Stirred, Not Yet Shaken: Integrating Women's History Into Media History*

Stirred, Not Yet Shaken: Integrating Women’s History into Media History*

By Barbara Friedman, Carolyn Kitch, Therese Lueck, Amber Roessner and Betty Winfield

More than 50 years ago, historian Jack Hexter wrote that history had “been mostly stag affairs” in that men far outnumbered women among practitioners, students, and subjects of study.1 In the 1970s, “women’s history” established itself as part of the historical community, in large part due to the momentum of the women’s movement. But the response was tepid. Textbook authors, journal editors, and conference organizers showed a willingness to “add the women,” but rarely went beyond noting their presence in the traditional male-centered historical narrative. As historian Elaine Tyler May wrote of that approach, “adding women and stirring provided a hint of spice, but the flavor of history remained pretty much the same.”2 As feminism evolved, its influence on historical study devel- oped, too, and is evident in many outstanding works in our field of journalism and mass communication history. But there is much work left to be done if we are intent on creating a more inclusive historical narrative. And we should be. With the enrollment at most journalism schools now tipped in favor of women, women’s history is especially relevant to our students. It offers role models and milestones, and suggests challenges for future scholars and professionals. For the same reason, it bolsters the argument in favor of journalism history as a core subject in journalism education.3 In a panel discussion at AJHA’s 2008 conference in Seattle, we offered our thoughts on the significance of women’s history as part of journalism and mass communication history, and some concepts and strategies for moving beyond the “add women and stir” approach to integrate women’s experiences into the curriculum.

160 • American Journalism — Theorizing the Documentary: Thoughts on New Ways of Continuing Our Work Carolyn Kitch Temple University

In one way or another, all of us are revisiting the challenge is- sued by Catherine Covert 28 years ago: to find new ways of thinking about women and journalism history.4 Her call followed James Carey’s now-better-remembered criticism that journalism-history scholarship was too documentary and atheoretical, and his wish for, instead, a kind of journalism history that sought patterns and that asked new kinds of questions.5 In the three decades since then, communication scholarship, defined broadly, has evolved in major ways that correspond to theo- retical shifts across disciplines. For instance, identity theory tells us that gender is a social construction, that it’s always fluid and com- plex, that therefore we cannot speak about others’ identity, and that in fact it may be too simplistic, even irresponsible, to talk about a concept so broad as “women.” Many of us have found such ideas compelling and yet have struggled when trying to apply them to historical scholarship, especially about women. If it’s hard to “speak for others” right now, it seems impossible to do so with regard to people who lived in the past. But we have to try anyway, because our subjects can’t speak for themselves anymore. Then there is the factor of our own experience. Like many of our male counterparts, many women in the journalism academy came from journalism itself, and our own experiences in the workplace tell us that is worthwhile to try to gen- eralize about the shared experiences of women; indeed, it may be irresponsible not to. And so as researchers we are likely to continue along a documentary path. At the same time, however, we must also continue to try to theorize our findings, to seek new perspectives on the nature and meaning of our scholarship. One of the suggestions Covert made in 1981 was that if you consider the past in light of how it was lived by most women, you’re inspired to reconceptualize the past itself, to see the passage of time as cycles of advance and retreat, rather than one long march of linear progress. When I teach journalism history, I use Gloria Steinem’s article “I Was a Playboy Bunny.”6 Before they read it, the students snicker

