Phosyntax of Laboya a Field Study

Selected topics in the phonology and morphosyntax of Laboya A field study

Allahverdi Verdizade

Department of Linguistics Independent Project for the Degree of Master 30 HEC Autumn 2019 Supervisor: Ljuba Veselinova Faculty reviewer: Henrik Liljegren Selected topics in the phonology and morphosyntax of Laboya

A field study

Sammanfattning

Denna studie presenterar utvalda ämnen inom Labojas ljudlära och morfosyntax. Laboja är ett hittills obeskrivet austronesiskt språk som talas på ön Sumba i östra Indonesien. Studien utfördes under ett nio veckor långt fältarbete genom insamling av frågeformulär och fria narrativ. Resultaten av studien visar att Laboja är ett huvudmarkerande språk där grammatiska relationer uttrycks med klitikor somfogas till verbet. Det finns två uppsättningar av frekventa pronominella klitikor som markerar verbets subjekt, objekt och nominalfrasens ägarskap. Substantivets bestämdhet är en viktig faktor för valet av klitikor som refererar till verbets argument. Därutöver finns det flera högfrekventa klitiska element med varierande funktioner. En redogörelse för mönstren av dessa klitikors samspel och samförekomst ges. Negation i Laboja följer skiftande mönster i huvudsatser, bisatser och imperativa satser. Relativa satser inleds med hjälp av två olika proklitikor beroende på om relativsatsens semantiska subjekt finns att finna i själva relativsatsen eller dess huvudsats. Nominalfraser av samtliga argumenttyper är tillgäng- liga för relativisering. Labojas ljudlära är tämligen typisk för sumbanesiska språk med femvokalsystem samt kontrastiv längdskillnad. Det finns runt tjugo konsonanter, av vilka tre är implosiva. Ljudläran skiljer sig dock från grannspråken genom att de pre-nasaliserade konsonantljuden har övergått till att vara tonande klusiler, samt genom ett ofta förekommande bortfall av slutvokalerna /i/ och /u/.

Nyckelord Austronesiska språk, Indonesien, Sumba, Laboja, Lamboja, klitikor

Abstract

The present study investigates selected topics in the phonology and morpho-syntax of Laboya, alargely undescribed Austronesian language of Sumba island in eastern Indonesia. The study was carried out during nine weeks of field work. The language data is comprised by collected questionnaires andfree narratives. The results of the study show that Laboya is a head-marking language, in which grammatical relations are encoded by clitics hosted by the verb. There are two sets of pronominal clitics indexing the subject and object arguments of verbs, as well as the possessors of noun phrases. Definiteness is important for the choice of clitics indexing the verb arguments. In addition, there are several highly frequent clitical elements with various functions. The patterns of their co-occurrence and interaction are accounted for. Negation demonstrates different patterns for main, subordinate and imperative clauses. Relative clauses are post-nominal and introduced by two distinct proclitics for subjective and objective relative clauses respectively. Noun phrases of all argument types are accessible for relativization. The phonology of Laboya is rather typical for Sumbanese languages, having a five vowel systemand a contrastive vowel length. There are around twenty consonants, three of which are implosives. The phonology of Laboya differs somewhat from neighbouring languages by the de-prenasalization offor- merly pre-nasalized voiced plosives, and by the frequent deletion of word-final vowels /i/ and /u/.

Nyckelord Austronesian languages, Indonesia, Sumba, Laboya, Lamboya, clitics Abstrak

Penelitian sekarang menyelidiki bahasan tertentu dalam fonologi dan morfosintaksis di dalam Bahasa Laboya, sebuah bahasa Austronesia yang dituturkan di Pulau Sumba, Indonesia timur, yang jarang diteliti. Penelitian ini dilakukan dalam jangka waktu sembilan minggu yang dilaksanakan langsung di tempatnya. Data yang diperoleh terdiri atas angket dan cerita. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Laboya merupakan bahasa yang cenderung menggunakan penandaan di kepala (awal) kata, di mana hubungan dalam tata bahasa ditunjukkan dengan klitik yang dimiliki oleh kata kerja. Ada dua jenis dari klitik pronomia yang menunjukkan subyek dan argumen obyek sebuah kata kerja, dan juga pemilik dari frasa kata benda. Kepastian obyek sangat penting ketika memilih klitik yang menunjukkan argumen kata kerja. Ada juga beberapa klitik yang paling sering muncul dengan fungsi yang beragam. Pola dari interaksi mereka telah diperhitungkan. Klausa relatif diletakkan setelah kata benda dan dim- ulai dengan dua proklitik yang khas untuk klausa relatif subyektif dan obyektif. Frasa kata benda dari semua tipe argumen dapat direlativisasi. Fonologi Bahasa Laboya termasuk lazim ketika dibandingkan dengan bahasa-bahasa lain yang ada di Sumba. Bahasa Laboya memiliki lima huruf vokal, di mana pan- jang pendeknya suatu huruf vokal berpengaruh pada artinya. Terdapat pula dua puluh konsonan, tiga diantaranya merupakan konsonan implosif. Fonologi Bahasa Laboya dapat dibedakan dengan bahasa yang ada di sekitarnya dengan ada de-prenasalisasi dari konsonan letup yang bersuara, dan dengan penghilangan huruf vokal /i/ dan /u/ pada akhir kata.

Kata kunci Bahasa Austronesia, Indonesia, Sumba, Lamboya, Laboya, klitik

3 Contents

1 Introduction ...... 2 1.1 The Island of Sumba ...... 2 1.2 Laboyan speaking areas ...... 4 1.3 The Laboyan society ...... 5 1.4 Sociolinguistics ...... 7 1.5 The name Laboya ...... 8 1.6 Aims and research questions ...... 8 1.7 Outline of this thesis ...... 8 2 Background ...... 10 2.1 Previous research ...... 10 2.1.1 Classification ...... 10 3 Methods and data ...... 14 3.1 Elicitation ...... 14 3.2 Free Narratives ...... 15 3.3 Procedures and equipment ...... 15 3.4 Data ...... 17 3.5 Orthography ...... 17 4 Phonology ...... 18 4.1 Vowels ...... 18 4.2 Diphthongs ...... 18 4.3 Consonants ...... 20 4.3.1 Nasals ...... 20 4.3.2 Plain plosives ...... 21 4.3.3 Implosives ...... 21 4.3.4 Laterals ...... 22 4.3.5 The glottal stop ...... 23 4.3.6 Fricatives ...... 23 4.4 Phonotactics ...... 24 4.5 Phonological processes ...... 26 4.5.1 Morpheme-final vowel deletion ...... 26 4.5.2 Assimilation ...... 27 4.5.3 Fricativization of /p/ to /h/ ...... 27 4.5.4 Lowering of a pretonic /e/ to /a/ ...... 28 4.5.5 Approximatization ...... 28 5 Morpho-syntax ...... 28 5.1 Independent pronouns ...... 28 5.1.1 The first set of independent pronouns ...... 29 5.1.2 The second set of independent pronouns ...... 30 5.2 Overview of Laboyan clitics ...... 31 5.2.1 Pronominal clitics ...... 32 5.2.2 Non-pronominal enclitics ...... 34 5.3 Pronominal subject and possessive clitics ...... 35 5.3.1 Possessive use ...... 36 5.3.2 Encliticized subject use ...... 36 5.3.3 Procliticized subject use ...... 38 5.4 Pronominal object clitics ...... 40 5.4.1 Patient arguments ...... 41 5.4.2 Recipient arguments ...... 42 5.4.3 Possessed arguments ...... 43 5.4.4 Copular use in possessive constructions ...... 44 5.5 -wa set of pronominal clitics ...... 45 5.5.1 Copular use ...... 45 5.5.2 Subject use ...... 46 5.5.3 Pronominal object use ...... 46 5.5.4 Use in modal constructions ...... 47 5.6 Abstract referent object enclitic -we ...... 49 5.7 The enclitic -yi ...... 50 5.7.1 Object use in imperative clauses ...... 50 5.7.2 Object use in complement and subordinate clauses ...... 51 5.7.3 Copular use ...... 52 5.7.4 Focal copular use ...... 52 5.7.5 Existential use ...... 53 5.7.6 Aspectual implications ...... 54 5.7.7 Is -yi a part of the -wa-series? ...... 55 5.8 Predicative enclitic -ge ...... 55 5.8.1 Aspectual implications of -ge ...... 56 5.8.2 Use of -ge in imperative clauses ...... 57 5.8.3 Non-verbal predicative uses of -ge ...... 58 5.8.4 Topicalizaing and emphasizing use of -ge ...... 59 5.9 Negation ...... 60 5.9.1 Standard negation ...... 60 5.9.2 Negation in subordinate clauses ...... 63 5.9.3 Existential negation ...... 64 5.9.4 Negative imperatives ...... 65 5.9.5 Non-verbal negation ...... 66 5.10 Relativization ...... 67 5.10.1 The proclitic ka- ...... 68 5.10.2 The proclitic ha- ...... 69 5.10.3 Applicative use of ha- ...... 72 6 Conclusions ...... 74 6.1 Future research ...... 75 7 Glossed narratives ...... 76 7.1 Building a house ...... 76 7.1.1 Children’s tree ...... 78 7.1.2 A Swiss researcher in Laboya ...... 80 References ...... 83 A Figures and Tables ...... 85 Abbreviations

abs Abstract apl Applicative caus Causative adv Adverbalizer com Comment comt Commitative cop Copula deb Debitive def Definite dem Demonstrative dep Dependent clause dist Distal emph Emphatic excl Exclusive exist Existential hab Habitual imp Imperative incl Inclusive indef Indefinite instr Instrumental int Intensifier neg Negative nom Nominalizer nond Nondum obj Object pat Patient perf Perfective pers Personal pol Polite poss Possessive pred Predicative prog Progressive prox Proximal purp Purpose rec Recipient red Reduplication rel Relative sbj Subject sg Singular sub Subordinating clause marker supl Superlative top Topic

1 1 Introduction

Laboya (ISO 639-3: lmy) is an Austronesian language spoken on the Indonesian island of Sumba by some 25 000 people Grimes et al. (1997). The grammar of Laboya has not yet been described. This thesis will deal with the phonology of Laboya and some basic traits of its morpho-syntax.

Figure 1: Position of Sumba in the Indonesian Archipelago

1.1 The Island of Sumba Sumba is one of the Lesser Sunda Islands and has an area of 11 060 푘푚2 (roughly 3,5 times of the size of the Swedish island Gotland) and a population of 793 701 (Pattiwaellapia, 2018, p. 67). The biggest towns are Waingapu (population 55 000), located at the shore of the Savu see in the island’s east, and Waikabubak (population 40 000).

Figure 2: Position of Sumba among Lesser Sunda Islands

2 Figure 3: Position of the areas where Laboya is spoken in Sumba

The majority of the Sumbanese are Christians, with around 20 % of the population adhering toa traditional system of beliefs commonly referred to as Marapu. The term’s literal translation is ”ancestral spirits”, which describes its essence of it rather well. Urban areas are also home to a significant number of Muslims, which have mostly moved there from major Indonesian islands such as Java after 1948, when Sumba became a part of the newly established Republic of Indonesia. There are two airports in Sumba. Tambolaka Airport in the northwestern Sumba connects theisland with the provincial capital Kupang on the island Timor, and with two other islands, Flores and Bali. Unlike many other islands of the Indonesian Archipelago, there are no volcanoes on Sumba. Geo- graphically, West Sumba and Central Sumba represent a rather distinct landscape type compared to East Sumba: the former see much larger amounts of rainfall, and the landscape is therefore much more sylvan and verdant, supporting a larger population density. Most of East Sumba consists of savanna- like landscapes with numerous semi-arid hills and ranges and is less suitable for agriculture (Forshee, 2001, p. 15). Several related Austronesian varieties are spoken on Sumba. Views on the exact number of varieties that should be considered distinct languages vary. Most classifications, however, include a division between East and West Sumbanese languages Asplund (2018). The distinct geographical and climatic conditions of East and West Sumba correspond to the linguistic situation. The vernacular language of all East Sumba, comprising more than half of the islands area, is Kambera, a dialect continuum which includes several mutually intelligible varieties. Central and West Sumba, on the contrary, are linguistically fragmented, with several mutually unintelligible languages. A regional variety of Indonesian is also widely spoken and is the primary language of everyday communication in the urban areas such as Waikabubak, which is, despite its location in the territory of the linguistic community Loli, the only multi-ethnic area in West Sumba (Vel, 2008, 30). This regional variety has relatively few deviations from standard Indonesian, which are mostly confined to prosody and a number of minor lexical and grammatical peculiarities. The regional Sumbanese varieties of Indonesian must not be confounded with numerous Malay varieties spoken across Indonesia, which emerged prior to the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia. The agriculture in West Sumba relies on regular and abundant rainfalls, with the rain season lasting between November and May (Vel, 2008, p. 24-25). However, the rainfall shortages have now started to cause disturbances in the Sumbanese agriculture. Thus, December and January months of 2018-2019 saw unusually scarce rainfall in Laboya, with several consecutive weeks of barely any rain, impeding

3 the cultivation of rice, by far the most important crop.

1.2 Laboyan speaking areas Laboya is a language spoken in West Sumba, some twenty-five minutes car ride south of the town of Waikabubak, and a cultural and historic landscape associated with its linguistic community. Linguistic communities on Sumba are referred to as suku in Indonesian or kaɓihhu, kaɓissu in various Sumbanese varieties. This term is ambiguous and designates both a linguistic community, thearea which it holds, and any given clan within a linguistic community. Therefore, terms suku and kaɓihhu will not be used in this thesis. Instead, I will use English approximations ‘linguistic community’ and ‘clan’1 to differentiate between the various uses of kaɓihhu. The geographical term Laboya will refer to the areas where Laboya is spoken as the main language of everyday communication, that is, to the linguistic community of Laboya and its area of distribution. Laboya is located between the linguistic communities Gaura to its west, Wejewa to the northwest, Loli to the northeast, Wanukaka to the east, and the small coastal community of Rua to its southeast (see Figure 4).

Figure 4: Languages neighbouring Laboya Language boundaries are based on administrative divisions

Administratively, the areas where Laboya is spoken comprise the kecamatan (district) Lamboya in its entirety and the two kelurahans (sub-districts) Patyala Dete and Harona Kala of the district Lamboya

1It should be noted that the term clan has sometimes been considered unsatisfactory to describe the social morphology of various Sumbanese societies, see Geirnaert-Martin (1992, p. 16)

4 Barat (West Lamboya). In total, the size of all sub-districts which make up Laboya’s distribution area as a first language comprises around 160 푘푚2. The district Lamboya Barat, however, includes two other sub-districts, which are home to another linguistic community, Gaura, lacking its own district. All mentioned areas are part of the West Sumba regency (kabupaten), one of the four regencies on the island of Sumba. The Sumbanese regencies are in their turn part of the Nusa Tenggara Timur (East Nusa Tenggara), which includes two other major islands, Flores and the Indonesian (western) part of the island Timor, where the provincial capital Kupang is located. Traditionally, the land of Laboya has been divided into two parts, an eastern, smaller part Patiala and a western, larger part Laboya Proper, which Laboyans sometimes refer to as Laboya Asli ‘original Laboya’ when speaking Indonesian. Both Laboya and Patiala are in turn divided into Lower (Bawa) and Upper (Ɗete) parts. The traditional division of Laboya into a lower and an upper part has geographic, climatic, and economic grounds. Even within West Sumba, which generally sees much more precipitation than East Sumba, there is a considerable variation in the amount of rainfalls and the length of the rain season. Coastal lowlands are generally dryer and warmer, making fishing activities possible, whereas interior uplands are cooler, with a longer and more intensive rain season, yielding large harvests of rice in paddies and enabling foraging as a subsidiary food source. Laboya is somewhat exceptional in having both an upland and coastal lowland part, as other West Sumbanese linguistic communities rather belong to only one of the landscape types (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, 4). Historically, this made Laboya more self-sustaining and less dependent on barter trade with its neighbours.

1.3 The Laboyan society This section will give a very short overview of the Laboyan society, focusing on recent developments. For a detailed account, see Keller (1989, 1991, 1994) and Geirnaert-Martin (1992). Laboyans live in traditional villages (Lab. harona, Ind. kampung) and modern settlements, which have grown along the roads built in Laboya during the last decades. The life in a traditional village (see below) is quite different from that in more modern villages along the roads, such as the village Rajakain the old borderlands between Laboya and Rua, where most of the data for this thesis has been collected. The administrative center of Kabu Karudi is a small town and with some local government officesand facilities. Today, many Laboyans are moving out of traditional villages and settling in stone houses, which allows them to live in househould of smaller size, more similar to Western nuclear families. The new house can be located within a walking distance from the traditional village, but thelifestyle change which the move brings with it is quite tangible. With increased income, many Laboyans strive for starting a small-size family business in their houses built of stone or woven bamboo, keeping a shop for additional income. In traditional villages, people live in Sumbanese-style houses with high-pitched peak-roofs. Families are large and include several generations, and it is commonplace that several grown up male siblings live under the same roof with their respective wives and children. A typical example of such a settlement is the ancestral village of Sodana, ”the heart of Laboya”, located on a high hill. There was a large fire in Sodana in October 2018, destroying most of the ancestral houses, but they are now rebuild. Fires ravage Sumbanese villages on a regular basis; most of Sodana had previously burned down in a fire in the mid 1990s (Turner, 1998, p. 153). The Laboyan society is organized around clans (Ind. suku, Lab. kaɓihhu), which in turn consistof sub-clans or houses (Lab. uma, Ind. rumah). Clans and houses have fixed roles towards one another as wife-givers and wife takers, which govern marriage rules. Violating the inter-clan marriage rules or marrying within one’s own clan is considered incestuous since it can cause wrath of the ancestral spirits. Today, intermarriage with other linguistic communities from and outside Sumba is commonplace. Like other Sumbanese, marrying a non-Sumbanese woman can be economically beneficial for Laboyan men, as it does not require expensive bride token-giving and ceremonies, which are mandatory if the bride is Sumbanese Vel (2008, p. 46). This has become even more commonplace in the modern era,as many young Laboyans travel to study or work to outside places of various remotedness, ranging from

5 Waikabubak just twenty five minutes away, to the educational and touristic center of Bali, orevenas far away as to Malaysia.

