UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI BERGAMO Facoltà Di Lingue E Letterature Straniere

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UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI BERGAMO Facoltà Di Lingue E Letterature Straniere UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI BERGAMO Facoltà di Lingue e Letterature Straniere Dottorato di Ricerca in Letterature Euroamericane XX Ciclo Tesi di Dottorato SCRITTURA E IDENTITÀ IN ASSIA DJEBAR E NAWAL EL-SAADAWI VOCI FEMMINILI DALL’AFRICA SETTENTRIONALE ARABO-MUSSULMANA Supervisore: Chiar.ma Prof.ssa Francesca Melzi D’Eril Dottoranda: Marta Sirimbelli matr. 700170 A Leonardo Fornaciari Introduzione Marcella Romeo osserva che “la scrittura, laddove circostanze ineluttabili quali il tempo della storia, i luoghi, le origini ibridano l’identità al punto di negarla, diventa strumento di articolazione del sé, luogo in cui fissare le esperienze acquisite e osservare i processi che nella loro molteplicità si svolgono all’unisono”1. Questa tesi è pertanto consacrata allo studio della scrittura di Assia Djebar, Fatima Mernissi, Leila Ahmed e Nawal El-Saadawi e ha lo scopo di verificare l’impatto del tempo della storia, dei luoghi e delle origini sulla formazione ideologica, professionale e sulla definizione dell’identità delle scrittrici. La scelta è caduta su queste autrici in quanto sono le uniche quattro che, essendo nate nel decennio compreso fra il 1930 e il 1940, hanno in comune il periodo storico, caratterizzato dal passaggio dalla colonizzazione alla decolonizzazione, il contesto culturale e sociale, quello nord-africano e una scrittura che esprime una forte ricerca delle origini e sviluppa il tema del ritorno inteso sia come revisione della storia collettiva sia come ricostruzione della loro genealogia femminile. Pur appartenendo a stati diversi, Nawaal El-Saadawi e Leila Ahmed all’Egitto, Assia Djebar all’Algeria e Fatima Mernissi al Marocco 2 , le scrittrici sono state direttamente coinvolte dal processo di decolonizzazione dei loro paesi, hanno vissuto gli ultimi anni della dominazione straniera, hanno assistito alla nascita dei movimenti di indipendenza e di formazione delle nazioni arabe e hanno subito le conseguenze di un clima socio-culturale-politico all’insegna della contraddizione e dell’ambiguità. Il Nord Africa coloniale degli anni Quaranta, Cinquanta, si caratterizzava infatti per la convivenza di due tendenze intellettuali. La prima era espressa dalle 1 Marcella Romeo, Scrittura del sè e critica postcoloniale, in Daniela Corona (a cura di), Autobiografie e contesti culturali: Ibridazioni, generi e alterità, Palermo, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Studi e ricerche, 1999, n. 31, p. 92. 2 Nawal El-Saadawi nasce a Kafr Tahla nel 1931, Leila Ahmed al Cairo nel 1940, Assia Djebar a Cherchell nel 1936 e Fatima Mernissi a Fez nel 1940. correnti di pensiero che sostenevano la necessità di recepire i modelli e i valori dell’Occidente e caldeggiavano l’emancipazione della donna. Gli intellettuali progressisti, infatti, collegando la condizione femminile alla modernizzazione sociale e tecnologica, sottolineavano come entrambi i sessi dovessero avere la stessa educazione, perché questo era il costume delle nazioni forti come quelle europee3. La seconda corrente di pensiero era invece riconducibile a Jam…l ad-D–n al-Afghani e al suo discepolo Muhammad Abduh. Essi si opponevano all’europeismo allora imperante, auspicavano un ritorno all’Islam essenziale, l’unico Credo nella storia dell’umanità che, a loro parere, riconosceva piena e pari dignità all’essere umano e in particolare alle donne. Questi due movimenti di opinione, uniti alla netta separazione causata dall’occupazione coloniale tra la nuova élite alto-borghese, istruita in Europa ed occidentalizzata, ed i ceti medio- bassi e popolari, portarono da un lato all’apertura alla cultura occidentale, dall’altro alla difesa delle tradizioni islamiche. La colonizzazione determinò infatti una radicale destrutturazione sociale e simbolica, creando due mondi, quello della modernizzazione e quello dell’arcaicità intimamente legati dallo stesso principio unificatore: “la totale subordinazione dell’elemento locale all’elemento francese” o inglese, che, nel corso del tempo, portò alla “rimonta del fondo arabo-mussulmano a discapito degli apporti occidentali più recenti” 4 . È infatti “nella cornice dialettica della colonizzazione/decolonizzazione, e non soltanto in quella delle contraddizioni legate allo sviluppo socio-economico o in quella altrettanto ristretta di un ipotetico ritorno (universale) del religioso, che bisogna cercare l’origine del fenomeno islamico” 5 . L’islamismo, ricreando un’identità, fornì infatti sicurezza a chi aveva dovuto introiettare per decenni solo inferiorità nei confronti dell’Occidente e diventò pertanto facile strumento di controllo e persuasione nelle mani di centri di potere diversi. L’indipendenza politica e il diffondersi del nazionalismo non portarono inversioni di tendenza. Nella maggioranza dei casi i gruppi indipendentisti ripresero, in mancanza di 3 Ricordo che il gruppo di intellettuali progressisti faceva capo al riformatore Rifa’ah Tahtawi che già nel 1840 sosteneva la necesssità dell’emancipazione e dell’istruzione della donna. 