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Multicultural Japan? Discourse and the 'Myth' of Homogeneity [Indonesian Translation Available]
Volume 5 | Issue 3 | Article ID 2389 | Mar 01, 2007 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Multicultural Japan? Discourse and the 'Myth' of Homogeneity [Indonesian Translation Available] Chris Burgess Multicultural Japan? Discourse and the one which dismisses the popular discourse of ‘Myth’ of Homogeneity [1] ‘homogeneous Japan’ as myth and which draws on ‘factual’ demographic and economic data to [Indonesian Translation Available Here] argue for the inevitability of further migration. This paper examines the discrepancy between Chris Burgess an increasingly negative global discourse on migration and an unwaveringly positive ‘multicultural Japan’ discourse. I argue that a It is not sufficient to fight against myths by destroying one myth and replacing it failure to acknowledge popular discourse as a with another, as in, for example,crucial element in the construction of Japanese criticising the myth of the homogenous social reality can lead to a distorted nation by replacing it with the myth of the understanding of migrants and migration in mixed nation (Oguma 2002: 349) Japan. 1. Nihonjinron and ‘Multicultural Japan’ Introduction In the field of Japanese Studies, one prominent discourse is that of a ‘multicultural Japan’. Recent years have seen a trend towards the Much of this can be traced back to a number of stabilisation of global migration flows (OECD critiques (e.g. Aoki 1990; Befu 1987; Dale 2005: 17/53). One factor behind this trend may 1986; Mouer and Sugimoto 1986; Yoshino be the growing atmosphere of global anxiety 1992) of Nihonjinron, a genre of writing and fear, fuelled by media reports of terrorist discussing Japanese cultural uniqueness. -
Introduction
Introduction Cornelius Torp and Sven Oliver Müller I What sort of structure was the German state of 1871? What sort of powers and phenomena dominated it? What sort of potential for development did it possess? What inheritance did it leave behind? How did it shape the future course of German history? These questions have been at the heart of numerous historical controversies, in the course of which our understanding of Imperial Germany has fundamentally changed. Modern historical research on the German Empire was shaped by two important developments.1 The first was the Fischer controversy at the beginning of the 1960s, which put the question of the continuity of an aggressive German foreign policy from the First to the Second World War onto the agenda, thus providing one of the key impulses for research into the period before 1918.2 The second was a complex upheaval at almost exactly the same time in the historiography of modern Germany in which a particular interpretation of German history before World War I played a central role. The advocates of this interpretation immediately referred to it as a “paradigm change,” a concept then in fashion.3 Indeed, surprisingly quickly, a group of young historians were able to establish across a broad front a new interpretation of modern German history, which broke in many respects with old traditions. In their methodology, the representatives of the so-called “historical social science” (Historische Sozialwissenschaft) turned with verve against the interpretation which had dominated mainstream historiography up till then, which saw the dominant, most important historical actions and actors in politics and the state. -
The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: the History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest
The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest A dissertation presented to the Division of Arts, Murdoch University in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2003 Miyume Tanji BA (Sophia University) MA (Australian National University) I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research. It contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any university. ——————————————————————————————— ii ABSTRACT The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people’s protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa’s enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three ‘waves’ of a post-war ‘Okinawan struggle’ against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa’s annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united ‘Okinawan struggle’, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. -
The Turkish Sonderweg: Erdoğan's New Turkey And
IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF February 2020 THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER Aslı Aydıntaşbaş THE TURKISH SONDERWEG: ERDOĞAN’S NEW TURKEY AND ITS ROLE IN THE GLOBAL ORDER About the Istanbul Policy Center-Sabancı University-Stiftung Mercator Initiative The Istanbul Policy Center–Sabancı University–Stiftung Mercator Initiative aims to strengthen the academic, political, and social ties between Turkey and Germany as well as Turkey and Europe. The Initiative is based on the premise that the acquisition of knowledge and the exchange of people and ideas are preconditions for meeting the challenges of an increasingly globalized world in the 21st century. The Initiative focuses on two areas of cooperation, EU/German-Turkish relations and climate change, which are of essential importance for the future of Turkey and Germany within a larger European and global context. 2 | FEBRUARY 2020 | IPC–MERCATOR POLICY BRIEF Introduction an emphasis on the social, economic, and political attributes that distinguish Germany from much of the rest of Europe. Similarly, Turkey is an exception About an hour’s drive north of Istanbul on a newly in its region, too, with an imperial past and resur- built highway stands the city’s new airport. “This is gent ambitions. These unique characteristics in do- not an airport but a monument to victory,” Turkish mestic and foreign policy have shaped Erdoğan’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said at its inaugu- New Turkey. ration on October 29, 2018—incidentally, a day that also marked the 95th anniversary of the founding of Clues for Turkey’s Sonderweg can be found behind the Republic of Turkey. -
Making Sense of German History
08 Pulzer 121 1132 30/10/03 3:10 pm Page 213 ELIE KEDOURIE MEMORIAL LECTURE Special Paths or Main Roads? Making Sense of German History PETER PULZER All Souls College, Oxford IT IS AN HONOUR AND A PRIVILEGE to have been asked to give this lecture in commemoration of an original and influential thinker and a man of great integrity. I first came across Elie Kedourie’s writings in the early 1960s and felt instinctively drawn to the tone of rational scepticism in which he expressed himself—a tone more suited to an eighteenth-century philosophe than to a child of the era of tyrannies. I did not, however, get to know him personally until he came to Oxford in the late 1980s as a Visiting Fellow of All Souls College. He was not, as those who knew him better than I will confirm, a highly extrovert person, but he was courteous and engaging, happy to listen and to respond in an invariably learned and reasoned way. I hope that the topic I have chosen and the way I have decided to approach it would have appealed to him. *** ‘The Third Reich formed the climax of the German special development (“Sonderentwicklung”) as it was directed against the West. The “German spirit”, transformed into a shallow ideology, had reached its lowest point. From now on German special consciousness (“Sonderbewußtsein”) lost all its justification. There is no plausible reason for attempting its revival Read at the Academy 22 May 2002. Proceedings of the British Academy, 121, 213–234. © The British Academy 2003. -
From the Instructor
FROM THE INSTRUCTOR David (Ta-wei) Huang wrote this essay as the third paper for the WR 150 seminar “Anti-Immigrant Sentiments in the United States to 1930.” The course explored trends in negative responses to immigration and their connection to an ongoing struggle to define the meaning of “American” since the early 1800s. The final essay for the course asked students whether the past can provide a useful guideline for understanding society in the present. David requested to pursue a topic outside of the United States, as he saw parallels between the past and current nationalist movements. David engages with the essay prompt by suggesting how Japan should alter current responses to their foreign-born population to strengthen their nation, using the United States in the early twentieth century as a case study. David’s success in connecting seemingly disparate societies arises from the depth of his research and ability to succinctly summarize the key concepts of Social Darwinism and Nihonjinron, structuring his essay to emphasize the parallels of these concepts. He grappled with making his argument while staying within the length limits of the assignment but ably reflected on his sources and culled appropriately without losing key supporting elements. David carefully acknowledged differences in the two societies while still crafting a reasonable policy proposal. Rachel Schneider WR 150: Anti-Immigration Sentiments in the United States to 1930 FROM THE WRITER One of the most eye-opening, but also disheartening, takeaways from Professor Schneider’s course on anti-immigration sentiments in the United States is that many of the arguments used against immigrants in the 1800s are still perpetrated against immigrants today. -
'The Historikerstreit Is Much More Than an Academic Exercise. It Is Part of A