Figure 5: Traditional village of Litti, with a megalithic tomb in the central sqaure

Most Laboyans still depend on rice grown by themselves. For this purpose, people keep rice paddies (Lab. paba, Ind. sawah) and farm gardens (Lab. oma, Ind. kebun). It is even common for government employees (most notably, school teachers) to grow their own rice and vegetables. Much has changed since the recent past when water buffaloes, a sacred animal in Sumbanese cultures slaughtered at ritual occasions, could only be obtained from relatives in return for future favours. Today, it is quite common to see Facebook announcements about buffaloes for sale. The technological advances in Sumba have been achieved very rapidly. If road construction and motorized vehicles were only starting to be introduced in the 1970s and 80s, scooters have since become the dominant mode of transportation today. Wells have been dug and water does not have to be brought from afar in most places any longer. A few years ago, electricity was brought to most of Laboya, and as recently as two years ago, 4G coverage made its entrance, allowing people to use mobile phones to connect to the Internet. Remote places in the Laboyan heartland I have visited, such as the village Litti, are making use of solar energy to charge smartphones and provide electric light during the dark time of the day. Unfortunately, despite the blessings of modernization, healthcare is still an issue, and going to the hospital is too expensive for many villagers. Spread of new diseases, such as the dengue-fever, causes many deaths, including of young children. As astonishingly fast as Laboya is becoming modernized are the Laboyans adopting Christianty. Geirnaert-Martin (1992) reports that in 1987, the Christian population consisted of one parish and 120 members, or 1 % of Laboyas population at the time, a figure that probably has been constant since the colonial times, when Christianity was first introduced to Laboya. Nowadays, a vast majority of

6 Laboyans have become Christians, many devout such. Most Christian Laboyans are Protestants and a smaller minority Catholics. Sunday services are generally well attended. Priestly positions in the Protestant churches tend to be held by women, while the positions among presbyters and in parish boards are more evenly distributed in regards to gender. Vel (2008) gives a rather detailed account for the social and political mechanisms behind the rapid Christianization of Sumba. The entrance of Christianity does not, however, mean, that Marapu and the traditional ways ofthe past are disappearing from the Laboyan society. Rather, Christianity is being added on top of traditional beliefs and Marapu rites still play an important role in the lives of Laboyans. The dead are still buried in stone tombs which are repeatedly opened to add newly deceased. A sure sign of the fact that the tra- dition lingers on is the construction of new tombs outside of ancestral villages, in front of the deceased person’s still living relatives in the modern villages. A popular motif decorating modern stone-tombs is an image of Jesus. The attitude of the Christians towards Marapu is rather friendly, or at least neutral. I havenotheard any Christians, even the most devote ones, speak ill of the practitioners of Marapu, or, as one Christian minister has described them, ”people who do not have a religion yet.”This is perhaps not very surprising, considering that everyone has family members who are Marapu to various degree. The co-existance of Marapu and Christianity is a fascinating topic which unfortunately has not received much scholarly attention yet. Two important occasions in Laboya are the yearly festivals of Nyale and Paɗu. The festivals are con- nected to the rain season and the continuation of life. The significance of the two festivals is highlighted by the poetic designation of Laboya: Tana Paɗu, tana Nyale, i.e. ‘land of Paɗu, land of Nyale’.

1.4 Sociolinguistics Laboya is spoken as a first language by the vast majority of Laboyans. The exact number of speakersis difficult to assess, but can be approximately appreciated by the official number of residents inthetwo administrative subdivisions comprising Laboya. In 2015, the sub-districts of Laboya and Laboya Barat (West Laboya) had a total population of 31359 persons Waikabubak: Kabupaten Sumba Barat (2017). Indonesian is used to communicate with other Sumbanese and outsiders. There is a sizeable but di- minishing minority of adult Laboyan monolinguals, especially in remote villages where the exposure for Indonesian is low. Most non-Laboyan long-term residents acquire passive knowledge of the language, and many also learn how to speak it as well. Intermarriage has made that many West-Sumbanese have knowledge of several variaties, and it is not unusual for Laboyans to know some Lolinese, Wejewa, Wanukaka or other Sumbanese varieties. However, the scale of multilingualism is much larger in the linguistic communities of Rua and Gaura, where knowledge of Laboya as a second language is wide-spread. Laboya is not taught at any level in school, despite a textbook in Laboyan having been produced for primary school Alex Djawa (2013). In practice, teachers do use Laboya as a language of instruction, as young children often have no knowledge of Indonesian prior to school start. The intergenerational transmission of the language seems undisturbed, although a few parents do deliberately refrain from raising their children through the medium of Laboya in pursuit of better achievement in school. In such cases, children learn Laboya in informal setting from their peers once they start attending school. The same is true of children in mixed families, where one of the parents does not speak Laboya. On the contrary, Laboyans who were born in mixed families outside of Laboya, such as in Waikabubak, often have no or only passive knowledge of the language. Generally, Laboyans have very positive attitudes towards their language and are confident in their language’s survival. Language used in church is generally Indonesian. This holds true both of the service itself andof public meetings in connection to it, where organizational matters concerning the parish are discussed. Laboya was used in church to a higher extent in the early days of the Christian church in Laboya, when the general knowledge of Indonesian among the population was limited. However, it is not unusual that Laboya is used in sermons or to concluding a service. Moreover, Laboya is the most common language

7 used in frequently held home services, such as thanks-giving (Ind. syukuran) or wakes (Ind. upacara kematian or simply kematian). Just as other Sumbanese varieties, Laboya has a special register of language referred to as ritual speech, or, in Indonesian, bahasa syair ‘the poetic language’. Few people, most notably elderly men in the position of rato (knowledgeble men practising Marapu), have command of the ritual speech. This thesis will not deal with Laboya ritual speech.

1.5 The name Laboya The origin of the language name Laboya is unclear. There is a folk etymology connecting it totheverb labo to ‘cut off’ and a myth of guests on a traditional feast who were treacherously beheaded. The name of the language in Indonesian as well as several neighbouring languages isLamboya, possibly reflecting a native pronunciation of the term before a de-prenasalization of plain plosives that must have occurred prior to the Dutch colonization of the Island in 1913. Today, Laboyans perceive the pronunciation of the name of their language featuring an /m/ as foreign and incorrect, and several speakers have expressed a wish to only use the native-like form Laboya. In this thesis, I use the term Laboya both as a language name and as a designation of the territory where it is spoken. I refer to the speakers of Laboya as Laboyan people or simply Laboyans. When referring to linguistic features of the language, I use the term adjectivally, e.g. ‘Laboyan pronominal clitics’, or nominally, as in ‘pronominal clitics in Laboya’.

1.6 Aims and research questions Bellow follow the aims and research questions of this thesis.

1. Providing an outline of Laboyan phonology a) What is the phoneme inventory of Laboya? How are Laboyan phonemes realized? b) What is the syllable structure? c) Which phonological processes are can be identified? Which of them are still active?

2. Providing an outline of Laboyan morpho-syntax: a) What are the basic morpho-syntactic traits of Laboya as expressed by clitics? b) Which strategies are employed for negation? c) Which strategies are employed for relativization? Which argument types are accessible for relativization?

1.7 Outline of this thesis There is no grammatical description of Laboya yet. Thus, the current work is a pioneering effort.It presents an analysis of some of the basic traits of Laboyan morpho-syntax and phonology. Laboya is a head-marking language, in the sense that grammatical relations are expressed primarily by clitics attached to verbal heads of phrases. This thesis focuses on providing a basic understanding ofthein- teractions between Laboyan clitics and the grammatical functions they fill. In section §2, I give a brief overview of previous research that has addressed the language (primarily its phonology) and the people of Laboya. Two classification schemes of Sumbanese languages and the place of Laboya in them are presented as well. Section §3 presents the methods used for the collection of data and the data itself. Section §4 provides an outline of Laboyan phonology. In section §5, some basic topics within the morpho-syntax of Laboya are discussed. First, two sets of independent pronouns are presented. Sections §5.1-5.5 discuss tree sets of pronominal subject and object clitics. Sections §5.5-5.6 discuss two additional multi-functional object and copular clitics, -we and

8 -yi, both unmarked for person and number. Section §5.8 discusses the predicative enclitic -ge. Dominant patterns of negation and relativisation are discussed in sections §5.9-5.10. Conclusions are presentedin §7.

9 2 Background

2.1 Previous research There is until now no comprehensive grammar or a grammar sketch of Laboya. Although thenumber and internal classification of Sumbanese languages is a matter of debate, there are only workswhich deal with the grammars of Sumbanese varieties extensively: Klamer (1998) provides a description of the East Sumbanese dialect continuum known as Kambera (based on one of its sub-varieties). Sukerti (2013) makes an analysis of Kodi, making use of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as her theoretic point of departure. Two studies that deal with internal classification of Sumbanese varieties are Budasi (2007) and Putra (2007). In his dialectometric study, Putra (2007) provides a large number of valuable maps with lexical isoglosses for some 1000 items from various Sumbanese varieties, including Laboya. A number of works have dealt with specific features of Laboya, most notably lexicon and phonology. The first linguistic materials concerning Laboya come from the Dutch missionary Douwe Klaas Wielenga (1880-1942) who arrived in Sumba in 1904. He published a 100-page long comparative word list of Sumbanese varieties. His consultant on Laboya was likely not a native speaker, which is why the word-list is not reliable (Edgar Keller, p.c.). He was followed by Louis Onvlee (1893-1986), likewise a Dutch missionary, who also was a linguist and who has written extensively on Sumbanese varieties. In Onvlee (1936), he deals with phonological comparison of several languages, among them Laboya, and establishes several isoglosses. The classification of Sumbanese varieties into central-eastern andwest- ern has since remained important. The Swiss reasearcher Edgar Keller spent several years in Laboyain the 1980s, producing a number of anthropological papers and a dissertation (1992). In his article, Keller (1989) gives an overview of phonology of Laboya and provides a lengthy piece of sample of Laboya ritual speech. In a comprehensive study of the society and the worldview of Laboya, Geirnaert-Martin (1992) gives a number of phrases in Laboya, and provides a list of Laboyan kinship and other terms. The phrases are mostly lines from traditional songs or poems, and many of them belong to the ritual register. As explicitly stated in the book, Geirnaert-Martin’s interest was completely within the culture and anthropology. More recently, Budasi (2007) included a phonology sketch of Laboya into his lexicostatistic analysis of Sumbanese varieties. He arrives at rather different conslusions compared to the phonology section of this thesis, making no distinction in vowel length, not even in the case of /a/ vs. /aː/, which has fairly high functional load. Furthermore, the implosive series includes /ɓ, ɗ/ but not /ʄ/ (ibid. pp. 104-109). The most remarkable characteristic is, however, the positing of pre-nasalised seriesof/mb, nd/ (ibid. pp. 109-111), which I have not found any evidence for. Rina and Kabba (2011) published a word-list of containing some 3500 terms. Unfortunately, it provides no usage examples and the implosive/plain value of consonants is given inconsistently and partially erroneously. Texts in Laboya by its speakers began to be written likely with the introduction of Christianity for missionary purposes, in the 1930s or 1940s. The two texts comprising short New Testament stories from 1975 Kadobu and Bili (1977) are the earliest known texts in Laboya (Edgar Keller, p.c.). The authors were notable in distinguishing plain plosives and implosives in writing, as well as separating clitical elements with a dash, a practice that was not continued in the textbook for primary school Alex Djawa (2013) some 40 years later.

2.1.1 Classification All Sumbanese languages are related, belonging to the Austronesian language family. According to genetic studies, the speakers of Austronesian languages arrived in Sumba some 3500 years before present, intermixing with pre-Austronesian populations Lansing et al. (2007). The common origin of the Sum-

10 banese is reflected in their myths, which attribute cape Sasar in the north of the island as theplaceof the ancestors’ arrival (Forshee, 2001, p. 16). A genetic and lexico-statistical study showed that the population of Laboya has a very low percent- age of genes associated with the Austronesian settlers, with an even lower share being found only in the neighbouring Wanukaka Lansing et al. (2007). Overall, East Sumba retains a larger share of Aus- tronesian vocabulary compared to West Sumba, which Lansing et al. (2007) explained by the lower numbers and population density of pre-Austronesian hunter and gatherers in East Sumba, which the Austronesian farming settlers encountered upon their arrival. There are several views on the internal classification of Sumbanese languages. The two views I will present hereare Lansing et al. (2007) and Asplund (2018). Lansing et al. (2007) group Laboya together with Kodi (and its dialect Gaura) into the same sub-group based on a cognate set from a 200-word Swadesh list (fig. 7). According to their view, the ancestor language of the closely related groups of varieties which consitute Wejewa, Loli and Laura were the first to split off from the Proto-Sumba, with the rest successively splitting off lateron. Asplund (2018), on the contrary, groups Laboya together with Wejewa, likewise using a cognate set (Fig 6). In his lexico- statistical comparison, Laboya has the largest lexical similarity with Lolina (a variety of Wejewa), scor- ing at 65-69% of cognates. The similarity is equally high with Gaura (63%), but significantly lowerwith Kodi proper (53%). Kodi is grouped together with Central-Eastern Sumbanese, suggesting a more recent arrival of the Kodinese from East Sumba. Laboya is not mutually intelligible with any of the surrounding varieties, including the neighbouring Gaura dialect of Kodi, together with which it has been classified by Lansing et al. (2007) into the same sub-group by Lansing et al. (2007) or Wejewa-Loli, its closest relative according to Asplund (2018). Louis Onvlee, the Dutch missionary and linguist, found Laboya to be the most challanging Sumbanese language (Keller, pc). The fact that Laboya is one of the more divergent languages of Sumba, reflectedby its difficulty to classify, may be due to the relative self-sustainability of the region where it isspoken.As noted in §1.2 and pointed out by Geirnaert-Martin (1992), Laboya has two distinct sub-landscape types within itself, enabling different types of food production peaking under different times of the year.A consequence of this has historically been that Laboya had to suffer from famine less that its neighbours and could rely more on ”internal trade”, while other Sumbanese communities had to engage in barter of goods between each other (ibid. p. 10) to a larger scale. The hypothesis of ecological risk proposed by Nettle (1998) suggests that stable and long growing seasons, as well as general availability of food resources in a given area contributes to greater linguistic diversity measured in number of languages, since communities do not develop secondary social bonds to establish networks of exchange to the same extent. As a consequence, languages diverge. The climatic conditions of Sumba are a great illustration of this, with all varieties considered possible languages except for one being spoken in West and Central Sumba, regions receiving three times more precipitation than East Sumba Lansing et al. (2007). The same line of reasoning could also partially explain the degree of divergence, in this case that of Laboya. As noted by Nettle (1998) ”access to marine resources, for example, allows communities to diversify when faced with seasonal shortages. Livestock herding also functions as a form of protein storage […]” Laboyans possess both the access to marine resources and have traditionally viewed the accumulation of livestock as a highly valued life-goal.

11 Figure 6: Internal classification of some of the Sumbanese varieties Adapted from Asplund (2018). Varieties considered possible languages by Asplund are made bold.

Sumba

Kodi and Central-East Sumbanese Wejewa-Laboya 12

Central-East Sumbanese Kodi group Wejewa group _Laboya

Central Sumbanese East Sumbanese Kodi Gaura Wejewa Lolina Laura

Wanukaka Anakalang Ponduk Baliledu Mamboru Figure 7: Internal classification of some of the Sumbanese varieties Adapted from Lansing et al. (2007). The study does not specifically mention all lects shown in this figure. This is my interpretation of their view. Furthermore, the study does not take a stand on the number of possible languages. I made the same varieties bold that are considered possible languages in Asplund (2018) for ease of comparison.

Proto-Sumba

North-Western Central-Eastern and South-Western 13

Wejewa Central-Eastern South-Western

Wejewa Proper Loli Laura Central Eastern Laboya Kodi

Wanukaka Anakalang Wunga Mamboru South-Eastern Kambera etc. Gaura Kodi Proper

South Eastern varieties 3 Methods and data

The data for this study was gathered during a nine week long field trip to Sumba between Januaryand March 2019. During this time, I stayed in the house of the vicar Lisna Mere Florida and her husband Matius Dapakuri. I came into contact with them since they are relatives of Leif Asplund, a fellow master’s student in linguistics at Stockholm University. Lisna Mere and Matius Dapakuri welcomed me in their house in Rajaka, and Matius Dapakuri played an active roll in the data collection by teaching me the language, inviting people who I could work with to the house and arranging appointments at friends’ and relatives’ houses. Together, we traveled most of Laboya on his scooter, studying, recording stories, practising, drinking coffee and chewing areca nuts. All consultants were able to speak Indonesian and some also English. I learned some basic Indonesian before departing to Sumba in September - December 2018. The field work consisted of two parts: gathering translated language samples, consisting of questionnaires, basic sentences and spontaneous utterances, and building a corpus of free narratives.