— Winter 2009 • 161 and dismiss this as an artifact of the ridiculousness of both women and history. After they read it, the female students are shocked. Their reaction is not as much to the poor labor conditions Steinem described as to the fact that she had the nerve to tell the truth and she was allowed to write it. They’re also surprised to learn that the traditional women’s magazines worked together during the late 1970s and early 1980s to campaign for the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment; students find it hard to believe that women’s magazines were once more liberal than they are now. Their reactions remind me of the value of thinking of time as cycles or waves, a model that invites us to compare women’s experience (and media content) across time. These examples also underscore the value of document- ing what was actually done and published in the past. So much scholarship in our field begins with the “common- sense” premise that a particular era (the 1850s, the 1920s, the 1950s, or whenever) was a terrible time for women, that women weren’t active or respected, and that there were hardly any women really doing anything serious. And then our research says: Look! We have found the exception! We’ve found the female war correspondent, or the women’s magazine that praised working women, or the news- room where women were in management 50 years ago. And then this exceptional woman or media phenomenon becomes “the news” of our research, our contribution to the literature. But what if we rethink our finding? What if we say, wait a minute: If we’ve found this exception, might there be others? Might there be a lot of others? Might common sense be wrong? At this conference, Kimberly Wilmot Voss did this by showing us why the departure of newspaper women’s pages was a loss for women, as journalists and as audiences. Similarly, in her study of newspaper editors’ rhetorical uses of the suffrage debate, Jane Mar- cellus reminded us that women have symbolic uses to men within battles over political power.7 These papers encourage us to think about women as a social group with an evolving and connected history. We need to resist the common historical urge to understand people as slices or snapshots of achievement. This is especially true of how we historicize successful women and minorities, because we do tend to think of them as exceptions. Yet women and minorities have been present in the media industries for a long time, not just for a few moments of accomplishment. It’s worth considering the possibility that a woman who didn’t do anything first but had a long career may have been hugely important as a mentor to other women.

162 • American Journalism — Surely there is a whole subfield of unasked and unanswered questions about how and why women’s careers in the media industries have taken the shape and direction and quality they have, over time and across industries. These are just a few suggestions for ways we might start asking new questions, theorizing the story of journalism and mass communication history while not abandoning our work of restoring women to that unfolding narrative.

Avoiding Presentism in Gender and Communication Studies: A Cautionary Tale Lori Amber Roessner University of Georgia

Historians have long warned against presentism, blindly judg- ing the past by present-day standards. So my cautionary tale may seem, at first glance, like the most basic lesson of all. In fact, sipping coffee and quietly nibbling a raspberry muffin, I got an early lesson on the subject in my first historical methods class. However basic, presentism is, in my experience, the most commonly encountered tension in historical interpretations. After all, we cannot help but acknowledge the existence of our terministic screens, always linger- ing in the corner.8 As subjective humans, we are all influenced by the socio-historical milieus from which we come.9 This essay is not advocating a denial of human subjectivity and reflexivity; to do so would be naïve. However, we must actively guard against mapping today’s conceptions of gender, race, and class ideologies onto the past. Failing to do so would risk missing insights into the subtle nu- ances in cultural struggles over gender and race. Consider for a moment the life of Jane Cunningham Croly, one of the trailblazing female journalists of the nineteenth century. Re- cently exploring Croly’s writings on gender, I engaged in a struggle against presentism, battling against the urge to map current conceptions of feminism onto the phenomenon. I struggled to let “Jennie June” speak. At first glance, a present-blinded scholar might argue that Croly’s views about gender were not progressive—after all, she wrote predominantly about domesticity and was not a member of the suffrage movement; however, when one grapples with her conception of gender as presented in a sample of articles that spans the length of her career, one can begin to see the great complexity and contradictions evident within her writings.

— Winter 2009 • 163 Although Croly reinforced Barbara Welter’s cult of true womanhood by arguing that women were by nature morally superior to men, her conception of separate spheres was both subversive and liberating.10 Mirroring the work of Sarah Hale, the prominent edi- tor of Godey’s Lady Book, Croly’s extension of the women’s sphere from the domain of domesticity to civic housekeeping was a source of empowerment. As Agnes Hooper Gottlieb argues, Croly was a forerunner of the Progressive Era’s Municipal Housekeeping Move- ment, which gave women a point of entry into government and re- form initiatives.11 While Croly was not an advocate of the suffrage movement, her short-lived idea of a Women’s Parliament was itself a radical notion, which proposed not to ask for the vote but to take it. Tracing Croly’s journalistic career also reveals her subversive pro- pensity for speaking out against dominant cultural norms such as “lacing” that rendered women frail and weak, as well as the inherent inequities in a legal system that did not guarantee women equal property ownership. Although Croly encouraged women to gain education and professional skills in her mass-circulating newspaper and magazine articles, she also served to subvert dominant notions about gender by the very act of entering the journalism profession. The case of Croly should remind us how we, as scholars, as well as our subjects, are always-already embedded in, reflective of, and limited by historical circumstances.12 We should never fail to remember that all texts have conditions and contexts. As we continue in the cultural struggle of weaving the contributions of women into the very fibers of communication studies, let us not forget that failing to avoid presentism risks discounting the work of the women that came before us and robbing future generations of the stories of “Ms. Everywoman.”13