‘The Historikerstreit is much more than an academic exercise. It is part of a larger controversy about the political uses of history and the relationship between historical consciousness and identity.’ (Nolan, 1998, p. 53) Discuss this claim with particular reference to the arguments of Habermas, Hillgruber, Nolte and Stürmer. The Historikerstreit was a debate about the singularity of the Holocaust and the impact of remembrance of Germany's Nazi past on national identity in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in the present. The debate was initiated in July 1986 with the publication of Habermas's article Eine Art Schadensabwicklung, in which he isolated and criticized supposed 'apologetic tendencies' in Andreas Hillgruber's book Zweierlei Untergang: Die Zerschlagung des Deutschen Reiches und das Ende des europäischen Judentums , and Ernst Nolte's and Michael Stürmer's publications in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), as well as in confrontations with the Nazi past in the FRG more widely. Numerous articles were published in the FAZ and Die Zeit newspapers as the debate escalated throughout 1986 and into 1987. The public nature of the debate meant that it was in many ways a continuation of a trend of increased confrontation with the Nazi past, which had started in the 1960s with the student movements and had continued throughout the 1970s and 1980s when the 1979 television screening of Holocaust and the 1985 French documentary film Shoah had brought memories of the Holocaust more decidedly into the public sphere (Travers, 1991, p. 247). However, the arguments of Hillgruber, Nolte and St ürmer formed part of a conservative reaction against this supposedly left-wing concentration on the Nazi past. -
Rethinking Culture, National Culture, and Japanese Culture Author(S): Eika Tai Reviewed Work(S): Source: Japanese Language and Literature, Vol
Rethinking Culture, National Culture, and Japanese Culture Author(s): Eika Tai Reviewed work(s): Source: Japanese Language and Literature, Vol. 37, No. 1, Special Issue: Sociocultural Issues in Teaching Japanese: Critical Approaches (Apr., 2003), pp. 1-26 Published by: Association of Teachers of Japanese Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3594873 . Accessed: 26/11/2011 08:09 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Association of Teachers of Japanese is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Japanese Language and Literature. http://www.jstor.org Rethinking Culture, National Culture, and Japanese Culture Eika Tai 1. Introduction The recent literatureof social and human sciences, such as anthropology, history, and cultural studies, has scrutinized the concept of culture, par- ticularly as it refers to ethnic or national culture. Many scholars have pointed out that, contrary to a common-sense understanding, national culture such as Japaneseculture is far from natural,but is invented in the process of nation building, which is often interwovenwith other political processes such as colonization. It is invented as an essence of the nation, as an integratedhomogeneous whole sharedby the membersof the nation. -
8 TECHNO-ORIENTALISM Japan Panic
8 TECHNO-ORIENTALISM Japan panic Every western politician has either actual or cinematic experience of the brutalities Japan inflicted on its prisoners-of-war. No one, whether in Asia or beyond, has fond memories of Japanese expansionism. Which is why, as Japan’s economic power expands anew, the Japanese would do better to face up to the darker aspects of their past. (Leader article in The Economist, 24 August 1991) Today, the modern era is in its terminal phase. An awareness of its imminent demise has made Americans, the most powerful Caucasians since World War II, increasingly emotional, almost hysterical, about Japan. (Shintaro Ishihara, 1991) Our concern in this chapter is with what has been called ‘the problem of Japan’, that is to say Japan as a problem for the West. Our interest here is in tracing a set of discursive correspondences that have been, and are still being, developed in the West between ‘Japan’, the ‘Orient’ and the ‘Other’. More specifically, we want to explore why, at this historical moment, this particular Other should occupy such a threatening position in the Western imagination. The former French prime minister, Edith Cresson, publicly declared her belief that ‘the Japanese have a strategy of world conquest’. The Japanese, she said, are ‘little yellow men’ who ‘stay up all night thinking about ways to screw the Americans and Europeans. They are our common enemy’. Most tellingly, Mme Cresson likened the Japanese to ‘ants’. Her fear was that those ‘ants’ were colonising the world and taking possession of the future. What are these fears and anxieties that Japan arouses in the Western psyche? THE JAPAN THAT IS SAYING NO For nearly five centuries now, Japan has been among the West’s Others. -
Writing History, Fighting History. Controversies in German Historiography After 1945 Thursday, 4-7Pm – Woodruff 874