3.1 Elicitation In order to quickly acquire an overview of some basic structures and features of Laboya, I used a few questionnaires listed in Table 2. Most of questionnairs are available at the website of the Department of Linguistics at Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, other such as the ”Questionnaire on iamitives and nondums” by Ljuba Veselinova (the supervisor of this thesis) and Bruno Olsson, and ”Lexical elicitation for Eastern Indonesia” by Marian Klamer I received directly from their respective creators. The negation questionnaire was created for a course in field linguistics given at Stockholm University in fall term of 2018. All questionnaires were translated into Indonesian (except for the word list by Marian Klamer) before the field trip and checked by Leif Asplund. Speakers of Laboya translated the sentences from Indonesian orally and their translations were audio-recorded. Additionally to the language questionnaires, a few texts and sentences were translated into Laboya from Indonesian and English.

Table 2: Elicitation questionnaires and translated texts Questionnaires by Basic sentences for collecting field data in Indian languages Abbi, Anvita Questionnaire on iamitives ‘already’ and nondums ‘not yet’ Ljuba Veselinova, Bruno Olsson Questionnaire on the Progressive Aspect Pier Marco Bertinetto Questionnaire on concessive conditional clauses Ekkehard König Martin Haspelmath Negation Elena Moser, Jacqueline Venetz, A. Verdizade Lexical elicitation for Eastern Indonesia Marian Klamer

Translations Translator The North Wind and the Sun (Aesop Fable) Timotius Tadu Lado Indonesian English phrasebook Marthen Pote I Want to Hold Your Hand (song by Beatles) Marthen Pote Lord’s Prayer and Apostolic Creed Sara Dapakuri

Table 3: Pre-existing texts Text Comment Pelajaran Hanewe Laboya (Textbook in Laboya for school children)

14 Table 3: Pre-existing texts Text Comment Bible stories Books: Mark, 1 John, 2 John, 3 John, New Testament translations Galatians, Phillipians, Colossians, Jude

3.2 Free Narratives The major part of example sentences in this thesis come from free narratives, i.e. speech samples where people narrated freely and without preparation for a certain amount of time, typically 3-5 minutes. Sentence structure in such narratives is typically more complex, difficult to analyze, and shows a greater degree of variation compared with elicited texts. The type of narratives vary from self-presentations, recounting of an event which happened earlier in the life, explanation of different natural and social phenomena, process descriptions, interviews and prayers. At one occasion, I used a visual stimuli in form of a short animation, which I displayed to the consultant and which he recounted. Most of the collected narratives where subsequently transcribed and translated into Indonesian by Maria Hurka, Matius Dapakuri and Jhony Habba Rita. We would listen to the recordings together, and the Laboyan consultant (most often - Maria Hurka) would repeat what the storyteller said, but slowly and making audible breaks between morphemes. When there was doubt as to whether a segment should be treated as one string (morpheme, word, compound etc) or two, I asked about the meaning of the segment and requested more examples with it, trying to find out whether the segments could be used independently from one another. Special attention was paid to establishing the phonetic values ofplo- sives, as to whether they were implosive or plan. All narratives were recorded after explicit permission to use it in research and publish were acquired. Since the Sumbanese value interpersonal relationships based on kinship, real or fictive (Vel, 2008, p. 92) introduction of paperwork for written consent would be perceived strange and interfering with the friendly atmosphere that was established. Therefore, I did not ask the consultants to give written statements. I had great help of Rina and Kabba (2011), which made it possible to double check many words at times where consultants where not available.

3.3 Procedures and equipment All language data except for the subcorpus Spontaneous utterances was recorded using a digital audio recorder provided by the Department of Linguistics at Stockholm University. The audio files were subsequently transferred into a portable computer. The example sentences in questionnaires prepared in advance were written down on paper together with the language consultants and could therefore be analyzed immediately. The recorded narratives had to be transcribed first. For the transcription of free narratives, I used the website https://otranscribe.com, which allows easily accessible playback and pause of the audio. Once the webpage is loaded, no Internet connection is required, which is important for two reasons: first, because of the unreliability of network on Sumba and second, because no potentially sensitive data is exposed to the risk of being compromized by travelling over the Internet. Furthermore, free narratives had to be translated in order to be analyzed. Translation sessions took a long time, since many questions arose in the process. Among other things, the consultants (first and foremost Maria Hurka and Matius Dapakuri) would explore the semantics of the texts together with me, offering additional ways of expressing the utterances in the texts we translated. All transcribed data, both transcribed free narratives and questionnaires in paper form, were subsequently entered to the software FieldWorks Language Explorer (FLEx). The software allows building up a corpus of data, construction of a dictionary and several useful functions functions for organizing and accessing data.

15 Table 4: List of narratives Title Narrator Narration type Length File name Location Transcriber, translator Growing rice Marthen Mone Jala Process description 04:54 SR008 Rajaka Johny Habba Rita Festivals of Nyale and Pasola Mesak Kula Nyanyi Process description 05:02 SR009 Rajaka Maria Hurka Slaughtering buffaloes and pigs Mesak Kula Nyanyi Process description 08:14 ST090 Rajaka Maria Hurka Mediating between families Mesak Kula Nyanyi Process description 08:04 STE-115 Rajaka Maria Hurka Ancestral tombs Oktavianus Kedu Banyo Traditional stories 05:24 j2 Litti Maria Hurka Building a House Maria Hurka Process description 05:18 STE-123 Rajaka Maria Hurka Teaching Indonesian in school Maria Hurka Process description 03:24 STE-124 Rajaka Maria Hurka Hotel Nihiwatu Maria Hurka Event description 02:45 STE-125 Rajaka Maria Hurka A Parish ceremony Herman Reko Deta Religious 05:15 STE-122 Rajaka Maria Hurka First Communion party Petrus Pote Wali Event description 04:42 STE-106 Waikabubak Petrus Pote Wali

16 Governor of the province NTT Matius Dapakuri Event description 07:33 STE-064 Rajaka Matius Dapakuri Prayer Timotius Tadu Lado Religious 02:14 STE-011 Rajaka Maria Hurka Presentation Timotius Tadu Lado Presentation 01:54 STE-007 Rajaka Maria Hurka Presentation Matius Dapakuri Presentation 06:24 STE-008 Rajaka Maria Hurka Sodana Fire A girl Event description 05:30 SR010 Sodana Maria Hurka First Christians in Laboya Sara Dapakuri Event description 02:54 STE-052 Rajaka Maria Hurka The mango (pear) story Timotius Tadu Lado Retelling (visual stimuli) 03:08 STE-119 Rajaka Matius Dapakuri Children’s tree Timotius Tadu Lado Retelling (visual stimuli) 02:03 STE-135 Rajaka Maria Hurka Laboya in old times Timotius Tadu Lado Events Description 03:26 STE-131 Rajaka Maria Hurka East wind vs. west wind Timotius Tadu Lado Events Description 05:24 STE-130 Rajaka Maria Hurka North Wind and the sun Timotius Tadu Lado Retelling (written stimuli) - - Rajaka Johny Habba Rita Wokring in the barbershop Endi Laja Process description 05:22 STE-126 Rajaka Johny Habba Rita A football match that ended badly Anonymous visitor Event description 02:41 STE-129 Rajaka Johny Habba Rita Swiss researcher in Laboya Anonymous visitor Event description 02:50 SR025 Rajaka Johny Habba Rita Overall, the fieldwork was organized along the lines drawned upby Bowern (2015, p 48): sessions were prepared by making appointments with consultants, session plans and to-do lists were written, the equipment was checked. Elicitation session would often lead to new questions and areas of exploration, which were entered either immidiately or during later sessions. The time between the sessions would be spent by backing up the data on several external drives and labelling the data. A lot of time was spent on glossing the data in FLEx, which allowed forming hypotheses about various language phenomena. These hypotheses would be tested by constructing own sentences and checking them for grammaticality during following sessions. I had a great advantage in living in staying in the house of Lisna Mere and Matius Dapakuri, who is a native speaker of Laboya himself, and was always ready to answer my questions about the language.

3.4 Data The corpus which the current thesis builds on consists of the followings parts: the elicited questionnaires, free narratives, and existing written texts. The parts of the corpus which are unique to this study, i.e. that were collected specifically bymeare the corpus of narrated texts and questionnaire elicitations. The free narrative sub-corpus consists of 8906 tokens, and the elicited questionnaire sub-corpus of 3138 tokens. The written sub-corpus consists of 29339 tokens, of which the largest single parts are the Textbook for Laboyan (5091 tokens) and translated New Testament portions (24537 tokens).

3.5 Orthography In this thesis, the following spelling conventions are used for writing Laboya. Clitics are separated from stems using the equality sign <=>, whereas suffixes are separated from stems by a dash <->.For reasons of legibility, only the dash <-> is used outside of the glossed examples, regardless of the clitical or affixial status of a morph. A double consonant indicates that preceding vowel isshort.

Table 5: Orthographic notation used in this thesis Grapheme Phoneme Grapheme Phoneme a /a/ m /m/ b /b/ n /n/ ɓ /ɓ/ ny /ɲ/ c /t͡ʃ/ ng /ŋ/ d /d̠/ o /o/ ɗ /ɗ/ p /p/ e /e/ r /r/ g /ɡ/ s /s/ h /h/ t /t/ i /i/ u /u/ j /ɟ/ w /w/ ĵ /ʄ/ y /j/ k /k/ ’ [ʔ] l /l/̺

17 4 Phonology

The phonology of Laboya shows many similarities with other Austronesian languages in Eastern In- donesian archipelago. Specifically, features typical for this linguistic area, such as occurrence ofimplo- sive consonants and a preference of the CVCV-structure of the morpheme (Klamer, 2002, p. 369), are present in Laboya. The consonant inventory of twenty native phonemes in Laboya is somewhat larger than the average for the area, which lies at sixteen (Hajek, 2010, p. 28). The vowel inventory includes five vowel qualities, /i, u, o, a/ and /e/. Four of these, /i, u, o, a/, are distinguished for length. No minimal pairs could be identified for /e/, suggesting that it is not specified for length. The most frequent syllable types in Laboya is CV, although V and CVC-syllable types are also possible in certain positions. The stress falls on the first stem syllable, or the first stem syllable with alongvowel. The most notable phonological processes are the morpheme-final vowel deletion, primarily affecting the vowels /i/ and /u/ regardless of length, and the fricativization of the word-initial voiceless bilabial stop /p/ to /h/.

4.1 Vowels Laboya has five vowel qualities, which are additionally opposed for length. However, this does notapply to /e/, for which no minimal pairs have been identified. Furthermore, there seems to be a restriction where /e/ can be positioned in native words: it is only found in stressed syllables or word-finally. Length for all vowels is usually distinctive in the first stem syllable (i.e. in the first syllable that follows the derivational prefix, if any). The vowel in the second stem syllable is only long ifstressed.

Table 6: Laboya vowels Front Central Back High i iː u uː Mid e o oː Low a a:

Generally, many more minimal pairs can be found for /a/ than for any other vowel quality, which is reflected by the fact that it is the only vowel that is orthographically marked for length intheBible stories by Kadobu and Bili (1977). Despite the fact that minimal pairs of words can be found for all vowel qualities except /e/, it should be noted that some lexical items show free variation in the vowel length, see examples (1b-1b). The most notable example of this is the very frequent conjunction mono, spelled mono in Kadobu and Bili (1977) and monno in the school textbook in Laboya. The variants with short and long vowel can be found in the speech of the same speakers.

(1) a. morro [ˈmoro] ‘medicine’, moro [ˈmoːro] ‘green’ b. mono [ˈmono], [ˈmoːno], ‘and’

4.2 Diphthongs Laboya has two diphtongs: /a͡u/ and /a͡i/. At careful speech they are pronounced as [a͡wu] and [a͡ji] respectively. For some lexical items, this circumstance makes it difficult to distinguish the sequences /aji/ and /awu/ from /a͡i/ and /a͡u/ especially if the phoneme sequence follows the diphthong (cf. examples 2a-2c). However, the phonemic sequences usually contain an approximant which is pronounced more

18 Table 7: Vowel contrasts in Laboya /aː/-/a/ tanga [ˈtaːŋa] ‘enough’ - tangnga [ˈtaŋa] ‘whole’ karaba [kaˈraːba] ‘obstacle’ - karabba [kaˈraba] ‘cloud’ /aː/-/oː/ kako [ˈkaːko] ‘to go’ - koka [ˈkoːka] ‘tomorrow’ ngara [ˈŋaːra] ‘name’ - karabba [ˈŋoːra] ‘face’ /aː/-/e/ lara [ˈlaːra]̺ ‘road’ - lero [ˈleːro] ‘sailcloth’ mata [ˈmaːta] ‘eye; face’ - mate [ˈmaːte] ‘to die’ /a/-/i/ dakka [ˈdaka] ‘to recover quickly’ - dikki [ˈdiki] ‘to reach’ tallu [ˈtalu]̺ ‘egg’ - tillu [ˈtilu]̺ ‘middle’ /a/-/u/ paɗɗa [ˈpaɗa] ‘to feel’ - paɗɗu [ˈpaɗu] ‘bitter’ tunna [ˈtuna] ‘eel’ - tunnu [ˈtunu] ‘to burn’ /oː/-/o/ moro [ˈmoːro] ‘green’ - morro [ˈmoro] ‘medicine’ toro [ˈtoːro] ‘eggplant’ - torro [ˈtoro] ‘to look (for)’ /oː/-/e/ toni [ˈtoːni] ‘to close’ - tena [ˈteːna] ‘boat’ moro [ˈmoːro] ‘green’ - mera [ˈmeːra] ‘same’ /oː/-/uː/ boto [ˈboːto] ‘vagina’ - buta [ˈbuːta] ‘much, many’ ro [ˈroː] ‘leaf’ - Ru [ˈruː] ‘Rua (placename)’ /oː/-/i/ ho [ˈhoː] ‘to cry’ - hi [ˈhiː] ‘price’ ro [ˈroː] ‘leaf’ - ri [ˈriː] ‘bone’ /uː/-/u/ utu [ˈuːtu] ‘profit, advantage’ - uttu [ˈutu] fleas tuja [ˈtuːd͡ʒa] ‘support’ - tujja [ˈtud͡ʒa] ‘similar’ /u/-/i/ kukku [ˈkuku] ‘fingernail’ - kikku [ˈkiku] tail /u:/-/i:/ lu [ˈluː]̺ ‘too much’ - li [ˈliː]̺ ‘voice; to say’ /u/ - /e/ ɓale [ˈɓaːle]̺ ‘shoulder’ - ɓalu [ˈɓaːlu]̺ ‘widow’ /i:/-/i/ hi-na [ˈhiːna] ‘price-3sg.poss’ - Hinna [ˈhina] ‘China’ /i/-/u/ nami [ˈnaːmi] ‘1pl.incl’ - namu [ˈnaːmu] ‘to remember’ /e/ - /i/ hope [ˈhoːpe] ‘machete case’ - hopi [ˈhoːpi] ‘to insulate’ audibly and consistently, even at faster speech. This, together with the fact that examples (2d-2e) constitute a minimal pair, allows for a conclusion that the diphthongs exist and are phonologically distinct from the corresponding phoneme sequences.

(2) a. rayi ‘to make’ [ˈraːji] b. dau ‘place’ [da͡u] c. yauwu ‘2sg’ [ˈja͡uwu] d. wayi ‘pig’ [ˈwaːji] e. wai ‘to use’ [wa͡i] f. we ‘water’ [weː]

Moreover, the diphthong /a͡i/ has a free allophone /e͡i/ used by some speakers, why it is tempting to analyze the diphthong /a͡i/- /e͡i/ as along counterpart of /e/. Such an analysis would mean that (2e) and (2f) constitute a minimal pair, in which the phonological length, either expressed by vowel duration or diphthongization, is the only distinctive feature. However, we do not find any other monosyllabic words where the vowel length is distinctive; all vowels in monosyllabic words are long. As a result, /a͡i/- /e͡i/ as a length counterpart of /e/ is less plausible.

19 4.3 Consonants Laboya has 20 core consonant phonemes found across the entire lexicon. These consist of four nasals, eleven plosives, one trill, one fricative, one lateral and two approximant consonants. The plosives have two to three-way contrast, being voiced, voiceless and/or implosive. In addition to the core set of phonemes, Laboya has two consonants that are found in restricted contexts only. First, the affricate [t͡ʃ] that only occurs in recent loans from Indonesian. Second, the alveolar fricative [s] is either a free variant of the phoneme /h/, or similarly a semi-foreign phoneme in Indonesian borrowings. Historically, however, /s/ was a full-fledged phoneme, which shifted to/h/ rather recently, which is reflected by the still occasionally occurring realization of /h/ as [s] innative vocabulary. Table 9 provides a list of some pairs of words with consonant contrasts.