The Information Superhighway as a Route to History Barbara Friedman University of North Carolina

A challenge for history educators is hooking students’ interest in the first class and showing them in a compelling way therel- evance of history to their lives. The chronological arrangement of most mass media history courses makes that difficult. We tend to start with the earliest forms of printed media—with which our students have no firsthand experience—and eventually make our way

164 • American Journalism — to emerging technologies, in which they are fully engaged. At the risk of sounding like I’m advocating presentism, I’d like to sug- gest using the present as a way to engage students in the study of the past—in other words, to teach mass media history, begin at the end. By beginning the course with the digital media revolution, we’re acknowledging our students’ way of knowing the world, and we can more easily show them they are part of a continuous past.14 For those of us whose classes are composed of more women than men, there is a basis for using technology as a hook. Women have a long relationship with technology as it relates to communication, although with few exceptions their work as early inventors, adopters and producers has been unheralded. Using technology as an entry point to mass media history offers an opportunity to fill that historical gap while also providing us a chance to introduce to students some of the themes in mass media history: controls of information, concentration of ownership, and alternative voices, for example. Creating an inclusive history is a gradual process. Gender and race scholar Peggy McIntosh described the transformation that takes place when education meets feminism in five phases: (1)womanless history, in which the male experience is considered universal; (2) women in history, in which exceptional women’s experiences are added to the existing androcentric narrative; (3) women as problem, absence or anomaly; (4) women as history in which ordinary women’s experiences begin to permeate the narrative, which begins to resemble more closely the experiences of the majority; and finally, (5) history redefined or reconstructedto include us all.15 The approach I propose to teaching mass media history allows the students to experience these five phases of transformation using technology as a conceptual lens. By the time students reach the fifth phase, they should understand that men and women’s unequal participation in the design and use of communication technology is systemic, and ideally, they could begin to conceptualize what it would take producers and consumers of mass media to remedy that. This transformation also prepares the students to think critically as they move through the remainder of the course. To begin the class, the students read circa-1990s material sug- gesting the revolutionary potential of the Internet to break down geographical, social, and political barriers to become the most dem- ocratic medium ever. Immediately, the students begin to think about how those predictions square with their reality. A focus on social media such as blogs is ideal, since that seems to be where our stu-

— Winter 2009 • 165 dents spend most of their online time. Using the McIntosh model as a roadmap, ask the students to identify the “A-list” blogs. In this fact-finding mission, students will discover that the top blogs, as determined by prominent services such as Technorati, are all created by and/or written by men. Thus, students become aware of a “womanless history.” In phase two, “women in history,” ask the students a simple but wide-ranging research question: If the A-list blogs are created by and written by men, where are the women? More than likely, they will bring back to you a handful of names: Arianna Huffington (co- founder of the Huffington Post blog), Ana Marie Cox (former edi- tor of Wonkette), and Michelle Malkin (founder of The Truth Laid Bear), for example. These are the exceptional women, and they tell us very little about what “ordinary” women are contributing to the web community. The research at this stage is superficial, as it turns up only those women who garner the most publicity online, and usually in concert with other mass media sources such as print and broadcast. Phase three would ask students to think about women as “problem, absence, or anomaly” in media technology. In what ways are women constructed as the “other” in cyberspace? This is a good time to create a taxonomy—when we find women-authored blogs, what sort of issues or ideas do the women address? If we wrote a history of blogs, what would be missing if we left out the women? Susan G. Herring et al.’s descriptions of blogs as filters, personal journals, and knowledge-logs, would be helpful to understand what distinguishes one blog from another.16 This is a chance, too, to dis- cuss non-traditional sources, an important aspect of feminist and multicultural research, by asking students to consider not only what the women are writing about, but how they’re writing. Students are likely to remark that women’s blogs are more like diaries—personal or conversational—in comparison to men’s blogs. In phase four, direct students’ attention to the structure that un- derlies their findings. Specifically, when they identified the A-list blogs, on what criteria were those rankings based? Does Technorati employ a system that privileges one group over another? Are there other ranking sites using a system that is more inclusive? What are the differences? Reaching the fifth phase, where McIntosh says history isre- drawn, redefined and transformed to be inclusive, can be accom- plished with a variety of projects. As one example, students might devise more inclusive criteria with which to rate blogs; aggregating