HIST 585-007 (taught in Fall 2006) Writing History, Fighting History. Controversies in German Historiography after 1945 Thursday, 4-7pm – Woodruff 874 Instructor: Prof. Astrid M. Eckert Office: 125 Bowden Hall, Phone: 404-727 1096 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Wednesday, 11-12am, 4-5pm, and by appointment Course Description: In a recent article, the historian Mary Fulbrook noted that “one of the most striking features of German contemporary history to someone socialized within Anglo-American academia is the extraordinarily close relationship which in Germany is often assumed to exist between historical approaches and positions on the political spectrum.” For better or worse, German historical debates have taken on “dimensions of personal involvement and vituperation that, witnessed by outsiders, might seem not merely out of proportion but indeed entirely out of place in the academic world.” Why has German historiography been so politicized and its debates so acrimonious? This seminar investigates key controversies within the German historical profession since the end of the Second World War. The aim of the course is to familiarize students with central questions in German history while exploring issues and approaches in historical method. Beyond an examination of the specific historiographical questions at stake in these debates and a re-consideration of the texts that ignited the controversies, the seminar will provide students with a broad framework to track and analyze the shifting place of National Socialism and the Holocaust within German historiography. Because many of these debates – particularly the Fischer Controversy, the debate about the German Sonderweg, and the Goldhagen controversy – involved historians from outside Germany, the course will acquaint students with the complex positionality of writing and thinking about German history. -
Sonderweg from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Sonderweg (German
Sonderweg From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Sonderweg (German: [ˈzɔndɐˌveːk], "special path") identifies the theory in German historiography that considers the German- speaking lands or the country Germany itself to have followed a course from aristocracy to democracy unlike any other in Europe. The modern school of thought by that name arose early during World War II as a consequence of the rise of Nazi Germany. In consequence of the scale of the devastation wrought on Europe by Nazi Germany, the Sonderweg theory of German history has progressively gained a following inside and outside Germany, especially since the late 1960s. In particular, its proponents argue that the way Germany developed over the centuries virtually ensured the evolution of a social and political order along the lines of Nazi Germany. In their view, German mentalities, the structure of society, and institutional developments followed a different course in comparison with the other nations of the West, which had a normal development of their histories. The German historian Heinrich August Winkler wrote about the question of there being a Sonderweg: "For a long time, educated Germans answered it in the positive, initially by laying claim to a special German mission, then, after the collapse of 1945, by criticizing Germany's deviation from the West. Today, the negative view is predominant. Germany did not, according to the now prevailing opinion, differ from the great European nations to an extent that would justify speaking of a 'unique German path'. And, in any case, no country on earth ever took what can be described as the 'normal path'".[1] The term Sonderweg was first used by German conservatives in the Imperial period, starting in the late 19th century as a source of pride at the "Golden Mean"[2] of governance that in their view had been attained by the German state, whose distinctiveness as an authoritarian state lay in taking the initiative in instituting social reforms, imposing them without waiting to be pressured by demands "from below". -
THE YALE REVIEW of INTERNATIONAL STUDIES VOLUME 8, ISSUE 1, INTERCOLLEGIATE ISSUE University Is Not Responsible for Its Contents
THE YALE REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OF INTERNATIONAL REVIEW YALE THE THE YALE REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES YRIS IS AN UNDERGRADUATE JOURNAL DEDICATED TO PUBLISHING BOTH OPINION AND LONG-FORM SCHOLARSHIP ON CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES: THEIR ORIGINS, THEIR PRESENT VOLUME VIII, ISSUe 1 EFFECTS, AND THE FUTURE THEY WILL SHAPE. THE INTERCOLLEGIATE ISSUE ESSAYS Treasure Not Found in the Ground: Political Institutions ISSUE INTERCOLLEGIATE ISSUE 1, 8, VOLUME and Resource Wealth in Botswana and Gabon In this issue: Matthew Taylor King Treasure Not Found in the Japanese Ninhonjinron and 1890s American Social Ground: Political Institutions Darwinism: Looking to the Past for a Solution to Japan’s and Resource Wealth in Vicious Cycle of Homogeneity Botswana and Gabon David Ta-Wei Huang Biopolitics in the Borderlands: The Securitization of Development in the Global Liberal World Order Samuel Singler Water Securitization Reconsidered: Intrastate Water Disputes in India Marielena Octavio Understanding the Narrative: The Crucial First Step toward the Reduction and Prevention of Radical Jihadism Megan Bryn The Yale Review of International Studies is a student publication and a constituent organization of the Yale International Relations Association. The Review is published by Yale College students and Yale University is not responsible for its contents. 3 Editor's Letter ESSAYS 5 Treasure Not Found in the Ground: Political Institutions and Resource Wealth in Botswana and Gabon MATTHEW TAYLOR KING 13 Japanese Ninhonjinron and 1890s American Social