Table 8: Laboya consonants Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Voiceless p t k (ʔ) Plosive Voiced b d̠ ɟ ɡ Implosive ɓ ɗ ʄ Nasal m n ɲ ŋ Affricate (t͡ʃ) Trill r Fricative (s) h Lateral l̺ Approximant w j

Table 9: Laboya consonant contrasts /b/-/ɓ/ ba [baː] ‘swollen’ - ɓa [ɓaː] ‘mouth’ karaba [kaˈraːba] ‘obstacle’ - karaɓa [kaˈraːˤɓa] ‘container for pig fodder’ kaboko [kaˈboːko] ‘fish’ - kaɓoko [kaˈɓoːko] ‘python’ /b/-/w/ bali [ˈbaːl(i)]̺ ‘over there’ - wali [ˈwaːl(i)]̺ ‘from’ /ɓ/-/w/ ɓatu [ˈɓaːt(u)] ‘tweezers’ - watu [ˈwaːt(u)] ‘stone’ /d̠/-/ɗ/ dikki [ˈd̠ik(i)] ‘to move (intr.)’ - ɗikki [ˈɗik(i)] ‘to reach, visit, come’ hada [haˈd̠aː] ‘to block out, prevent’ - haɗa [haˈˀɗaː] ‘type, kind’ /ɟ/-/ʄ/ jala [ˈɟaːla] ‘wrongdoing’ - ĵala [ˈʄaːla] ‘fishing net’ /ɟ/-/j/ jara [ˈɟaːra] ‘horse’ - yaraha [ˈjaːraha] ‘come to light’ /d/-/t/ dau [da͡ʷu] ‘place’ - tau [ta͡ʷu] ‘to hit’ /b/-/p/ bannu [ˈban(u)] ‘sea’ - pannu [ˈpan(u)] ‘upper part’ /ɡ/-/k/ gata [ˈɡaːta] ‘come to help’ - kata [ˈkaːta] ‘bracelet’ /n/-/ɲ/ ni [niː] ‘coconut’ - nyi [ɲiː] 3sg /n/-/ŋ/ napu [ˈnaːpu] ‘coconut plantation’ - ngape [ˈŋaːpe] ‘pinch’ /r/ - /l/̺ ro [roː] ‘leaf’ - lo [loː]̺ ‘to go away’ /r/ - /n/ morro [ˈmoro] ‘medicine’ - mono [ˈmono] ‘and’

4.3.1 Nasals The four nasals are /m, n, ɲ ŋ/.

20 (3) a. marha ‘fat’ [ˈmarha] b. narro ‘hold’ [ˈnaro] c. nyara ‘to bother’ [ˈɲaːra] d. ngara ‘name’ [ˈŋaːra]

4.3.2 Plain plosives There are in total eleven plosive consonants in Laboya, four voiceless plosives /p, t, k, ʔ/, fourvoiced plosives /b, d̠, ɟ, g/ and three implosives /ɓ, ɗ, ɟ/. The voiced palatal stop /ɟ/ lacks a voiceless counterpart /c/. The resulting gap in the consonant inventory is, however, filled by the borrowed affricate /t͡ʃ/, which can occasionally be realized as a stop. The velar plosives /k, ɡ/ do not have an implosive counterpart. The standard realization of thealveolar voiced stop /d/ is apical and postalveolar, [d̠]. Historically, the Laboyan voiced plosives originate from a de-prenasalization of the Proto-Sumbanese /*ᵐb, *ⁿd, *ⁿɟ, *ⁿɡ/; plain voiced plosives were (and still are in some other Sumbanese languages) absent from the consonant inventory. This is reflected by the exonyme Lamboya, which preserves the pre-shift [ᵐb]. The de-prenasalization was completed sufficiantly long time prior to the present, asthepronun- ciation Lamboya is perceived as foreign and/or incorrect by the speakers. Compare also the following terms in Laboya and their cognates in Kambera, featuring a plain and a pre-nasalized plosive respectively:

(4) a. Laboya dau [da͡ʷu], Kambera ndaung; ‘year’ b. Laboya pede [ˈpeːde]], Kambera pindi; ‘to choose’ c. Laboya bullu [ˈbulu], Kambera mbulu; ‘ten’ d. Laboya rubba [ˈruba] ‘vegetables’; Kambera rumba ‘grass’ e. Laboya jara [ˈɟaːra], Kambera njara; ‘horse’

The voiceless plosives occurring morpheme-finally as a result of the vowel deletion are produced with no audible release, cf. ex. (5a-5c). The same applies to the realization of voiced plosives, cf. ex.(5d).

(5) a. kapu ‘lime’ [ˈkaːpu]→[ˈkaːp̚] b. watu-na ‘seed’ [ˈwaːtuna]→[ˈwaːt̚na] c. ha-takki ‘word’ [haˈtaki]→[ˈhaˈtak]̚ d. nguddu ‘tooth’ [ˈŋud̠u]→[ˈŋud̚]̠

The voiceless velar stop /k/ can be realized with a secondary fricativization when it occurs beforea back vowel, see ex. (6). In careful speech, however, this secondary articulation is limited to aspiration. This affricativization never occurs in pre-front vowel environment, and rarely in the derivative prefix ka-.

(6) koka ‘tomorrow’ [ˈkˣoːka]

4.3.3 Implosives The nature of the consonant series that is analyzed as implosives in this thesis has been somewhat unclear in previous literature on Laboya. Geirnaert-Martin (1992) reports that some lexical items in her data are unclear as to the plain or other manner of articulation of the voiced plosives in them, such as

21 ”biha or ɓiha ‘sacred’” [p. 427]. Keller (1989, p. 271) describes the series as preglottalized and analyzes it as /ˀb, ˀd/ and /ˀd͡ʒ/ respectively [ibid.] 2. However, the data at hand brings forth the analysis of implosivity as the series’ primary articulatory characteristic. The implosives are, very rightly, preglottalized, but this preglottalization is onlyaudible in intervocalic position, regardless of the preceding vowel’s length - cf. examples (7a-7c).

(7) a. laɗɗo [ˈlaˀɗɗo]̺ ‘day’ b. ngoɗo [ˈŋoːˀɗo] ‘to sit’ c. teɓa [ˈteːˀɓa] ‘to slaughter’

In word-initial position, preglottalization does not come into play (or is much less audible), which enables its analysis as co-articulation rather than an inherent characteristic of the series, cf. ɓagga [ˈɓaɡa] ‘dog’. Indeed, the plosives without preglottalization are much harder to perceive and distinguish from plain voiced plosives for outsiders, which explains why we find some uncertainty in transcriptions by Geirnaert-Martin (1992). The preglottalization equally does not occur in implosives that follow the initial derivative prefix ka-, possibly due to the fact that the vowel in the latter always is unstressed and short, as in ex. 8a and syllable-finally, if followed by another consonant, cf.ex. 8b.

(8) a. kaɗagha [kaˈɗagha] ‘rice ear bug’ b. kaɓka [ˈkaɓ̥ka] ‘dust’

The palatal implosive has two possible realizations: the palatal implosive proper [ʄ] and apreglot- talized [ˤj]. The preliminary analysis is that the implosive without preglottalization occurs primarily word-initially, whereas it’s preglottalized allophone occurs intervocallically, cf.(9a) vs (9b) , with [ˀj] being dis-preferred after the derivative prefix ka-.

(9) a. ĵawa [ˈʄaːwa] ‘to protect’ b. tuĵa [ˈtuˀja] ‘example’

However, the presence of free variants like those in the examples (10a) and (10b) could point at these two realizations being allophones in free variation. Together with the difficulty of distinguishing the intervocalic realization of /ʄ/ as [ˀj] from realization of the consonant group /ʔj/, these facts necessitate further research to establish the exact relationship between the two.

(10) a. ĵalla ‘also’ [ˈʄala̺ / ˈjala]̺ b. koĵa ‘to grind’ [ˈkoːˀja, ˈkoːˀʄa]

4.3.4 Laterals Laboya has one lateral, which is the alveolar aproximant /l/.̺ In a position after the voiced alveolar stop /d̠/, it is realzed as a fricative [ɮ]:

(11) badla ‘rifle’ [ˈbad̠ɮa]

2The IPA symbols used here are based on the articulatory discription givenin(Keller, 1989, p. 271). The phonetic symbols used by the author himself are /b, d/ and /ɟ/ respectively

22 4.3.5 The glottal stop In most lexical items, the glottal stop originates from a glottalized plosive in the coda of a penultimate CVC-syllable, which can be retrieved at careful speech, cf. examples (12a and 12b):

(12) a. kedu ‘thief’ [keʔ], [ˈkeːdu] b. Ind. rakyat ‘people’ → ra’yat [ˈraʔjaːt].

However, with most lexical items containing a glottal stop, recovering the previously glottalized stop is not possible, cf. examples (13a-13c).

(13) a. bi’ta [biʔta] ‘hard, difficult’ b. kara’ka [kaˈraːʔka] ‘ashes’ c. kala’ha ‘fly (insect)’ [kaˈlaːʔha]̺

Some lexical entries in Rina and Kabba (2011) are given with a plosive that has not been possible to retrieve at elicitation, such as yabla ‘to dip’, which correspondingly was pronounced [ˈjaʔla] by the speakers; *[ˈjabla] was rejected as a possible pronunciation. This fact may reflect an ongoing shift from syllable-final voiced plosives to the glottal stop. Indeed, all glottal plosives are found in this position; no lexemes with the glottal stop in the onset were identified. Furthermore, I was not able tofindany minimal pairs with the glottal stop as the only distinguishing segment. More research is neededto clarify the phonemic status of the glottal stop.

4.3.6 Fricatives The only native fricative of Laboya is /h/. Diachronically, it is a reflex of /*s, *h/ or /*p/.Itisalsoa nativization of the Indonesian /t͡ʃ/ and /s/, although this is primarily true of lexical borrowings that entered Laboya a considerable amount of time prior to present, possibly in colonial times. If found in more recent borrowings, the nativization of indoneisan /s/ into [h] is a characteristics of the speech of older speakers. The latter points to the fact that the fricativization of earlier *s is a rather recent feature. In his paper, Onvlee (1936) counts Laboya along with other West and Central Sumbanese languages to varieties that preserve [s], exemplified by [susu] ‘milk’ contrasting them to East Sumbanese (Kamberra) and Kodi fricativized [huhu] and Wejewa voiced [zuzu]. Most lexical items containing /h/, however, belong to the native, inherited vocabulary shared with other Sumbanese languages. Some of these are listed below:

(14) a. huhhu ‘milk’ [ˈhuh(u)] b. wiha ‘rice seeds used as food’ [ˈwiːha] c. madehta ‘tall’ [ˈmaˈdehta] d. hi ‘price/to buy’ [hiː]

All of these words can be occasionally pronounced with the alveolar fricative [s], and no pair of words with either fricative being the only distinguishing segment has been identified3. This demonstrates that [h, s] are in fact free allophones of the same underlying phoneme, as far as the native vocabulary is concerned. Pronunciations employing [s] are generally much more common among speakers roughly older than fifty years of age, although they can be found among speakers of all age groups. No speaker isconse- quently using only one of the allophones, although some words are never pronounced with [s], such

3 Some entries in Rina and Kabba (2011, p. 50) suggest that such pairs are indeed present in Laboya, cf. ‘make a hole by swiping’ vs. ‘drill’. However, this contrast was not confirmed at elicitation and appears to have emerged due to differences in the dictionary compilers’ idiolects.

23 as ex. (15a). Some younger speakers (those under the age of 35) who are not old enough to experi- ence the [s]-allophone being a normal realization of /h/ perceive pronunciations with [s] as foreign and influenced by Indonesian, which witnesses of the shift being nearly complete. Recent loansfrom Indonesian, on the other hand, tend to keep [s], cf (15b-15c).

(15) a. tolha ‘to write’ [ˈtolha]̺ b. semen ‘cement’ [ˈsemen] c. sorga ‘heaven’ [ˈsorɡa].

Lastly, Indonesian /t͡ʃ/ in recent borrowings tends to be retained, such as (16a), but older borrowings demonstrate a nativization into [h], probably through intermediate form [s], cf. (16b). Depending on the educational level of the speaker, even the more recent Indonesian borrowings can undergo a shift to [h]. Speakers who have not been schooled in or had little exposure for the Indonesian language are likely to pronounce even the most recent Indonesian loans with /s/ or /t͡ʃ/ using an [h] in their speech, whereas speakers who are actively bilingual possess an awareness of such words’ ‘original’ pronunciations and use them when speaking Laboya as well.

(16) a. calona ‘candidate’ [t͡ʃaˈloːna]̺ b. Hinna ‘China’ [ˈhina] < probably earlier *[ˈsina] < Ind. Cina [ˈt͡ina]

Below in the table 11 and 10, relative and absolute frequency of Laboyan consonants, vowel qualities and diphthongs are given. The table is based on a word-list of 1273 lexical items that have been extracted from the collected language material. Frequencies for short and long vowels are provided only for the vowel quality of /a, aː/, for which the functional load of length contrast is as highest of all vowel qualities.

Table 10: Absolute and relative frequency of Laboyan vowel qualities and diphtongs Phoneme Abs. Frequency Rel. Frequency /aː/ 1037 15.11% /a/ 802 11.69% au 62 0.90% ai 32 0.47% /u/ 501 7.30% /i/ 389 5.67% /o/ 331 4.82% /e/ 323 4.71%

4.4 Phonotactics The following syllable types are possible in Laboya: V, CV, CVC and VC. Consonant clusters within a syllable are not tolerated, thus ruling out *CCV, *CVCC, etc. The minimal syllable structure ofa word is CV, which is also the most common syllable. The syllable V is found only word-initially in native vocabulary, and can contain both short and long vowels cf. examples (17a-17b). Table 12 gives an overview of the most frequent syllabic structures of Laboya words.

(17) a. ate ‘man’ [ˈaːte], VCV b. umma ‘house’ [ˈuma] VCV

The syllable type CV is found in all positions in a word. Compare(17a-17b) above, where it is found as the last syllable in a disyllabic word, following a V-syllable. Below are examples of words consisting of various numbers of CV-syllables:

24 Table 11: Absolute and relative frequency of Laboyan consonants Phoneme Abs. Frequency Rel. Frequency Phoneme Abs. Frequency Rel. Frequency /k/ 440 6.41% /ɡ/ 125 1.82% /t/ 364 5.31% /b/ 118 1.72% /l/ 330 4.81% /ŋ/ 100 1.46% /h/ 292 4.26% /ɓ/ 73 1.06% /r/ 270 3.94% /j/ 71 1.03% /n/ 237 3.45% /ɟ/ 46 0.67% /m/ 226 3.29% /ʔ/ 24 0.35% /w/ 195 2.84% /ɲ/ 21 0.31% /p/ 152 2.22% /s/ 21 0.31% /d̠/ 133 1.94% /ʄ/ 9 0.13% /ɗ/ 132 1.92% /t͡ʃ/ 5 0.07%

(18) a. pu ‘tree’ [puː], CV b. tana ‘earth, land’ [ˈtaːna] CV-CV c. ɓolaya ‘earth, land’ [ɓoˈlaːja]̺ CV-CV-CV d. kaɓeɓaka ‘butterfly’ [kaˈɓeːɓaka] CV-CV-CV-CV

Next syllable type is CVC. It can occur in all positions, too.

(19) a. dal ‘stem’ [daːl],̺ CVC - b. langta ‘sky’ [ˈlaŋta]̺ CVC-CV c. ngalung ‘wave’ [ˈŋaluŋ] CV-CVC

Table 12: Syllable structures of Laboya words Number of Syllable Word Gloss syllables structure Monosyllabic CV puː ‘coconut’ CVC lat1 ‘fire’ Disyllabic V-CV ˈeːpu ‘earthquake’ VC ab1 ‘recently’ VC-CV ˈarpi3 ‘rupiah’ CV-CV tˈaːna ‘land’ CVC-CV ˈtulra2 ‘hearth’ Trisyllabic V-CV-CV ˈaːleha ‘rainbow’ CV-CV-CV ɓoˈlaːja ‘kidney’ CV-CVC-CV kaˈraɡta2 ‘mosquito’ CV-CV-CV-CV kaˈɓeːɓaka ‘butterfly’

* Superscripted: 1 - as a result of a /i,u/-deletion; 2 - in a penultimate CVC-syllable; 3 - rare syllable combination.

The syllables CVC and VC can be analyzed as a result of a vowel deletion, i.e. having originated from a former CV. There are two kinds of CVC-syllables. The first kind originates from the morpheme-final

25 deletion of /i/ or /u/ and occurs mostly word-finally. The deleted vowel can mostly be retrieved and the underlying CV structure of the word restored (20a-20b). If the phonological word is a lexicalised compound, the CVC-syllable can also occur in the middle of the word (20c).

(20) a. ngalung ‘wave’ [ˈŋaːlʊŋ(ʊ)],̺ CVCVC(V) b. ammaha-gu ‘my money’ [ˈamahaɡ(ʊ)], VCVCVC(V) c. pantana ‘earth, world’ [ˈpan(ʊ)ˈtana], CVC(V)CV (> pannu ‘upper part’ and tana ‘land’ )

The second kind of CVC-syllables occurs in penultimate position, asinex.(8a) above. It is characterized by the impossibility to retrieve the vowel. The penultimate CVC-syllable is rather rare: in a set of 600 lexical items that were elicited, it was found in only some 20 items, in addition to some recent loans from Indonesian. The evidence that the CVC-syllable originates from (partially completed) vowel deletion comes from the diachronic data, cf. Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *laŋit and Proto-Sumba *laŋit(a) ‘sky’ with (21):

(21) langta ‘sky’ [ˈlaŋta], CVCCV

Despite the emergence of the CVC-syllable in the penultimate position, closed syllables are dis- preferred otherwise, which is reflected by the insertion of an epenthetic vowels (usually /u/) word- finally as part of the nativization of lexical borrowing, such as in proper nouns:

(22) a. Jonu ‘John’ [ˈɟonu], CVCV b. pikarihu ‘vicar’ [piˈkaːrihu], CVCVCVCV (>Ind. vikaris)

There seem to be no restrictions on which consonants can constitute the coda of a closed syllable. Both types of vowel deletion have been noted by Onvlee (1936) in his Laboyan examples. He gives wal(i) ‘from’ and lappta ‘to fold’, which he compares to other Sumbanese varieties preserving a stricter CV-syllable structure, cf. Wejewa leppita. Finally, there are individual instances of other closed syllable types that can neither be unambigu- ously attributed to the deletion of /i,u/ nor to the penultimate syllable with a coda. This isthecase with the VC. CV-structure of the Indonesian lexical borrowing in (23). The item may have undergone several types of phonological changes in the course of its nativization into Laboya, which is reflected by its cognate in the neighboring Loli dialect of Wejewa. There, the lexeme has the phonological shape arupia (Ori, 2010, p. 9).