166 • American Journalism — Technorati or Quantcast’s list of top blogs with a list of women’s blogs (both BlogHer and Catherine Morgan’s Political Voices of Women are amassing a complete list of women’s blogs17) would produce a very different kind of “A-list.” Once the students have experienced these five phases, whether they are compressed in the first week or two of the course or de- signed as a longer unit, you can resume a traditional chronology of mass media history or continue with a reverse chronology. At this point, you’ve used a familiar medium to show students that the past and present are forever linked. They’ve engaged in an examination of women’s ideas and contributions to communication history, and they go forward with some of the tools necessary to make them better consumers of, and contributors to, history. This strategy need not be limited to women’s history. As McIntosh has pointed out, the same process can be used to include the experiences of other marginalized groups.

Representation of Gender as a Social Construction of News Therese Lueck University of Akron

The social construction of reality was put forward in the 1960s as a treatise on the sociology of knowledge.18 While Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann did not advance the treatise out of journalistic or historical interest, Gaye Tuchman’s 1970s identification of news as a constructed reality19 provides a focus that can effectively foster an understanding that the exclusion of women in the history of American journalism has not been a naturally occurring phenomenon. When students in advanced classes are introduced to the social construction of news, however, those vested in the profession may react as if they and their peers are under attack. Michael Schudson counters such defensiveness by drawing the distinction that journalists are “making” but are not “faking” the news. He suggests three alternative approaches to using the metaphor of the gatekeeper, which, with its focus on the individual, can exacerbate the alien- ation: political economy, which fits news products into the economic structure of the organization; sociology, which acknowledges the organizational and occupational constraints on reporters, and a culturological approach that recognizes the cultural force of symbol

— Winter 2009 • 167 systems.20 Each of these approaches helps students see that misrep- resentation of women in the media is not an intentional act by any individual news worker and that exclusion does not indicate a lack of inherent value. In examining gendered coverage in twentieth century news, social construction allows research such as Barbara Welter’s nineteenth century division of labor to provide a useful foundation. Her discussion of socially constructed spheres—a public one for males and a private one for females—provides a plausible rationale for the development of a news purview that excluded women.21 I have found that students do, then, notice the absence of women on the front pages of early twentieth century newspapers. One edition has proven particularly helpful in illustrating women being brought into the public sphere, into the news purview, and onto the front page. The August 26, 1920, edition of the Nashville Tennessean headlined the final stage of Suffrage before it went national. Tennessee was the last state to ratify woman suffrage. The front page of the Nash- ville Tennessean on that day featured a large above-the-fold photo of a political chairwoman standing over the governor as he signs the act that would be sent forward to Washington, D.C., to become the nineteenth Amendment. Along with a discussion of how news coverage reconstructed women as participants in American culture, this page enables a discussion of the persistence of stereotypes. A headline over a small story on the front page reads, “Pretty Girl Found Dead,” which prompts students to ask: “If she were ugly, would her death have been covered? Would the coverage have run on the front page?” The article notes that her clothing was not that of a poor girl. Ques- tions of gender, class, and race drive an examination of the twentieth century coverage of women as victims. For a capstone examination of women as victims, I rely on Marian Meyers, who considers how journalists have covered the battering of women as “an issue central to the perpetuation of male domination and control.”22 The resurgence of sexism and its awakening of residual stereotypes in contemporary media tend to emphasize the determinism implicit in social construction. It is my responsibility as an educator to not allow the semester to end in the depression that such determinism suggests. In designing the course, I rely on a problem-so- lution model. Although solutions, per se, are not available, the approach allows us to note cultural progress throughout the historical tracings and to emphasize the shifts in journalistic and social values over the years. Students can observe numerous shifts in the news

168 • American Journalism — industry in their lives and their own media routines, especially news encounters driven by new media technologies. As Tuchman reminds us, “The construction of reality through redefinition, reconsidera- tion, and reaccounting is an ongoing process.”23 Social construction is a perspective that enables me to better understand the cultural assumptions in news constructions so that I can make these shifts visible to the rising professionals in my classroom. In turn, students can become more conscious participants in an increasingly inclusive journalism.