4 Françoit Burgat, Il fondamentalismo islamico. Algeria, Tunisia, Marocco, Libia, Torino, SEI, pp. 49 - 51. 5 Ibid. 6 alternativa, gli obiettivi e i metodi dei colonizzatori, creando forti tensioni sociali e la conseguente rottura di molti degli equilibri precedenti. Dal 1947 al 1973 l’Africa settentrionale fu inoltre politicamente e/o militarmente coinvolta nei quattro conflitti arabo-israeliani che esasperarono il concetto di Arabness, introdotto e diffuso dalla propaganda nazionalista soprattutto egiziana 6 . Il nazionalismo e l’Arabness, identificando negli Ebrei la nuova realtà da combattere, portarono ad una ridefinizione dell’identità collettiva e ad una completa revisione dei valori prima indiscussi e totalmente condivisi. Le scrittrici e le loro famiglie dovettero misurarsi con tutto ciò. Spesso sperimentarono sentimenti di confusione sentendosi emarginate e disconnesse dalla loro stessa società e dai loro gruppi di appartenenza 7 e subirono pesanti conseguenze nel passaggio dal colonialismo al nazionalismo. 6 A tale proposito mi sembra interessante proporre i ricordi della Ahmed al fine di dare la percezione del clima socio-politico di quegli anni: “I remember how I hated that incessant rhetoric. Al-qawmiyya al-Arabiyya! Al-Uraba! Nahnu al-Arab! Arab nationalism! Arabness! We the Arabs! Even now, just remembering those words, I feel again a surge of mingled irritation and resentment. Propaganda is unpleasant. And one could not escape it. The moment one turned on the radio, there it was: military songs, nationalistic songs and endless, endless speeches in that frenetic, crazed voice of exhortation. In public places, in the street, it filled the air, blaring at one from the grocery, the newsstand, the cafè, the garage, for it became patriotic to have it on at full volume”. Si veda Leila Ahmed, A border passage, New York, Penguin Books, (1999), 2000, p. 244. Mi sembra inoltre utile ricordare che l’Egitto fu il primo paese arabo a rivendicare la propria indipendenza opponendo alla dominazione britannica lo sviluppo di un profondo sentimento nazionale. Facendosi promotore della creazione della Lega araba (1945), sostenendo la necessità di un’unità mussulmana, necessaria per contenere e neutralizzare la minaccia israeliana, e contrastando Francia ed Inghilterra durante la questione del Canale di Suez, combattè la percezione occidentale di un Oriente incapace di organizzarsi, debole a livello politico, culturale e religioso e si impose all’attenzione mondiale diventando lo Stato leader dei paesi nord africani. L’Egitto fu coinvolto in tutte e quattro le guerre contro Israele. Partecipò alla prima (1947-1949) con un contingente militare di 40.000 uomini, a fianco di Siria, Iraq, Giordania e Libano. Fronteggiò da solo l’improvviso attacco israeliano del 1956 e fu salvato dalla catastrofe dagli Stati Uniti che imposero il cessate il fuoco a Francia e Gran Bretagna, intervenute a sostegno di Israele e richiesero l’invio da parte dell’ONU di una forza di polizia internazionale, che dopo aver sostituito gli eserciti anglo-francesi, occupò il Sinai ristabilendo fra Israele ed Egitto la linea di confine fissata dall’armistizio del 1949. Le ultime forze israeliane evacuarono Gaza e il Sinai nel marzo 1957. Le ostilità ripresero nel 1967 a seguito della firma del patto di difesa comune fra Nasser e il re di Giordania Husayn, che spinse anche Libano, Arabia Saudita, Siria, Iraq, Kuwait, Sudan e Algeria ad aderire alla “crociata” contro Israele. Anche il terzo conflitto vide la sconfitta degli eserciti arabi. La quarta guerra scoppiò improvvisa il 6 ottobre 1973 a seguito del fallimento di tutte le iniziative di pace gravitanti intorno alla risoluzione 242 approvata dall’ONU nel 1967, per il rifiuto di Israele di ritirarsi dai territori arabi occupati nel terzo conflitto. Essa oppose Israele all’Egitto e alla Siria appoggiati dagli altri Stati della Lega araba, in particolare dall’Iraq, dalla Giordania, dall’Algeria e dal Marocco. Sull’argomento si veda la voce “Israeliano-arabe (guerre)” tratta da: Rizzoli Larousse, Enciclopedia Multimediale, Milano 1998. 7 Leila Ahmed, A border ..., cit., p. 246: “The propaganda worked on me and on the others. To question our Arabness and all that our Arabness implied became unthinkable. Only despicable, 7 Leila Ahmed e Nawal El-Saadawi furono testimoni della trasformazione politica dell’Egitto: dal governo di re Faruk al colpo di stato del 1952 del generale Neghib, alla presidenza prima di Nasser, poi di Sadat. Sia la famiglia della Saadawi sia quella della Ahmed pagarono un alto prezzo
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