(23) Ind. rupiah ‘rupiah’ → arpi [ˈarpi], VCCV, ‘rupiah, the Indonesian currency’

4.5 Phonological processes In addition to the debuccalization of [s] to [h] and glottlization of plosives in the coda of a CVC-syllable described above, following phonological processes can be identified in Laboya.

4.5.1 Morpheme-final vowel deletion Word-final vowels /i/ and /u/ are deleted in casual speech, but pronounced in more careful articulated. This process also affects lexicalised compounds that constitute one phonological word(24). In a small number of lexical items, primarily proper nouns such as place names, a word-final /a/ can also be subject to deletion (25-26). However, this is rather an exception, and the word-final /a/ is generally retained.

(24) mari tana ‘dry season’, lit. ‘dry land’ → martana

26 (25) Hodana ‘Sodana’ (ancestral village of all Laboyan clans) → Hodan

(26) Rajaka ‘Rajaka’ (a modern village and a parish near Rua) → Rajak

4.5.2 Assimilation As noted in 5.1.3, the pre-nasalized voiced plosives lost their pre-nasalization. This process continues as place-assimilation in consonant clusters consisting by a nasal and a stop in borowed lexemes (27a- 27b). Example (27c) is possibly a native term that is merely cognate with the Indonesian word rather than being a borrowed term, but the same phonological process is at play. However, there is a large number of recent borrowings, in which the nasal is normally not assimilated other than occasionally in the speech of older speakers or those with little exposure to Indonesian, cf(27d-27e). The fact that the nasal is retained in more recent loans points to the possibility that this process is currently losing its productivity.

(27) a. Ind. kantor ‘office’ → kator b. Ind. minggu ‘Sunday’ → miggu c. Ind. gunting ‘scissors’ gutti d. Ind. honda ‘scooter, motorbike’ < the Japanese brand name → honda, *hodda e. Ind. senter ‘flashlight’ < a brand name → senter/henter, *hatara

4.5.3 Fricativization of /p/ to /h/ A large-scale shift of /p/ to /h/ is currently taking place. This shift is most notable in thehighlypro- ductive transitivising prefix pa-, which accounts for a large proportion of Laboya words, cf. (28a). Both the form with pa- and ha- are still used interchangeably, even among the youngest generations. The shift is pervasive due to the fact that the highly productive prefix pa-/ha- is used to derive transitive verbs from intransitive verb bases as well as for nominal relativization (see section N). The fact that the pronunciation with /p/ is original is evidenced by the fact that it is the only possible pronunciation in neighbouring Sumbanese languages which also have the morpheme. However, the word-initial /p/ in native vocabulary is usually retained, if /p/ is not a part of the prefix pa-.

(28) a. pa-mate ‘to kill’ → pa-mate, ha-mate b. paba ‘rice field’, *haba c. padaka ‘short’, *hadaka

The shift is not restricted to the word-initial position, either: compare Wejewa moripa ‘life’ with (29). The fricativization of *p indicates that the word is (at least dichronically) morphologically complex.

(29) morha ‘life’, *morpa

In recent lexical borrowings from Indonesian, any word containing a word-initial /p/ seems to be subject to the shift, cf. (30a-30b). An interesting fact is that when some speakers attempt to retrieve the original Indonesian form of (30a), they erroneously ”reconstruct” semantik, due to the fact that /h/ can be a reflex of either Indonesian /s/, /p/ or /t͡ʃ/.

(30) a. Ind. pemantik ‘lighter’ → hamatiku b. Ind. pendeta ‘priest’ → hadita

27 4.5.4 Lowering of a pretonic /e/ to /a/ Examples (30a-30b) are remarkable in that they are nativizations of Indonesian loans which invoke no less than three phonological processes in Laboya, nasal assimilation, /nd, nt/ → /d, t/, word-initial fricativization of /p/, which were both dealt with above, and lowering of a pretonic /e/ to /a/. As mentioned in 5.3.1., /e/ is only found in stressed or unstressed word-final syllables in native lexemes. In the examples above, just as in (31a), the Indonesian source word contains an /e/ in unstressed word-initial syllable, which is dispreffered in Laboya. However, there are examples of Indonesian words whichdo not undergo the vowel-lowering, such as (31b-31c).

(31) a. Ind. menyanyi ‘to sing’ → manyanyi b. Ind. gereja ‘church’ → gereja, *gareja c. Ind. petani ‘farmer’ → petani, *hatani

4.5.5 Approximatization There is some evidence that another phonological process, intervocallic approximatiozation of/m/was taking place in Laboya. The evidence comes from (32a-32b). However, whether this process is in fact occurring relies entirely on the correctness of the hypothesis about etymology of the folowing items:

(32) a. kawillaka ‘lightening’ < milla, ‘fear’, ‘poor’ b. ɗowainana ‘the day before yesterday’ < manana, ‘yesterday’, cf. ɗogaɗɗi ‘the day after tomorrow’ < gaɗɗi ‘tomorrow’.

We also find numerous examples of words with intervocallic /m/ in almost identical morpho-phonological contexts which do not become an approximant. This could indicate that we are dealing with a process that is no longer active.

5 Morpho-syntax

5.1 Independent pronouns Laboya has two sets of independent pronouns, shown in Tables 13-14. They have different frequency, with the first set being more frequently used, but essentially the same functions. Both sets make atwo- way clusivity distinction between first person plural pronouns. Both sets of independent pronouns share mainly two functions: first, they function as predicate subjects, as shown in(33-35, 40) or as as direct objects (41), second, they can modify the noun, functioning as possessive pronouns (37, 42). Occasionally, independent pronouns can function as oblique core arguments, that is, as indirect objects. Just as in Kambera, independent pronouns and other types of adjoined NPs are optional and ”used for disambiguation or emphasis, discourse saliency or contrastivity” (Klamer, 2000, p. 50).

Table 13: First set of independent pronouns Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 nauwa yitta nami 2 yauwu mi(-yo) 3 nyi(-yo) yiɗɗa

28 Table 14: Second set of independent pronouns Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 ɗuggu ɗimma ɗidda 2 ɗummu ɗimmi 3 ɗinna ɗiɗɗa

5.1.1 The first set of independent pronouns The first set of Laboya independent pronouns (Table 13) has seven items, all of which have different stems. Third person singular and second person singular pronouns often come informs nyiyo and miyo, which can be considered full forms. The extra syllable does not convey any difference in meaning compared to short forms nyi and mi. Example (33) shows a basic intransitive sentence, whereas ex. (34) constitutes an equative sentence. In both sentences, the independent pronouns constitute overt subjects. In (33) we find an example of an independent pronoun as an overt object of a transitive verb. As can be seen in the examples, the core objects are also head-marked as clitics on the predicate: as a subject clitic on the intransitive verb in (33), as a subject pro-clitic and an object en-clitic on the transitive verb in (35) and as a copular enclitic on the subject noun phrase lakawa kaɓanai ‘boy’ in (34). This makes the independent pronouns optional, their omission is fully grammatical and does not alter the meaning of the predication.

(33) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) (Nyiyo) ulla=na=ge ɓatauge (3sg.indp) work-3sg.sbj-pred now ‘S/he is working now’

(34) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) (Nauwa) lakawa kaɓani=wa (1sg.indp) child male-1sg.cop ‘I am a boy’

(35) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Gu=bai=gu (yauwu) 1sg.sbj=love=2sg.obj (2sg.indp) ‘I like you’

Depending on the analysis of the example (36), the independent pronoun yauwu ‘you’ can be interpreted as an oblique argument. The semantics of the verb ‘to bark’ suggests its inherent intransitivity, the arguments must therefore be analyzed as oblique.

(36) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) Ɓagga wowora=na=gu (yauwu) dog bark=3sg.sub=2sg.obj (2sg.indp) ‘The dog barks at you’

29 Example (37) shows an occurrence of an independent pronoun as a noun modifier, more precisely as a possessive pronoun. Just as with the core verb arguments, the independent pronoun is optional here in view of the presence of the possessive enclitic -gu, functioning as the main possessive pro-form in the noun phrase.

(37) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Ngara-gu (nauwa) Ama i=Ɓolo name-1sg.poss (1sg.indp) Ama i=Ɓolo ‘My name is Ama i=Ɓolo’

Syntactically, independent pronouns function identically to noun phrases with regard to whether they precede the phrase head or follow it. This can be demonstrated by the possibility to replace an independent pronoun with a noun phrase in the same syntactical environment, cf. (33) and (38). Just as full referential NPs, the independent pronouns as subject verb arguments can precede the verb or follow it, cf. (33) and (39). When functioning as an object of a verb, independent pronouns always follow the verb. Likewise, an independent pronoun always follows the NP that it modifies when functioning as a possessor.

(38) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Ama ulla=na=ge ɓatauge father work=3sg.sbj=pred now ‘Father is working now’

(39) Ulla=na=ge (nyiyo) ɓatauge work=3sg.sbj=pred (3sg.indp) now ‘S/he is working now’

5.1.2 The second set of independent pronouns The second set of independent pronouns is given inTable 14. Unlike the first set of independent pronouns, the same stem ɗi- is used for a several forms which is appended with different endings. These endings are formally identical to the possessive enclitics (see table 19). However, the pronominal stem is never separated from the endings, which suggests that this set of pronouns has been lexicalised into synchronically simple rather than morphologically complex words. The stem vowel in the first person and second person singular has been assimilated by the finalvowel. In this respect, the structure of the pronoun set resembles that of the verb li- ‘to say’4, which displays similar pattern of regressive assimilation, see Table 15 5. Several consultants have indicated the existence of a difference in functional use of the first and second sets of independent pronouns. That is to say, there is a semantic difference between thetwo, according to some speakers. However, corpus data shows that the ɗi- pronouns can be found essentially in all contexts outlined for the first set of pronouns, such as a subject (40), direct object (41) and possessive pronoun (42).

4The word has also been translated as ‘voice, word’(Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, p. 430) 5This pattern of stem vowel-assimilation is rather unique for the pronoun ɗi- and the verb li-; moreover, the latter is remarkable in additional ways: Laboya verb stems are usually disyllabic, and the few monosyllabic verb stems retain the vowel length; their clitics do not become inseparable, etc.

30 Table 15: Inflection of the verb lu- ‘to say’ Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 luggu lumma ludda 2 lummu limmi 3 linna liɗɗa

(40) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) (ɗuggu) kako=gu=ge ta hakola (1sg.indp) go-1sg.sbj=pred to school ‘I go to school’

(41) (Narrative: A football match that ended badly) oro ɓa=mu tau=wa (ɗuggu) because (subord-2sg.poss) hit-1sg.obj (1sg.ind) ‘because you hit me’

(42) (Narrative: Hotel Nihiwatu) layi=gu (ɗuggu) husband=1sg.poss (1sg.indp) ‘my husband’

There are, however, notable differences in usage frequencies. Thus, 1sg.indep nauwa from the first set of independent pronouns (see table 13) is twice as frequent as its equivalent ɗuggu from the second set (tab. 14) in the free narrative corpus: 18 occurrences of nauwa vs. 9 of ɗuggu; 3sg.indep nyi(-yo) occurs 26 times whereas ɗinna only 9. In elicited questionnaires, the independent pronoun of choice is almost always one from the first set of pronouns, which suggests that it is less marked pragmatically. The second set of independent pronouns is almost absent in the Bible translations: nauwa occurs 230 times, whereas ɗuggu - 3 times. Nyi(-yo) occurs 294 times, whereas ɗinna isn’t found at all.

(43) (Narrative: Presentation 1) (ɗuggu) dau ulla=gu (1sg.indp) place work=1sg.poss ‘my work place’

5.2 Overview of Laboyan clitics This section provides an overview of Laboyan clitics, whose functions are investigated further inthis thesis. Taking departure from the various forms found in Laboya, I undertake an exploratory investigation of their grammatical functions. For this reason, the same morpheme may be analyzed differently according to its function in individual environments. This is also reflected in glossed examples, where formally identical morphemes may have different glosses depending on their function in the clause. A clitic is an element which is “phonologically attached to another word, its host”. Unlike affixes, clitics are not exclusively attached to words of a certain lexical category (Spencer and Luís, 2012, p. 1).

31 Table 16: First and second sets of independent pronouns in the different subcorpora Total number Subcorpus 1SG 3SG of tokens 1st set of 2nd set of 1st set of 2nd set of gloss Indep. pron. Indep. pron. Indep. pron. Indep. pron. term nyi(yo) ɗinna nauwa duggu Elicited 82 0 76 7 4617 Narrative 24 9 16 6 7427 New Testament 254 0 230 2 24536 Translations Pelajaran 27 2 15 1 3865 Total 447 11 337 16 40445

Another important characteristic of clitics is their unstressability (ibid. p. 18). All Laboyan clitics meet these criteria, as they are never stressed and can be hosted by different lexical categories. For many clitics, we can see a pattern of their hosts comprising larger linguistic units, such as as phrases rather than individual lexical categories (see examples 52-53). One of the main functions of Laboyan clitical elements is encoding grammatical relations. Gram- matical relations are defined as “grammatical functions […] that are of particular importance forthe workings of the language, so that it would be reasonable […] to regard them as a primitive ingredients of sentence-structure” (Shopen, 2007, p. 134).

Table 17: Summary of Laboya clitics Number Clitic type Clitic function Short name Host Compatible with Table of forms Pronominal subject =na/na= verb 7 =ni, 19 Pronominal possessive =na noun phrase 7 =ni, =ge 19 Pronominal object =ni verb phrase 7 na=, na= 23 Pronominal copular =wa noun phrase 2 25 Pronominal object =wa verb phrase 2 Pronominal subject =wa verb phrase 2 Other imperative object6 =yi verb phrase 1 Other copular =yi noun phrase 1 Other abstract objects =we verb phrase 1 na= Auxiliary predicative =ge verb phrase 1 =na Discourse emphatic =ge anything 1 anything 6i.e. singular definite objects of transitive verbs in imperative sentences

5.2.1 Pronominal clitics Laboyan clitics can be divided into pronominal and non-pronominal. Pronominal clitics carry information about person and, often, the number of a predicate argument. A major function of Laboyan pronominal clitics is argument marking, i.e. indicating subject and object arguments of a verbal predicate. The verb and its clitics constitute a sentence in themselves, whereas independent pronouns and non-pronominal arguments are optional and co-referential. Argument marking by means of cliticization generally expresses ”person, number, gender and case features” and are characterized by ”complementary distribution with overt subjects or objects” (Spencer and Luís, 2012, p. 24). Grammatical gender is absent in Laboya, but the other functions are filled by the pronominal clitics. This is illustrated by the following set of sentences:44a ex.( ) contains no independent pronouns, hence both the subject and the object of the transitive verb bai ‘to love’ are expressed by clitics. The verb and its clitics constitute a complete sentence, which can nevertheless optionally be complemented with independent pronouns. The sentence (44b) contains an overt non-pronominal subject, Yuhannes. Likewise, it is syntactically optional, which is why it can be considered a subject agreement, whereas the subject is marked by the clitic -na, attached to the verb hariha ‘to wash oneself’. In (44c), the overt subject is replaced by an independent pronoun, which can also be omitted without change in meaning. In(44d), the semantic subject (hape-gu ‘my phone’) can be left out, for example in the event of its introduction by the speaker earlier. The pronominal subject and object clitics hosted by the verb however, cannot be left out. Therefore,it is the clitics that can be considered the main argument marking elements, whereas the overt (pronominal) subjects agree with the clitics. Some theoretical accounts make this kind of analysis, positing the clitical element as the real argument and viewing overt nominals as doubling the clitics (Spencer and Luís, 2012, p. 31). This analysis is also suitable for Laboya.

(44) a. (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) (Nauwa) gu=bai=gu (1sg.sbj.indpsubject agreement) 1sg.sbjargument marking=love=2sg.objargument marking (yauwu). (2sg.sbj.indpobject agreement) ‘I love you’ b. (Elicitation: Reflexives) Yuhannes tangra hariha=na=ge. Johnsubject agreement prog wash.oneself=3sg.subjargument marking=pred ‘John is washing himself’ c. (Elicitation: Basic sentences) (Nyiyo) tangra hariha=na=ge. (Nyiyo)subject agreement prog wash.oneself=3sg.subjargument marking=pred ‘S/he is washing himslef/herself’ d. Dangnga=gu=ni hape=gu forget=1sg.sbj=3sg.objargument marking [phone=1sg.poss]object agreement ‘I forgot my phone’

Laboya has two basic sets of pronominal clitics (Table 18). They are labeled as basic here due totheir paradigms containing pronominal forms for all three persons and two numbers, including a two-way clusivity distinction for first person plural. There are in total seven pronominal forms in each ofthese sets. The first set of clitics is labeled pronominal subject/possessive clitics, or na-clitics after its 3sg form. Its two grammatical functions are marking the subject argument of a verb or a possessor of a noun phrase. In their subject use, na-clitics can be both pro- and encliticized (45); they are obligatory and cannot be left out in simple declarative sentences. The possessive useof na-clitics is restricted to enclitization (46).