With Themes and Concepts Mass Media History Includes Gender Betty Houchin Winfield University of Missouri

“Between me and the other world there is ever an unasked question….How does it feel to be a problem?” That quote was not Simone de Beauvoir, but W.E.B. Dubois, speaking not about women, but as a black intellectual in a white world.24 The relevance of that quote is the acknowledgement of twoness, double consciousness, a sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, and measuring one’s soul by the rest of the world, the mass media world, predominantly male historically. I would argue that we are still in Peggy McIntosh’s third transformation, when education meets feminism, as Barbara Friedman recounted earlier. This is our dilemma for teaching and inspiring all students as they examine their mass media roots. What we faculty face in materials and textbooks is a tension itself, a dialectic of identity, when male dominance in our history characterizes so much of what is known. Adding women to mass media history is not the same as adding women’s history. Yet, to simply substitute women’s history for mainstream history leaves females assigned as prisoners of the “other.” The question is how to go beyond “the other” and also reach male students, minorities and international students? I rely on themes and concepts to transcend time and space. My aim is a con- stant focus for a useful past for what do our students care about: getting a job, being paid equally, building a career and/or juggling a family, having health care coverage, surviving a changing industry, new technologies and making a difference, a name—a reputation for oneself.

— Winter 2009 • 169 We should forever be indebted to Susan Henry, not just because of her own women’s history in journalism, but because of her analysis of looking at media history through women’s history. She points to a thirty-year progression of going from inclusion of no- table women journalists via biographies, to wider trends and gender- based issues, such as families and birth control, and suffrage and political power.25 Useful for any way to teach mass media history would be inclusion of Henry’s five concepts: contribution history, that measure of significance; women’s culture for referring to the female separate sphere of female values, rituals, relationships and modes of communication existing in journalism within and outside; women as community builders; women’s formal and informal connections, such as the professional women’s press clubs; women’s labor and how journalism covered, coexisted with and depended on women’s collaborations and work; and women as media audiences in the midst of domestic responsibilities and domestic well-being. These concepts challenge us for teaching all students. I try to incorporate them along with a singular concept. Cur- rently, I am using the concept of “professionalism” for the entire semester in a graduate history seminar. We are looking at how professionalism in a formal sense and informally as standards are applied regardless of time, technologies, journalists’ own work and survival, societal impacts and upheavals. We began with sociological readings and tracings of the rise of professions as a tie-in with the School of Journalism’s centennial and my book, Journalism 1908: Birth of a Profession.26 We examine what others wrote in the nineteenth century about standards and professionalism27 and we read chapters of Hazel Dicken-Garcia’s Nineteenth Century Journalism Standards28 and sought connections with standards and professionalism, press clubs and early journalism education. We followed this foundation for different points in time, initially with Yellow Press and the Muckrakers; in particular, Will Irwin’s “The American Newspaper” investigation for Colliers’ Magazine in 1911. With each era, we ex- amined the standards and the more formal professionalism for all kinds of journalists, and under crises of revolutions, wars, economic slowdowns, social movements such as civil, student and women’s rights, and with technological impacts. With an emphasis on the twentieth century, we relied on either weekly common readings or individual book review choices. Students shared their 11 weekly one-page position papers, including five book reviews; the class discussions were lively. The culmination was a final research project that relied on the Western Historical Manuscript Collection’s rich

170 • American Journalism — primary sources, including the National Women in Media holdings. With class discussions we sought how individuals operated in all kinds of journalism and fit the fundamental social order at different times: as consumers, as message producers, leaders or as news producers, sellers, critics, and as strategic market targets. Gender was part of those discussions with examples of unwritten standards, then codes, and overall professionalism. While the semester results are tentative so far, students in short papers and discussions are making comparisons and contrasts from one era to the next, under different conditions, internationally, technologically, with impacts and constants, regardless of time or place and with more of an understanding of what it means to be a journalist in the broadest sense. What is impressive is the enthusiasm as students talk about their own professional roots, problems, impacts, and changes and, in doing so, see gender differences, issues and attributes for success. By using a semester-long common theme or concept not only is there greater focus beyond the historical narrative, but I too am constantly learning and staying fresh. Other concepts used previ- ously were the hero, creativity and entrepreneurship, free expres- sion, inclusion/exclusion, political correctness, and humor. These gender-neutral concepts give students a chance to delve deeper for their own interests, research and final projects and papers. Whether undergraduate large lecture classes or graduate seminars, we begin with what others have written about a particular concept and seek those patterns as we read about mass media history. Gender comes in by individual examples or by institutional changes in the news- room and scope of the media, societal changes about women, minorities, or immigrants as we trace the various media history eras. Together, we are redefining and reconstructing mass media history. Many of these final papers were accepted for regional history con- ferences, and at the OAH, AJHA and AEJMC meetings. Some re- sulted in journal articles. While writing this essay, I too am more conscious of the role women have played in the general development of American society and culture, what they were doing, what was thought of female media workers as labor in the hierarchy at different times, in both the private sphere and public sphere, as individuals or as media groups, or as coming from the family enterprises—as printers,29 wives, mothers, widows, and entrepreneurs. I have been thinking more about women as helpers when the family business is journalism; or as newsmakers and consumers. Students need to see related studies or do the research themselves on the mass media responses to

