy to do something) situation)

Mira vos (How about that! / Wow, look Tal cual (exactly: used in agreement with at you, really) someone)

Puede ser (it could be/ we will see) Tomátelo con soda (take something lightly)

Pasa que (the thing is: used when de- ¿Viste? (you see? / you know?) scribing or explaining something)

Another peculiarity of this dialect frequently used ‘con ti.’ Overall, the in Australia was also found. The vos morphological, syntactical and lexi- has replaced the ti (emphatic form of cal features of Castellano Rioplatense the singular second-person pronoun is a marker of pride and articulation used after a preposition) in Austra- of distinctiveness (socially, cultur- lian homes, such as ‘tengo algo para ally, historically, and linguistically) vos.’ Ti or vos is used interchangeably separating them from Latin Ameri- by respondents from Northern Argen- can’s in Australia. This dialect, like tina and partners from other Spanish- others, provides Argentineans with a speaking countries. The same result unique status within the Latin Ameri- was found with the pronoun contigo. can community as a variety primar- Respondents from South East Argen- ily used at home with family or with tina utilised ‘con vos’, whilst respon- other Argentineans. dents from North-eastern Argentina NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 111

Identity Their dialect was not only a commu- nication medium but also a marker of Linking back to the ethnolinguistic Argentinean identity in multicultural vitality factors, this dialect allows Ar- Australia, signalling their unique- gentineans to maintain and accentu- ness from the general Latin Ameri- ate ethnolinguistic distinctiveness. For can population. respondents, a national Argentinean identity is one by which is by default a mixture of multiple nationalities. Discussion and Conclusion Recognising their European origins, more than 80% of first-generation -re To date, this is the first case study spondents self-identified as ‘Argentin- exploring dialect maintenance within ean.’ Second-generation testimonials the Argentinean community in Aus- revealed that their identities have an tralia. In line with the Ethnolinguistic aspect of essentialism. Also weighing Identity Theory, demographic, insti- in their European identification, this tutional and status factors influence generation (25%) designated a hybrid respondents’ language maintenance Argentinean-Australian identity such and identity efforts. One key find- as: “I’m Australian-born yet I’m a prod- ing is that the home is the primary uct of what came off the boats. A mix locus for the maintenance and use of of Spanish, Italian and Argentinean” Castellano Rioplatense. The home and (Second generation female respondent family provide children with an atmo- from Sydney). Others claimed to be sphere to hear, absorb and experiment both 100% Australian and 100% Ar- with language, and with its structures, gentinian with positionalities shifting functions and uses. Nevertheless, chal- with their surroundings. Talking about lenges exist in its maintenance across how positionality influences their de- generations if it is restricted to the home. scription and fluidity of identity, a Extended family and other commu- second generation female respondent nity members can fill this gap by not from Melbourne said: only expanding the input but also di- versifying a child’s contact with more I don’t mind getting asked ‘where community language structures and are you from?’ I say that I’m Aus- ways of communication. For gender, tralian-born, I look European, my the role of the mother is significant as surname is Italian, but my parents the primary caregiver, transmitter, are Argentine-born. I think it's cool and gatekeeper of the community lan- to have different cultures in my an- guage across generations. In endoga- cestry and I’m proud of that. mous unions, interactions with children support intergenerational communica- Argentinean identity was also con- tion. Yet, there is evidence of a gradual veyed via food and drink by both gen- loss and shift towards English in the erations. Culturally based, these sig- second generation. nified belonging to the Argentinean As for institutional factors, Mel- culture, thereby enhancing Argentin- bourne’s and Sydney’s Argentin- ean identity, if only for brief periods. ean clubs primarily support dialect 112 Revista de Lenguas Modernas, N.° 34, 2021 / 93-114 maintenance by fostering cultural and population as individuals come and de- social participation for the first genera- scend from different Argentinean prov- tion. Yet, the same cannot be said for inces. The novelty of this research and the second or for individuals residing in its findings call for further research into other Australian cities who lack these Castellano Rioplatense and other dia- institutions. As for media, communi- lects, as well as the linguistic and cul- ty print and web media give status to tural experiences of Spanish-speaking Castellano, not Castellano Rioplatense migrants globally. via its presence and connection in uni- fying the Pan Latino population. Fur- ther, educational institutions teaching Notas Castellano provides the second and later generations with another space to learn 1. For further reading on terminology and be immersed in a Spanish-speaking and usage see (Real Academia Espa- environment. Yet, the use of Castellano ñola, 2005 https://www.rae.es/dpd/ is limited in these spaces and must be espa%2525C3%2525B1ol). negotiated with the use of Rioplatense 2. No official statistics exist. These num- at home and (to a lesser extent) online. bers are based on the census population In Australia, the multicultural cat- the provinces of Buenos Aires and En- egory of ‘Latin American’ disrupts the tre Ríos (see http://www.indec.gov.ar). traditional parameters of in/out-group 3. See Bárkányi & Mara Fuertes Gutiérrez membership by prioritising shared lan- (2019) on their paper on dialectal varia- guage over shared cultural attributes. tion and Spanish language teaching in Despite this multicultural context that the United Kingdom. publicly renders Argentineans as ‘Lat- 4. These arguments align with those of the in Americans,’ they have successfully Real Academia Española (Artículo I) in continued since the 1970s to transmit that there is a Spanish-speaking commu- and maintain Castellano Rioplatense nity that transcends dialect differences. across multiple domains to signal their (see Real Academia Española, 2019) uniqueness, allowing them to maintain https://www.rae.es/la-institucion a distinct Argentinean identity. The most interesting findings have to do with the variety of shibboleths Bibliography linked to Castellano Rioplatense that continue to be used and transmitted by Australian Bureau of Statistics. the first to successive generations. This (2019). Census of Population dialect differentiates itself from others and Housing, 2016. https://www. in Australia through its morphological, abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/ syntactical and lexical features. The Lookup/2901.0Chapter27402016 voseo is unequivocally the preferred Australian Bureau of Statistics. form of informal address and is a token (2017). Census 2016, Country of of confianza representative of positive Birth of Person by Sex (SA2+). cohesive social levelling. This paper http://stat.data.abs.gov.au/Index. does not intend to generalise its find- aspx?DataSetCode=ABS_C16_ ings to reflect Australia's Argentinean T06_SA# NATOLO. Castellano Rioplatense in Australia: The use of dialect in the Argentinean... 113

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