(45) a. (Written: Bible Stories) Yesus na=kako ta pannu we Jesus 3sg.sbj=walk on surface water

33 Table 18: Two sets of Laboyan pronominal clitics Pronominal subject/possessive clitics Pronominal object enclitics Person Number Person Number

Singular Plural Singular Plural Inclusive Exclusive Inclusive Exclusive 1 gu da ma 1 -ga -da -gama 2 mu mi 2 -gu -gimi 3 na ɗa 3 -ni -di

b. Yesus kako=na=ge ta pannu we Jesus walk=3sg.sbj=pred on surface water ‘Jesus walks on water’

(46) a. (Narrative: Spontaneous Utterances) umma=gu house=1sg.poss b. *gu=umma 1sg.poss=house ‘my house’

The second set of pronominal clitics is encliticized only, and will be referred toas ni-clitics (likewise after its 3sg form), or pronominal object clitics. Their object use is described according to the semantic roles of their arguments. They can fill the syntactic function of an object argument without anyovert arguments (44a), thus functioning as object pronouns; they can also co-occur with overt arguments as agreement markers (44d). Besides these two sets of pronominal clitics, Laboya has a functionally mixed set of enclitics, labelled -wa- set of enclitics (table 26). The set is characterized by only two unique members, -wa for 1sg and -wu for 2sg. Other pronominal forms for person and number are shared with the -na-set of proclitics. Additionally to the three sets of clitics mentioned above, Laboya has two additional object clitics unmarked for person and number: the enclitics -yi and -we. It should be noted that Laboyan clitics, such as -yi and -wa, demonstrate multiple uses. Providing an exhaustive account of Laboyan morpho- syntax is not feasible within this thesis. Rather, this is an initial exploration of some topics in Laboyan morpho-syntax.

5.2.2 Non-pronominal enclitics There is a number of non-pronominal enclitics in Laboya, by far the most frequent and challenging of which is the enclitic -ge. Apart of a number of uses best analyzed as emphatic, topicalizing and commenting functions, the most prominent use of -ge is indicating verbal predication. Therefore, it can be analyzed as a verbal auxiliary enclitic and will be labeled as ‘predicative’ in glossed examples throughout this thesis. An intriguing characteristic of -ge, along with its high frequency, is its patterns of co-occurrence with other clitics. In simple declarative sentences, -ge is an obligatory element following the subject enclitics (the na-series) in intransitve clauses and transitive clauses with indefinite object arguments. However, it does not occur after pronominal object clitics, in any of their various functions. Compare the following:

34 (47) a. (Elicitation: Basic sentences) tolha=gu=ge write=1sg.sbj=pred ‘I am writing’ b. tolha=gu=ge jurata write=1sg.sbj=pred book ‘I am writing a book’ c. tolha=gu=ni jurata write=1sg.sbj=3sg.obj book ‘I am writing the book’ d. *tolha=gu=ni=ge jurata write=1sg.sbj=3sg.obj=pred book ‘I am writing the book’

It follows from the examples above that verbs in simple declarative sentences require two enclitics. A subject clitic marking the subject argument is always encliticized to the verb. Definite objects of transitive vebrs are cross-references by an object enclitic, which precludes -ge. Transitive verbs with indefinite objects are not co-indexed, but the predicative -ge occupies the second slot of the clitical cluster, which it also does for intransitive verbs. A more detailed exploration of -ge in other types of clauses is presented in 5.8.

5.3 Pronominal subject and possessive clitics Subject clitics are shown in Table 19. As already indicated in the examples (37, 38) above, this set of pronoun clitics has mainly two distinct functions: indicating the subject argument of the verb and marking the possessor of a noun phrase for person and number.

Table 19: Laboya subject/possessive clitics Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 gu da ma 2 mu mi 3 na ɗa

Despite the formal identity of subject and possessive clitics, they should be treated as polysemous rather than homophonous. They ultimately go back to the same set of Proto-Sumbanese pronominal forms, compare the Kambera subject (”nominal”) proclitics and possessive (”genitive”) enclitics in the Table 20 (adapted from Klamer (1998, 62)). Kambera possessive enclitics are identical to those in Laboya, once the phonological changes in the latter such as de-prenasalization of voiced plain plosives, have been taken into account. In turn, Kambera subject proclitics are clearly cognate with Kambera possessive enclitics, and derived from the former by phonological processes: optional deletion of /m-/ and devoicing of the voiced plosives. Hence, the use of subject and possessive clitics is formally and syntactically distinct despite shared etymology in Kambera, whereas in Laboya the difference is merely syntactic (see 5.3.3 below ). The comparison of cliticized forms in Laboya and Kambera demonstrates clearly that the subject and possessive use of Laboya pronominal set shown in Table 19 is a case of polysemy rather than homophony.

35 Table 20: Kambera pronominal clitics Nominative Genitive Accusative Dative 1sg ku- -nggu -ka -ngga 2sg (m)u- -mu -kau -nggau 3sg na- -na -ya -nya 1pl.incl ta- -nda -ta -nda 1pl.excl ma- -ma -kama -nggama 2pl (m)i- -mi -ka(m)i -ngga(m)i 3pl ɗa- -ɗa -ha -nja

5.3.1 Possessive use The possessive function of the subject clitics clearly follows from the semantics of(37, 38) and (48- 49). Syntactically, the possessive function of the clitic is characterized by its final position in the noun phrase. The clitic is never followed by the predicative enclitic -ge when used possessively. On the contrary, the use of the clitic set as subject markers requires -ge, with which it forms a single morpho- syntactic unit, see §5.3.3. Furthermore, the possessive use does not allow the clitic being pro-cliticized (which the subject use allows), it is therefore always an enclitic. Example (37) above shows an instance of the possessive use of the possessive clitic which modifies a noun. However, the scope of the possessive clitics covers the entire noun phrase, rather than individual nouns. In an extended noun phrase, the possessive clitic is appended to the last word of the phrase, as in (48). This also applies to sentences like(49), where the noun phrase consists of two nouns linked by the conjunction mono ‘and’.

(48) guru beru=ma teacher new=1pl.excl.poss ‘our new teacher’

(49) (Narrative: Prayer) Ngara dukka=ge doku mono ɗaɓɓo=da all sin and problem=1pl.incl.poss ‘all our sins and problems’

5.3.2 Encliticized subject use Another function of the subject clitics is to indicate the subject of transitive and intransitive verbs. As mentioned in §5.1.2, subject clitics are always cliticized to the verb and cannot be omitted even if the subject is overtly present. The subject use of the-na-series in simple declarative sentences is characterized by their co-occurrence with an additional enclitic, with which it forms a clitcal complex. This clitical complex consists, in addition to the subject enclitics, of either the predicative enclitic -ge (ex. 50) or one of the pronominal object enclitics (ex. 36). Syntactically, the verb together with the clitical complex consisting of a subject enclitic + -ge/pronominal object clitic is the minimal configuration of a Laboya simple declarative sentence. Other configurations, such as subject proclitic + verb are possible, but less frequent.

(50) (Narrative: Presentation 1) Ɗokku=na=ge kapala wurruna, wai=ma=ge motora follow=3sg.sbj=pred airplane, use=1pl.excl.sbj=pred car ‘He arrived with an airplane, [then] we used a car’

36 The subject clitics followed by -ge are not necessarily cliticized to the verb itself. Rather, their scope can be the clause. In ex. (51), the clitics are attached to the subject noun instead of the verb, thus having the entire clause as their scope. Compare the fully grammatical examples (52-53), where the clitics can be cliticized to the verb, as well as to the direct object. Speakers that were consulted all agree that there is no semantic difference one could expect between these two sentences. However, there aresome limited indications that there could be an aspectual difference between them at hand. Sentence (53) could possibly be interpreted as denoting a habitual action.

(51) (Narrative: A football match that ended badly) Yappa=wa i=bapak Fijai=na=ge catch=1sg.obj def.hum=father Fijai=3sg.sbj=pred ‘Mr. (literally, ‘father’) Fijai caught me’

(52) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) tolha=na=ge jurata write=3sg.sub=pred book ‘S/he is writing books’

(53) tolha jurata=na=ge write book=3sg.sbj=pred ‘S/he is writing books’

In the examples (52-51) above, which are all instances of simple declarative sentences, the predicative particle -ge always follows the subject clitic and is never detached from it, regardless of the latter’s host. This furtherly demonstrates that -ge forms a syntactic unit together with the subject clitics and sets apart the subject use of the set from its possessive use. Some instances of Laboya subject clitics occur in contexts which would translate into English using a copular equivalent. For example, (54) translates into English ‘My father is a teacher’, where ‘is’ serves as a copular element, and ‘teacher’ is a subject complement of the copular verb ‘to be’. Laboya, on the other hand, conceptualizes the corresponding English copular element and the following subject complement as a verb. Example (54) shows that the use of the predicative complex turns the word guru ‘teacher’ into the verb ‘to be a teacher’, ‘to work as a teacher’. This can be compared to ex. (55), where the zero copula after bidan ‘midwife’ preserves the interpretation of the the word as a noun. Similarly, where English would use the subject complement ‘am sick’, Laboya uses the predicative complex cliticized to the equivalent of the English adjective ‘sick’ (ex. 56), conceptualized as a stative verb in Laboya.

(54) (Written: Textbook in Laboya) Ama=gu guru=na=ge ta hakola father=1sg.poss work.as.a.teacher=3sg.sbj=pred in school ‘My father is a teacher at a school’

(55) (Written: Textbook in Laboya) Inya=gu bidan=∅ mother=1sg.poss midwife=∅ ‘My mother is a midwife’

37 (56) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) kalawara=gu=ge be.sick=1sg.sbj=pred ‘I am sick’

5.3.3 Procliticized subject use The subject clitics can also be pro-cliticized to the verb. As can be seen in the exemples below, preference to subject proclitics is given in sentences with a more complex structure. In (57) the subject clitic na= is cliticized to a verb which has a complement clause as direct object. In (58), the object of the verb is the deverbial ha-ulla ‘work’, ‘errand’, followed by the adjunct clause kahha ɓe=yi ‘until finished’. Furthermore, in sentences with a complex structure, such as containing relativization (57), subject clitics are not followed by the predicative clitic -ge, which is why the phrase *aga=yi nyiyo ha=bai=na=ge ‘what she wants’ is deemed ungrammatical.

(57) (Elicitation: English-Indonesian phrasebook) Nyi-yo na=ulla=di aga=yi nyiyo ha=bai=na 3sg.indep 3sg.sbj=do=3pl.obj what=obj 3sg.indep rel=like=3sg.sbj ‘S/he does what s/he wants’

(58) (Elicitation: English-Indonesian phrasebook) Nami ma=ulla=di ha-ulla kahha ɓe=yi 1pl.excl.indep 1pl.excl.sbj=do=3pl.obj nom=work until finish=obj.pfv ‘We do the work until it is done’

In (59), the subject clitic is procliticized to a verb that is modified by the debitive enclitic ho; the verb itself is in the main clause, although preceded by a subordinate clause. The syntactic environment is similar in (60), although the sentence is highly complex. Note that in its first subordinate clause, aga=yi ha=takki=da=di lakawa ‘what we tell the children’, the subject clitic is encliticized, whereas in the main clause that follows, it is procliticized to the verb, da=hanuwa ‘we learn’.

(59) (Narrative: Working as a teacher) SelainI ɓa=da ajara i=raɗɗa lakawa, ɗidda guru, Besides sub=1pl.incl teach def.hum=dem.pl children 1pl.incl.indep teacher da=belajar ĵalla=ho. 1.pl.incl=learn also=deb ‘Besides teaching the children, we, teachers, also have to study [ourselves].’

(60) (Narrative: Working as a teacher) Aga=yi nehhe laɗɗo ha=takki=da=di lakawa, hanuwa-ɗa=di What=obj.pfv today rel=tell=1pl.incl.sbj=3pl.obj children teach=1pl.incl=3pl.obj lakawa, ɗidda guru gaɗi da=hanuwa leto ɗa-ho-yi sebelumI children, 1pl.incl.indep teacher evening 1pl.incl.sbj=learn first must before ɓa=da kako ta hakola. sub=1pl.incl.sbj go to school ‘What we teachers tell the children, teach the children today, we have to learn it first in the evening before we go to school.’

38 We also encounter proclitization in sentences with relatively simple sentence structure, such as (35), a highly frequent phrase. This is also true of written texts, suchas Kadobu and Bili (1977) or the the translated New Testament portions, such as (62). The latter consists of a single main clause, where the predicate pataggaha ‘to heal’ has two direct arguments. Also in such examples, the procliticization of subject clitics eliminates the need of the predicative enclitic -ge. There is some evidence that proclitization is preferred with verbs encoding punctual and complete events in sentences with more complex structure, compare (62) and (61). In the latter example, the proclitization of the subject clitic ɗa= helps sequencing the punctual event ‘they found’ which occurs after a previous protracted one (see more in §5.8.1). Furthermore, all instances of subject marking of perfective clauses described in 5.7.6 make use of proclitization.

(61) (Elicitaion: Progressive aspect) Mate=na=ge ata tuna, tabolo ɗa=kole na=morro kahadda dahha. die=3sg.sbj=pred man old but 3pl.sbj=get def=medicine supl good ‘The old man was dying, but they got the right (lit. ‘the best’) medicine’

(62) (Written: Bible stories) Yesus na=pa-taggaha ata kalawara. Jesus 3sg.sbj=caus-recover man sick ‘Jesus heals a sick man’

Occasionally, however, -ge can be found with subject proclitics as well, as in (63), but it could then be interpreted as an emphatic/discourse enclitic, rather than a predicative one. Note that the overt subject in 63, kaɓeɓaka ‘butterfly’, is also marked with -ge, whose function is different from indicating the predicate.

(63) (Narrative: Children’s tree) Kaɓeɓaka=ge na=ɓurru=ge weyo yinna kalari kolo. butterfly=emph 3sg.sbj=drip=pred water dem swing rope ‘The butterfly dropped water on the swing rope’

The preference of proclitization in written texts is well attested in the Bible translations. Enclitization of the 3sg.sbj clitic na= to the rather typical for the New Testament verb baleha ‘to reply’ occurs 9 times, wheras enclitization to the same verb only once. It should be noted, that the nature of the Bible narratives is such that the narrated events are set in a perceived past, which probably influences the choice of clitic position in relation to the verb.

Table 21: Frequencies of subject pro- and enclitization for three verbs in the New Testament Form Gloss Frequency na=baleha ‘3sg.sbj=answer’ 9 baleha=na=ge ‘answer=3sg.sbj=pred’ 1 na=hanewe ‘3sg.sbj=speak’ 29 hanewe=na=ge ‘speak=3sg.sbj=pred’ 5 na=kako ‘3sg.sbj=go’ 4 kako=na=ge ‘go=3sg.sbj=pred’ 1 Number of tokens 24542 in the sub-corpus

Subject clitics are also frequently encliticized to other lexical categories, such as particles. The most

39 frequent of these particles is the subordinate/conditional particle ɓa. A subject clitic encliticized to ɓa links it to the main verb in the clause, which usually precludes enclitization of the verb itself, cf. (132). There are, however, instances of the subject additionally marked on the verb, cf.(65), which is probably best explained in terms of lexicalisation. The evidence for the subject clitics being cliticized to the particle ɓa rather than to the adjacent verb stem is phonological. First, speakers often drop the final /u,i/ of the pronominal subject clitics =gu, =mu, =mi, which therefore form a single phonological word together with their host particle ɓa, realized as [ɓam] in (132). Proclitics, on the other hand, normally retain full vowels, even at fast speech rate. Second, at slow and careful speech with audible pauses between phonological words, pauses are inserted after the subject clitics rather than prior to them, yielding [ˈɓam ˈtuluga]̺ rather than *[ɓa muˈtuluga]̺ ‘for helping me’.

(64) (Narrative: Pear Story) Yi=di tada=na=ge waikimu ɓa=mu tullu=ga give=3pl.obj sign=3sg.sbj=pred thank you sub=2sg.sbj help=1sg.obj ‘He gave them the sign, thank you for helping me’

(65) (Narrative: Hotel Nihiwatu) Oro ɓa=na ulla=na ta Ngahhu Watu=ge because sub=3sg.sbj work=3sg.sbj in Nihi ‘because he works in Nihiwatu’

As we have seen, the subject clitics can be attached to the verb (50) or apply to the entire clause (51). When encliticized in simple declarative sentences, subject clitics are followed by at least one more enclitic, such as the predicative -ge or object enclitics. In sentences with more complex syntactic structure, subject enclitics can occur as the only enclitic of the host’s clitical complex (57). It is common for the subject clitics to be procliticized to verbs as well (59-63), in which case they co-occure with the predicative -ge to a much lesser extent. Preferance to proclitization is given when the event encoded by the verb is complete or punctual. Finally, when the subject clitics are encliticized to the highly frequent particle ɓa, the main verb in the clause usually carries no subject clitics (132).

5.4 Pronominal object clitics As follows from the name, the task of object clitics is to index the verb to its arguments, both direct and oblique. Object clitics are always encliticized to the verbal element and provide information about person and number of the argument. Table 22 below shows Laboya object clitics.

Table 22: Laboya object clitics Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 -ga -da -gama 2 -gu -gimi 3 -ni -di

As can be seen, the second person singular object clitic -gu is homonymous with the first person singular subject clitic. First person plural inclusive object clitic -da is identical to its subject counterpart. First person plural exclusive object, as well as second person plural object clitics are morphologically

40 complex. The former consists of its singular counterpart -ga + exlusive plural clitic -ma. The same is true for the latter: it consists of the second person singular object clitic -gu, in which the vowel has been assimilated by the second part of the clitic, the second person plural -mi. Compare also Laboya object clitics below with Kambera accusative and dative clitics shown in Table 20. The first and second person object clitics in Laboya are identical to those in Kambera, oncerele- vant phonological changes have been taken into account. It also suggests that the homonymy between Laboya 2sg object and 1sg subject clitics is a result of a merger of two earlier distinct forms into -ga. The rest of this section deals with some semantic roles of the verb arguments that the objectclitics generally refer to. Table 23 at the end of this section summarises some of the the semantic roles of Laboya object clitics and their syntactic environments.

5.4.1 Patient arguments One of the semantic roles of a verb’s direct object is patient, which denotes the ‘undergoer’ of an action or event. In languages with case morphology, the semantic role of patient is often encoded by accusative case. In Laboya, only definite referents in the semantic role of patient are linked to the verb by theobject clitics. If the referent of the patient is indefinite, no object marking occurs on the verb(52). Mass nouns count as indefinite referents, cf (66).