— Winter 2009 • 171 women who publicly tried to make a difference; were they portrayed as deviants or not, as caricatures, be they Carrie Nation, Margaret Sanger, or Rep. Jeannette Rankin. Such media exposure historically might help students to understand see why more recently a Shirley Chisholm or a Hillary Clinton or Sarah Palin faced questions as to their viability as a president. Class or employment would be useful concepts to explore and understand women in mass media history. Were women journalists who succeeded more educated, from different types of families, from once family wealth, now lost?30 What we don’t know and what would be beneficial and of interest to our current predominately female students is pay equity in employment. Steve Weinberg writes that S.S. McClure paid Ida Tarbell well for her work, not only equal to the male muckrakers, but even better. A discussion issue for today’s women students becomes: Do you have to be an Ida Tarbell to have merit pay? What were the support systems? Did those early women’s press clubs address pay equity and if so, how? With the concept of employment, today’s female history students could learn historically about the hiring in the midst of their gender-related societal positions. Have journalism institutions as a whole denigrated or even explored gender-related values connected to women—marriage, the importance of mothering, of education for children, women’s identification with family, women’s informal powers within families or communities, the loss or gain of women during economic crises and expanded economic growth? A woman’s career is part of a life cycle during an involvement with journalism; there may be the rites of passage within different life stages: being single, married, as mothers, widows, aged. To include our students’ gender, ethnicity, backgrounds and interests becomes a triumph of creating a distinctly human world of what our mass media history was and still is. For me, using concepts is one way and includes women’s history as more than the experience of having been denied access to journalism as a career, or celebrating those notables, but rather would be being given context to an authoritative self as part of journalism or mass media history, redefined and reconstructed.

* This essay was first presented as a panel at the AJHA Annual Conference, Seattle, Washington, October 2008.

Endnotes

1 As quoted in Bonnie G. Smith, The Gender of History: Men, Women and the Historical Practice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 3. 172 • American Journalism — 2 Elaine Tyler May, “Redrawing the Map of History,” The Women’s Review of Books, February 2000, 26. 3 See for example, Elliot King, “The Role of Journalism History and the Academy in the Development of Core Knowledge in Journalism Educa- tion,” Journalism and Mass Communication Educator 63 (Summer 2008), 166-178; W. David Sloan, “Why Study History?” American Journalism 10 (Summer 1993): 6-10. 4 Catherine L. Covert, “Journalism History and Women’s Experience: A Problem in Conceptual Change,” Journalism History 8 (Spring 1981): 2-6. 5 James W. Carey, “The Problem of Journalism History,” Journalism His- tory 1 (Spring 1974): 3-5, 27. 6 Gloria Steinem, “I Was a Playboy Bunny,” in Outrageous Acts and Every- day Rebellions (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston), 32-75. Originally published as “A Bunny’s Tale” in Show magazine (May and June 1963). 7 Kimberly Wilmot Voss, “Powerful Partnership: Florida Women’s Page Ed- itors and Club Women,” and Jane Marcellus, “Come Rally to Our Standard: Nashville Newspapers and the Nineteenth Amendment during the Summer of 1920,” both papers presented at the American Journalism Historians As- sociation Conference, Seattle, Wash., October 2, 2008. 8 Kenneth Burke, Language as Symbolic Action: Essays on Life, Literature and Method (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968). Burke coined the phrase “terministic screen” to represent the frame through which our world makes sense. 9 David Barnov, Conceptual Foundations of Social Research Methods (London: Paradigm Publishers, 2004). 10 Barbara Welter, “The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860,” American Quarterly 18 (Summer 1966): 151. 11 Agnes H. Gottlieb, Women Journalists and the Municipal Housekeeping Movement, 1868-1914 (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2001). 12 Jennifer Daryl Slack and J. Macgregor Wise, “Cultural Studies and Tech- nology,” in Handbook of New Media: Social Shaping and Consequences of ICTs (London: Sage, 2002), 485-501. 13 Carl Becker, “Everyman His Own Historian,” in The Vital Past: Writings on the Uses of History, ed. Stephen Vaughn (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1985), 20-36. 14 John Seely Brown, “How to Connect Technology and Passion in the Ser- vice of Learning,” Chronicle of Higher Education, October 17, 2008, http:// chronicle.com/weekly/v55/i08/08a09901.htm. The author advocates social learning, which requires instructors to, among other things, assimilate the sensibilities of an open-source community and adopt the community’s way of seeing the world. 15 Peggy McIntosh, Interactive Phases of Curricular Revision: A Feminist Perspective (Wellesley: Wellesley Centers for Women, 1983). 16 Susan G. Herring, et al., “Women and Children Last: The Discursive Con- struction of Blogs,” in Into the Blogosphere, ed. Laura J. Gurak, Smiljana Antonijevic, Laurie Johnson, Clancy Ratliff, and Jessica Reyman, http:// blog.lib.umn.edu/blogosphere/visual.blogs.html.