(66) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Ya=na=ge kadodo. eat=3sg.sbj=pred rice ‘S/he eats rice’

The fact that only patients with definite referents are marked by the object clitics in Laboyaisaddi- tionally evidenced by the minimal pair of sentences (67a-b). In the latter, the object clitic -di replaces the predicative clitic -ge. Generally, object pronouns never co-occur with the predicative enclitic -ge.

(67) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) a. Wihta=na=ge luwwa. b. Wihta=na=di luwwa. peal=3sg.sbj=pred sweet potato peal=3sg.sbj=3pl.obj sweet potato ‘S/he is pealing sweet potatoes. S/he is pealing the sweet potatoes’

If the referent of a patient is possessed, it will typically be linked to the verb by an object clitic marked for number. With overt patients other than pronouns, the object clitic will be in the third person (78). If the referent of the patient is pronominal, the object clitic can also be in first or second person (69). The possessor of the object is not co-indexed on the verb inanyway.

(68) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Yiɗɗa teɓa=ɗa=ni kari=gu nauwa. 3pl.sbj.indp slaughter=3pl.sbj=3sg.obj buffalo=1sg.poss 1sg.poss.indp ‘They slaughter my buffalos’

(69) Yiɗɗa ha-mate=ɗa=gimi. 3pl.sbj.indp caus-die=3pl.sbj=2pl.obj ‘They kill you guys’

41 5.4.2 Recipient arguments Another major semantic role of verb arguments is the recipient, which denotes the participant that receives some entity. It is typically coded by the dative case in languages with morphologically overt cases. The object clitics in Laboya typically link a ditransitive verb such as ‘to give’ to its obliqueargu- ments, cf (70). In ex. (71), the object clitic -ni should be interpreted as an element linking the verb to the oblique argument ‘sister’ in the semantic role of recipient, rather than to the direct object ‘present’. The latter is an indefinite referent, which leaves it unrefered by the verbclitics.

(70) (Narrative: Laboya in old times) Waikiwu ɓa=mu yi=ga mahiggo. thank you sub=2sg.sbj give=1sg.obj opportunity ‘Thank you for giving me the opportunity’

(71) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Yi=na=ni hadia watto-na. give=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj present sister=3sg.poss ‘He gives his sister a present’

(72) Dulka=na=ni naranewe watto-na. tell a story=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj story sister=3sg.poss ‘He tells a story to his sister’

Note that an oblique argument can also be in the form of a prepositional phrase, as in (73). The direct object is, again, an indefinite referent, ‘a book’, which conditions the use of the predicative -ge, rather than an object clitic hosted by the verb. Example (74) is likely not ambiguous: the object clitic -ni must be interpreted as referring to the direct object ‘the book’, because the oblique argument is accounted for by the prepositional phrase. The referent of the direct object must in turn be interpreted as definite because it is referred to by the object clitic, which can only refer to patients with definite referents.

(73) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Maria yi=na=ge jurata ta Yuhannes. Maria give=3sg.sbj=pred book to John ‘Mary gives a book to John’

(74) Maria yi=na=ni jurata ta Yuhannes. Maria give=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj book to John ‘Mary gives the book to John’

Potential ambiguities that the possibility of using the object clitics in reference to both direct and oblique arguments may give rise to are resolved by inserting an indefinitite article wu or a demonstrative determiner such as naɗɗa ‘that’ to specify the direct object. Two object clitics, with a patient and a recipient semantic role each, can be simultaneously be hosted by a single verb. A typical situation where this occurs is when a ditransitive verb is used in imperative mood (75).

42 (75) (Written: Bible stories) Ngidi=ga=ni naɗɗa lakawa ta bara=gu. bring=1sg.obj.rec=3sg.obj.pat dem child to proximitiy=1sg.poss ‘Bring the child to me’

5.4.3 Possessed arguments A particular pattern of using object clitics to cross-reference possessed arguments can be identified. In such constructions, object enclitics mark the possessor of a patient argument on the verb. The syntactic environment of the object clitics differs from their use for cross-referencing patient or recipient arguments. Most notably, they attach directly to the verb stem and are followed by another object clitic, usually denoting a patient argument. Thus, the agent of the action is not referred to by a subject clitic on the verb. The possessor is additionally marked on the adjoined NP by a possessive enclitic. Compare the following sentences (76-77):

(76) (Written: Bible stories) Ama, manawara=ki=ga=ni ana=gu. father have.mercy=imp.pol= 1sg.obj=3sg.obj child=1sg.poss ‘Father, have mercy on my child’

(77) (Narrative: Spontaneosu utterances) Nauwa heri=gu=ni kari=gu bara teɓa=ga=ni. 1sg.indp not.want=1sg.sbj=3sg.obj buffalo=1sg.poss proximity slaughter=1sg.obj=3sg.obj ‘I don’t want my buffalo to be slaughtered’

This use of object enclitics differs from the standard pattern of cross-referencing arguments oftran- sitive verbs in Laboya: normally, subject and object arguments are indexed on the verb by pronominal clitics, whereas the posessor of a direct object argument is marked by a possessive enclitic on the patient argument itself, as in (78). Therefore, the verbal head and its clitics usually carry no information about the posessor of a direct argument. In the constructions at hand, the semantic roles of the arguments referred to by the verbal clitics is the opposite: the posessor of a patient argument is doubled by a verbal object enclitic, whereas the subject of the transitive verb is not cross-referenced by a subject clitic of any kind.

(78) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) (Yiɗɗa) teɓa=ɗa=ni kari=gu nauwa. (3pl.sbj.indp) slaughter=3pl.sbj=3sg.obj buffalo=1sg.poss 1sg.poss.indp ‘They slaughter my buffalos’

The sentences (76-77) above have in common that they are in irrealis mood: ex. (76) is an imperative clause, whereas (77) is in the subjunctive mood. On the contrary, the sentence (79b) below is in realis mood, but the possessor of the direct object referenced by the object clitic is within a relive clause introduced by ka- 7. Note also that the patient object is not overtly present in the sentence 79b, but merely implied.

7See §5.10.1 for a discussion of relative clauses.

43 (79) a. (Elicitation: Phasal markers) Bungnga=na=ge dompetuI=gu manana. be.lost=3sg.sbj=pred walletI=gu yesterday ‘My wallet was lost yesterday.’ b. Ɗa=ni wu ata ka=eta=ga=ni ta panu bis. exist=3sg.obj indf man rel=find=1sg.obj=3sg.obj on bus ‘There is a man who found [my wallet] on abus’

5.4.4 Copular use in possessive constructions A minor pattern of using object clitics to mark equation in possessive constructions can alsobeiden- tified. Unlike the use in patient and recipient arguments, the copular use of of the object cliticsdoes not condition attachment to a verb. Rather, they are used in a verbless clause, attaching to thegenitive constructions, effectively functioning as a copula.

(80) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) (Nyiyo) guru=ma=ni (nami). (3sg.indp) teacher=1pl.incl.obj=3sg.obj (1pl.excl.indp) ‘S/he is our teacher.’

(81) (Yauwu) angwu=gu=gu (2sg.indp) brother=1sg.poss=2sg.obj ‘You are my brother’

(82) (Nyiyo) ali lawayi=gu=ni (3sg.indp) younger sibling female=1sg.poss=3sg.obj ‘She is my younger sister’

Table 23: Some of semantic roles of Laboya object clitics and their syntactic environments Semantic Overt direct Overt oblique Example role of the Clitics and their host arguments artuments sentences object clitic Host type 1st enclitic 2nd enclitic patient trans. verb subject clitic object clitic (def. object) - (67b, 78, 69) trans. verb subject clitic -ge (indef. object) - (66, 67a) recipient ditrans. verb subject clitic -ge (indef. object) (oblique PP) (73) ditrans. verb subject clitic object clitic (def. object) (oblique PP) (74) ditrans. verb subject clitic object clitic (indef. object) (oblique NP) (71, 72) possessive trans. verb object clitic object clitic (def.object) - (76, 79b, 77) copular possessed NP possessive clitic object clitic - - (81, 82)

44 5.5 -wa set of pronominal clitics There exists another set of pronominal clitics in Laboya, shown inTable 24. The set consists of both pro- and enclisis. The third person, as well as the first and second person plural clitics are formally identical to ones in the pronominal subject set shown in Table 19 earlier. The two divergent clitics are the first and second person enclitics -wa and -wu are likely initial clippings of independent pronouns nauwa ‘I’ and yauwu ‘you (sg)’. The wa-clitics, as we will call them conditionally, have several functions, which are described below. Major use of the set includes equative (copular) use, indicating the semantic role or patient and use in special modal constructions indicating desire or ability.

Table 24: wa-set of clitics in Laboya Person Number Singular Plural

Inclusive Exclusive 1 -wa mada- 2 -wu mu-…-mi 3 na- ɗa-

5.5.1 Copular use The first function of wa- set is attribution of permanent quality. As we can see in(83) and (84), the use of independent pronouns is optional. On the contrary, it is compulsory in third person, as it is not marked by any copular clitic. In other words, not all clitics from the set shown in the table 24 above are used to indicate equation. Encliticizing the equated noun phrase in (85) with na- is not tolerated. The enclitization of -yi in 3sg, on the contrary, is permitted, cf. (129a), which provides some evidence that at least in copular constructions of this kind, -yi is part of the -wa-series (see §5.7.7).

(83) (Narrative: Spontaneous sentences) (Nauwa) ata Laboya=wa / guru=wa / lakawa kaɓani=wa (1sg.indp) person Laboya=1sg.cop / teacher=1sg.cop / boy=1sg.cop ‘I am a Laboyan/teacher/boy’

(84) (Yauwu) ata Laboya=wu (2sg.indp) person Laboya=2sg.cop ‘You are a Laboyan’ etc.

(85) Nyi-yo ata Laboya 3sg.indp person Laboya ‘S/he is a Laboyan’ etc.

The eclitic has the scope of a noun phrase rather than individual words:

(86) (Narrative: Presentation 1) Nauwa ata wali ta desaI Watu Karere=wa. 1sg.indp person from villageI Watu Karere=1sg.cop. ‘I am a person from the Vilage Watu Karere’.

45 5.5.2 Subject use The clitics from the wu-series can be hosted by verbs to indicate the agent of the action. Unlike the personal subject clitics also hosted by verbs and indicating the agent, wa- is used in subordinated clauses or clauses introduced by temporal adverbs such as ɓege ‘then’. The function of -wa in (87) seems somewhat redundant in view of the fact that the subject argument of the verb hagga ‘return’ is already indicated by the the personal subject enclitic -gu hosted by the subordinative conjunction ɓa. Perhaps -wa fills the function of indicating the verbhood of hagga. Bare verb stems are generally avoided, especially those of intransitive verbs. The predicative -ge which is usually employed to avoid bare verb stems isn’t used without personal subject enclitics first, and is furthermore rare in subordinate clauses. However, a sentence in which the clitical cluster =gu=ge replaces -wa is also grammatical, cf. (88).

(87) (Narrative: Spontaneous phrases) Nimmi ɓa=gu hagga=wa ta hakola […] then sub=1sg.sbj return=1sg.sbj in school ‘Later, when I come back from school […]

(88) Nimmi ɓa=gu hagga=gu=ge ta hakola […] then sub=1sg.sbj return=1sg.sbj=pred in school ‘Later, when I come back from school […]

(89) Ɗihha miggu wali mo-gu ta Huba, ɓege hagga=wa ta tana-gu. one week more only=1sg.sbj in Sumba then return=1sg.sbj to land=1sg.poss ‘I have only one week left in Sumba, then I return to my country’

Sentence (89) shows the use of -wa in a sequenced clause introduced by ɓege ‘then’. Just as in the examples above, -wa can be replaced by the clitical cluster -guge. Overall, the use of -wa as a subject marker seems to be restricted to intransitive clauses. In (90), the homonymus morpheme wu should be analyzed as the indefinite article wu, whereby the verb stem eta ‘to see’ is left bare. If transitive verbs host -wa, it usually indicates patient argument.

(90) (Elicitation: Existentials) Ɗa=ɓe=ge ɓa=mu eta wu ɓagga matabba? exist=pfv=pred sub=2sg-sbj see indef dog wild ‘Have you seen a wild dog?’

5.5.3 Pronominal object use The enclitic wa- functions as a direct object pronoun when hosted by a transitive verb. As such, it does not index the verb argument, but rather functions as a personal pronoun. If the object of a transitive verb is non-pronominal, the pronominal object clitics (-ni-series, see Table 22) are used instead.

(91) (Elicitation: translation of I wanna hold your hand) Ma kole ɓa=gu ĵoĵa=wu na=dahha=we ate lari=gu and when sub=1sg.sg touch=2sg.obj 3sg-sbj=good==adj heart inside=1sg.poss ‘And when I touch you I feel happy inside’

46 (92) kole ɓa=gu narro=gu=ni limma=mu when sub=1sg.sg hold=1sg.sbj=3sg.obj hand=2sg.poss ‘when I hold your hand’

As the examples above suggest, the -wa-set of clitics is prefered in subordinate clauses. In main clauses, pronominal object clitics from the main set are usually employed instead, cf. (93). However, -wa can be found in main clauses as well, where it can be used interchangeably with the main set of pronominal clitics (95-94).

(93) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Petu harahi=na=ga nauwa kako ta umma=na. Peter invite=3sg.sbj=1sg.obj 1sg.indp go to house=3sg.poss ‘Peter invited me to go to his house’

(94) Nauwa gu-hi-wu yauwu. 1sg.indp 1sg.sbj=appreciate=2sg.obj 2sg.indp ‘I appreciate you’

(95) (Narrative: A football match that ended badly) Yappa=wa wu tentaraI catch=1sg.obj indef soldierI ‘A soldier caught me’

5.5.4 Use in modal constructions As we have seen in this section, it is the first and second person singular forms ofthe -wa-set that are mostly used. The equative and object uses of the clitic were therefore best described using these personal enclitics. However, the full set of -wa-clitics shown in Table 24 becomes visible in use only with certain modal constructions. To exemplify the full set, a full paradigm of the verb angta8 ‘to be able’ which requires the -wa-clitics is given below in the Table 25. The sentence there is ‘I can dry myown clothes (i.e. ‘you don’t have to do it for me’)’. Omitting the subject clitics on the verb is ungrammatical. The -wa-clitical set is also used together with other modal constructions, such as ones expressing desire or obligation. The volative construction (indicating desire) is introduced by the particle ka-. The -wa-clitics are hosted by the verb and index the pronominal subject, which is also done by the pronominal subject clitics on the particle ka- (96). In the obligative construction shown in (97), the -wa-set of clitics is hosted by the obligative ɗa-ho. There are two other things to point out in the construction which requires giving a full paradigm forall persons and numbers here as well (Table 26). First, only the 1sg, 2sg-pl and 1pl.excl are encliticized to ɗa-ho, whereas 1pl.incl and 3sg-pl are not. Second, where ɗa-ho hosts -wa-clitics, subject of the clause is also indicated by a personal subject enclitic leaning on a dummy element wu-. This expletive element is homonymous with several other uses, but obviously functionally distinct. Where ɗa-ho is unmarked for person and number, the subject clitic leans directly on the main verb of the clause instead. Note that this system is identical to the one shown in Tables 24 and 25.

8The free variant ingta is also used.

47 Table 25: -wa-clitics in an abilitative construction, full paradigm 1sg Nawwa angta=wa hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=gu 1sg.indep can=1sg.sbj dry self=obj cloth=1sg.poss 2sg Yauwu angta=wu hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=mu 2sg.indep can=2sg.sbj dry self=obj cloth=2sg.poss 3sg Nyi na=angta hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=na 2sg.indep 3sg.sbj=can dry self=obj cloth=3sg.poss 1pl.incl Yitta da=angta hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=da 1pl.incl.indep 1pl.incl.sbj=can dry self=obj cloth=1pl.incl.poss 1pl.excl Nami ma=angta hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=ma 1pl.excl.indep 1pl.excl.sbj=can dry self=obj cloth=1pl.excl.poss 2pl Mi mu=angta=mi hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=mi 2pl.sbj=can= 2pl.indep dry self=obj cloth=2pl.poss 2pl.sbj 3pl Yiɗɗa ɗa=angta hawai ɗau=yi kalabbe=ɗa 3pl.indep 3pl.sbj=can dry self=obj cloth=3pl.poss

(96) (Narrative: Presentation 1) Ta umma ka=gu belajarI=wa hanewe Laboya, naɗɗa-ge. in house want=1sg.sbj learnI=1sg.sbj language Laboya like this ‘In [your] house, I want to learn Laboyan, he said’

(97) (Elicitation: Spontaneous utterances) Yawu wu=mu hariha ɗa=ho=wu. 2sg.indep dummy=2sg.sbj take a bath exist=oblig=2sg.sbj ‘You must take a bath’

The -wa-set of clitics is also used in standard negation, where it is obligatory. See §5.9.1 for more.

Table 26: -wa-clitics in an obligative construction, full paradigm 1sg Nawwa wu=gu hariha ɗa=ho=wa 1sg.indep obl=1sg.sbj take a bath exist=oblig=1sg.sbj 2sg Yauwu wu=mu hariha ɗa=ho=wu 2sg.indep obl=2sg.sbj take a bath exist=oblig=2sg.sbj 3sg Nyi na= hariha ɗa=ho=∅ 2sg.indep 3sg.sbj= take a bath exist=oblig=3sg.sbj 1pl.incl Yitta da= hariha da=ho=∅ 1pl.incl.indep 1pl.incl.sbj= take a bath exist=oblig 1pl.excl Nami wu=ma hariha ɗa=ho=ma 1pl.excl.indep dummy=1pl.excl.sbj take a bath exist=oblig=1pl.excl.sbj 2pl Mi wu=mi hariha ɗa=ho=mi 2pl.indep dummy=2pl.sbj take a bath exist=oblig=2pl.sbj 3pl Yiɗɗa ɗa= hariha ɗa=ho=∅ 3pl.indep 3pl.sbj= take a bath exist=oblig The example sentence in the table is ‘I have to wash myself’ for all persons and numbers.