— Winter 2009 • 173 17 The BlogHer roll of women bloggers can be found at http://www.blogher. com/the-blogher-blogroll; Catherine Morgan’s blog can be found at http:// politicsanew.com. 18 Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Real- ity: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966). 19 Gaye Tuchman, “Making News by Doing Work: Routinizing the Unex- pected,” in Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, ed. Dan Berkowitz (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997), 173-192. This chapter is a reprint of a 1973 article. The Berkowitz collection of relevant scholarly articles and essays makes a good class text; a second edition is expected soon. 20 Michael Schudson, “The Sociology of News Production,” in Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, ed. Dan Berkowitz (Thousand Oaks, Ca- lif.: Sage, 1997), 7-22. 21 Barbara Welter, “The Cult of True Womanhood,” in Dimity Convictions: The American Woman in the Nineteenth Century (Athens, Ohio: Ohio Uni- versity Press, 1976), 21-41. 22 Marian Meyers, “News of Battering,” in Social Meanings of News: A Text-Reader, ed. Dan Berkowitz (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997), 444. 23 Tuchman, “Making News by Doing Work,” 188. 24 W.E.B. Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1903). 25 Susan Henry, “Changing Media History to Women’s History,” in Women in Mass Communication, ed. Pamela J. Creedon (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1993), 341-362. 26 Journalism 1908: Birth of a Profession, Betty Houchin Winfield, ed. (Co- lumbia: University of Missouri Press, 2008). 27 W.B. Elkin, “the Problem of Civilization in the Twentieth Century,” American Journal of Sociology 13 (1908): 54; W.S. Lilly, “The Ethics of Journalism,” The Forum 7 (July 1889): 503-512; Ted Curis Smythe, “The Reporter, 1880-1900: Working Conditions and their Influence on the News,” Journalism History 7 (1980): 1-10; William Howard Taft, Community Jour- nalism: A Continuous Objective” in Journalism 1908, 53-64; Stephen Ban- ning, “Press Clubs Champion Journalism Education” in Journalism 1908, 65-81; and Hans Ibold and Lee Wilkins, “Philosophy at Work: Ideas Make A Difference” in Journalism 1908, 82-99. 28 Hazel Dicken-Garcia, Nineteenth Century Journalism Standards (Madi- son: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989). 29 See Susan Henry, “Colonial Woman Printer as Prototype: Toward a Model for the Study of Minorities,” Journalism History 3 (1976): 20-24; “Private Lives: An Added Dimension for Understanding Journalism His- tory, Journalism History 6 (1979): 98-102; “An Exception to the Female Model: Colonial Printer Mary Crouch,” Journalism Quarterly 62 (1985): 725-733, 749; “Sarah Goddard: Gentlewoman Printer,” Journalism Quar- terly 75 (1980): 23-30. 30 See for example, Steve Weinberg, Taking on the Trust: The Epic Battle of Ida Tarbell & John D. Rockefeller (New York: W.W. Norton, 2008).

174 • American Journalism —