48 5.6 Abstract referent object enclitic -we All the examples we have seen so far of object clitics index concrete referents. When indexing direct object arguments with abstract referents, the usual pronominal object clitics are not used. The enclitic -we, unmarked for number, is used instead. The abstract referent can consist of a noun phrase withan abstract noun as the phrase head (98), or an entire clause (99-(100). It may also have no overt referent at all (101), in which case it appears to serve as a non-referential object pronoun, ‘retell [that which is] about father Yesaya’.

(98) (Narrative: Slaughtering buffaloes and pigs) Ɓa=na eta-we mayilla=ge tana Laboya sub=3sg.sbj see=obj difficult=com land Laboya ‘As he saw the hardships of Laboyan land’

(99) (Narrative: Children’s Tree) na=karayi=we tullu=ki=ga ka=mu ha-burru=ni hakolo 3sg.sbj=ask=obj help=imp.pol=1sg.obj purp=2sg.sbj caus=come.down=3sg.obj swing ‘She asked, help me please so that you lower the swing’

(100) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Takki=we ta ole=mu mono wa-wadeka ka=mu rangnge=we ka=mu tell=obj to friend=2sg.poss and int-other purp=2sg.sbj listen=obj purp=2sg.sbj baleha=we ha-tuttra inne ɓawa! answer=obj nom-ask dem.prox down ‘Tell your friend and others so that you listen, so that you answer the question below’

(101) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Dulka hagga=we waige=we hanewe Laboya tuttu=na pak Yesaya! tell return=obj instr=obj language Laboya about=3sg.poss father Yesaya ‘Retell [the story] about father Yesaya in Laboya!’

The fact that the object noun phrase ‘the body and the blood of the Lord Jesus’in(102) is indexed by means of the enclitic -we rather than one the object clitics -ni or -di, which are usually used for concrete object referents is apparently due to the fact that the whole nominal phrase is interpreted as an abstract referent.

(102) (Narrative: First Communion) Manana naɗɗa ana kaɓinne=gu ka=lawayi rayi=na=ge yesterday dem.dist niece/nephew=1sg.poss rel=female make=3sg.sbj=pred syukuranI tuttu=ge ɓa=na hibba=we ra=na thanksgiving.ceremonyI about=emph sub=3sg.sbj receive=obj blood=3sg.poss mono tau=na Marabba Yesus. and body=3sg.poss lord Jesus ‘Yesterday, my niece had a thanksgiving ceremony to receive the body and blood of the Lord Jesus’

49 The object enclitic -we is not only hosted by verbs. It can be found on interrogatives, most notably aga ‘what?’. It is can host -we both when used as interrogatives as such or as relative pronouns (198). Other interrogatives host it too: pira ‘when?’, used as an adverb in the sense ‘whenever’ in (103).

(103) (Written: Mark 14:7) pira=we ɓa=mu ha=daha=we ha-bai=mu when=obj sub=2sg.sbj rel=good=cop nom=like=2sg.poss ‘whenever you want’

The enclitic -we does also have a function of marking predicative use of stative verbs. A discussion of Laboya stative verbs, refering to concepts corresponding to adjectives in languages where such a lexical category can be posited, is outside of the scope of this thesis.

5.7 The enclitic -yi The enclitic -yi is a frequent element in Laboya. It has some similarities with -ge (see §5.8). Just as the latter, its position in a phonological word or a sequence of enclitics is always the last. Furthermore, it is never combined with pronominal enclitics (Tables 19-22).

5.7.1 Object use in imperative clauses Section §5.4 described the use of object clitics to index patient arguments of a verb. There, all example sentences were simple declarative sentences in the indicative mood, consisting of a subject and a predicate within the same main clause. There are many instances of verbs with both direct and indirect object arguments yi- is used to index arguments instead of pronominal object clitics. One of these is imperative clauses with definite direct objects104 ( , 105, 136).

(104) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Ngala=yi na=watu. take=obj.sg.imp def=stone ‘Pick up the stone!’

(105) Ijala=yi hape=mu wali ta meja! take=obj.sg.imp phone=2sg.poss from table ‘Take your phone from the table!’

If the direct verb object in the imperative clause is in plural, the pronominal object clitic -di replaces -yi (106). Likewise, pronominal object clitics replace -yi in ditransitive verbs (107, 108), whereby the imperative mood loses morphological marking.

(106) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Rayi=di hanewe Laboya mono hanewe Jawa! make=3pl.obj word Laboya and word Indonesian ‘Make sentences in Laboya and Indonesian! (lit. Make Laboyan words and Indonesian words)’

(107) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Yi=ga wu kalowo! give=1sg.obj indef banana ‘Give me a banana!’

50 (108) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) rayi=di te ama weɗa mono inya weɗa. make=3pl.obj tea grandfather and grandmother ‘Make tea for grandmother and grandfather!’

For use of intransitive verbs and verbs with indefinite and abstract object in the imperative mood, see 5.8.2.

5.7.2 Object use in complement and subordinate clauses The enclitic -yi is used for cross-referencing verb arguments in complement and subordinate clauses. In (109), the verb phrase hadahha lampu ‘to repair the lamp’ is a complement phrase of the verb ɓeɓe (< reduplication of ɓe ‘to finish’), which is marked for person and aspect by corresponding clitics. Example (110) is rather complex syntactically, but suffice it to say that the purpose clause introduced by taɓoka ‘to meet’ is a complement clause. The enclitic -yi indexes the verb’s direct object argument comprised by the rest of the sentence.

(109) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Ɓeɓe=na=ge [ha-dahha=[yi lampu]]. finish=3sg.sbj=pred [caus-good[=obj lamp]] ‘He is finishing to repair the lamp.’

(110) Kako=gu=ge [taɓoka[=yi wu ata ai ha-tada-gu ngara-na]]. go=1sg.sbj=pred [meet=[obj indef man neg.dep rel=know=1sg.sbj name=3sg.poss]] ‘I am going (i.e. I am on my way) to meet a/the man whose name I don’t know’

Example 111 shows the verb tau ‘to throw’ in a certain type of subordinate clause initiated by the subordinating conjunction ɓa, which hosts a pronominal clitic. The corpus data clearly demonstrates that transitive verbs introduced by the subordinating conjunction ɓa are never indexed with their arguments by pronominal object clitics, but frequently by -yi (111).

(111) (Narrative: Sodana Fire) Ma ɓa=na tau=yi watu and sub=3sg.sbj throw=obj stone ‘…and when he threw the stone…’

(112) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Aga linna=we paha ngada=na malawo ɓa=na eta=yi wodo? what say=obj feeling=3sg.poss mouse sub=3sg.sbj see=obj cat? ‘What are the mouse’ feelings when it sees the cat?’

The example (113) demonstrates that -yi can also index direct objects in the semantic role of goal in subordinate clauses. Note that the verb ɗahheka ‘to approach’ is syntactically conceptualized as a transitive verb with a direct argument. A similar non-finite clause with indirect verb object is shown in (114). There, the verb argument ta Lolina ‘to Waikabubak’ also has a semantic role of a goal, but the verb is conceptualized intransitively, the argument is hence indirect. The indirect argument is a prepositional phrase and, accordingly, -yi is not used. Both clauses below are introduced by the subordinating conjunction ɓa.

51 (113) (Written: Bible Stories) Eta payaɗɗa=ɗa=ni i Yesus ɓa=na ɗahheka=yi tena. see suddenly=3pl.sbj=3sg.obj def.hum Jesus sub=3sg.sbj approach=obj boat ‘They suddenly saw Jesus approaching the boat’

(114) (Narrative: Laboya in old times) ɓa=ɗa kako ta Lolina sub=1pl.incl go to Waikabubak ‘…when we go to Waikabubak’

5.7.3 Copular use The enclitic -yi is used in copular constructions. This use is very similar to that of-wa-series in (83-84). Unlike other functions of -yi described above, in which the enclitic is primarily verbal, the copular use of -yi implies enclisis to noun phrases. As such, it is encliticized to the NP comprising the attributed permanent quality, cf. (115).

(115) (Narrative: Presentation 1) Ana ka=wunga=gu lakawa kaɓani=yi. child rel=first=1sg.poss boy=cop ‘My eldest (lit. first) child is a boy’

Thus, there are at least three strategies of creating equivalents of English copular sentences involving third person referents in Laboya. They can be made either without any morphological marking (55) or indicated by the enclitic -yi. A third possibility is conceptualization as a verb, cf. (54), in which case they are not equative at all. As can be seen in (116), -yi can incorporate one of the equated referents, functioning as a pronoun itself.

(116) (Narrative: Nyale and Pasola) Lawayi joro te=takka=yi, walle la ‘ma ka=mera=ni. woman beautiful redup-int-cop, neg11 exist neg2 rel-same-3sg.obj ‘She is a very beautiful woman, there is no one like her’

5.7.4 Focal copular use The enclitic -yi also fills a function which is closely related to the copular use described in§5.7.3, which is putting emphasis on the copular constructions. In(117) the equated noun phrase comes after a fronted topicalized NP ‘the stronger one’. The focal function of -yi is also well observable in (118).

(117) (Narrative: East Wind vs. West Wind) Nyi ka=tayilo=ge rereha wali ta timor-yi. 3sg.indp rel=strong=top wind from east=cop.emph ‘The one that is the stronger one is the wind from thewest’

52 (118) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Aga=yi ha=eta=mu ta Hodana? what=cop.foc rel=see=2sg.sbj in Sodana ‘What is it that you’ve seen in Sodana?’

The emphasis accomplished by -yi in interrogatives like aga=yi can also be left out, whereby the overall morpho-syntax of the clause changes, cf. (119) vs. (120). The former is used as a concrete question, ‘what is it that you are doing, what are you up to, etc?’, whereas the latter is used idiomatically, as an equivalent to the English greeting ‘What’s up?’ Note that the introduction of -yi entails use of the relative proclitic ha= and precludes the predicative particle =ge.

(119) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Aga=yi ha=ulla=mu? what=cop.emph rel=do=2sg.sbj ‘What is it that you are doing?’

(120) Aga ulla=mu=ge? what do=2sg.sbj=pred ‘What are you doing?’

Similar focal function can be observed on the interrogative pronoun iya ‘who?’ in (121). It should be noted, however, that the interrogative pronoun ‘who’ almost always occurs encliticized with -yi, sugegsting that it has been lexicalized. Bare pronoun iya occurs only as a relative pronoun, ‘whoever, who’.

(121) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Iya=yi ha=gaɓɓa=da? who=cop.foc rel=opponent=1pl.incl ‘Who is it that is our opponent? (i.e. who are we going to meet [in a football match etc.])’

The classification of usages of -yi according to the various functions listed in this section is not always clear-cut. In (122), -yi can be analyzed either as an object marker indexing the complement argument ‘what I ask you’ or as an emphatic element. Semantically, the two functions are rather intertwined here.

(122) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) Yawu ulla=di aga=yi ha-rayi=gu=gu. 2sg.sbj.indp do=3pl.obj what=obj.foc ask=1sg.sbj=2sg.obj ‘You do what I ask you for.’

5.7.5 Existential use Finally, another function of -yi which is semantically closely related to copular uses described in §5.7.3- 5.7.4 can be discerned. This function is the existential use, which is especially notable with quantifiers as buta ‘many, much’. Semantically, it can also indicate possession, as in (124-123). Just as with the other uses of -yi, it tends to be hosted by syntactic units as a whole rather than the phrase head, cf. (126) where the host is the phrase buta dali ‘many more’.

53 (123) (Narrative: Presentation 2) Wu ole ɓai=gu nehhe ɗete, wu ole ɓai=gu nattu-yi ɓawa ta Kadengara. One brother=1sg.poss here up one brother=1sg.poss there=exist down in Kadengar. ‘I have one brother up here, one brother down in Kadengara’

(124) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) Yiɗɗa buta=yi umma beru=ɗa 3pl.indp much=exist house new=3pl.poss ‘they have many new houses’

(125) (Narrative: Building a house) Buta la=yi ha-rayi-da. much exist=exist rel=do=1plincl ‘there is much that we do’

(126) (Narrative: Children’s tree) Kole ɓa=na ma=ɗeketa=ge, buta dali-yi lakawa togo yayu ɗete when sub=2sg.sbj pass.pfv=raise=top many more=exist children top tree up ka=kolo. rel=swing ‘When she was taken up, there were many more children who were swinging on top of the tree’

5.7.6 Aspectual implications Although the dominant strategy of indicated completeness of an event involves the perfective enclitic -ɓe, the use of the enclitic -yi on verbal elements also implies completedeness. The examples below include transitive verbs pahha ‘to break’ and bungnga ‘to lose’. One explanation to the choice of -yi over the perfective enclitic -ɓe is that the latter is a more explicit way to emphasize the completedness of the event. A further investigation of this function of -yi is needed to account for the distribution of the two morphemes.

(127) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Kamaika=ni lakawa kaɓani ka=pahha=yi gelas. call=3sg.obj child male rel=break=obj.pfv glass ‘Call the boy who broke the glass’

(128) (Elicitation: Reflexives) Musa bungnga=yi kopa ledu=na. Musa lose-obj.pfv shoes=3sg.poss ‘Musa lost his shoes’

54 5.7.7 Is -yi a part of the -wa-series? The various functions of -yi that have been describe in this section largerly overlap with those of the -wa-series of clitics. Most notably, -yi and -wa are used complementary in copular constructions, cf. (85), and both occur in subordinate clauses to indicate direct object. The question arises whether -yi is simply the third person enclitic in the set of pronominal clitics we conditionally designate as -wa-series, after its first enclitic. However, where use of the wa-clitics could be elaborated in its full paradigm,in modal constructions, third person counterpart seems to be the proclitic na- rahter than the enclitic -yi (see Table 25). Furthermore, -yi does not tend to indicate pronominal object in main indicative clauses, whereas -wa does. Despite the fact that -yi and -wa are not complementary distributed in modal constructions, their use in copular construction such as that in (129a) is identical in terms of grammatical function. The conclusion can be therefore made that, at least in this function, -yi is a part of the -wa-series.

(129) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances)

a. Ata Laboya=yi ‘S/he is a Laboyan’ b. Ata Laboya=wa ‘I am a Laboyan’

In sum, the highly-frequent enclitic -yi has two groups of functions: as a verbal enclitic and as a nominal enclitic. In none of its functions does it co-occur with other pronominal clitics. As a verbal enclitic, -yi cross-references direct objects of transitive verbs in imperative mood or in non-finite clauses. The direct objects cross-referenced by -yi can be both individual NPs or clauses, such as the relative clause in (110). As a non-verbal enclitic, -yi is attached to NPs in copular, focal and existential constructions. In copular constructions, -yi is complementary distributed with the -wa-series and can be considered the 3sg-form of the latter.

5.8 Predicative enclitic -ge The clitic -ge is one the most frequent morphemes in Laboya. It occurs both as the only enclitic of a phonological word or in combination with other clitics. In sequences of enclitics attached to a word, it always occupies the last position. Its usage can be divided into several categories according to function. The most prominent use of -ge is that of encliticizing to words of action (130), occurrence or availability (131). As such, it seems to simply indicate that the word is to be interpreted as a verb rather than other lexical categories, such as nouns. Thus, the enclitic -ge should be interpreted primarily as a syntactic element. Note that the progressive reading of (130) and similar sentences in this thesis is merely implied. Laboya has an overt lexical way of encoding progressive by the auxiliary verb tangra, cf. (44c). An equally approriate translation of (130) would therefore be ‘S/he cleans the house’.

(130) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Nyiyo hamura=na=ge uma. 3sg.indep=pol clean=3sg.sbj=pred house ‘S/he is cleaning the house’

(131) (Elicitation: Existentials) Ɗa=ge we ta laiwe. exist=pred water in lake ‘There is water in the lake’

55 5.8.1 Aspectual implications of -ge As mentioned in §5.4, -ge is never combined with pronominal object clitics listed in the Table 22. Al- though -ge should not be interpreted as a temporal or aspectual marker, it should be noted that it never occurs with the perfective enclitic -ɓe, nor is it otherwise combined with strategies encoding a punctual or complete event, such as pro-/enclitization of the subject clitics to a verb. This complementary distribution of -ge with the perfective enclitic -ɓe may create the impression that -ge indicates that the action is progressive or stretched in time. However, this is a false impression: the examples (63-50) and (132) below cannot be interpreted as either imperfective, progressive, or habitual. Instead, the reason for the complementary distribution of -ge and the perfective enclitic -ɓe should be sought in the fact that -ɓe itself indicates verbal predication as well as having an aspectual function, making -ge redundant.

(132) (Narrative: Pear Story) Yi=di tada=na=ge waikimu ɓa=mu tullu=ga. give=3pl.obj know=3sg.sbj=pred thank you sub=2sg.sbj help=1sg.obj ‘He gave them the sign, thank you for helping me.’

Additionally, -ge does not place the event in the past or present tense. Overall, Laboyan verbs are not marked for tense. Instead, tense is indicated lexically, mainly by the means of temporal adverbs. Example (133) shows the use of -ge with a verb in the progressive aspect referring to an ongoing event. In (134), the action is habitual and placed in the past, ‘last summer’. In (135), the event is likewise incomplete and set in the past. There, -ge helps sequencing the event (’the old man was dying’) in relation to a later punctual event, ‘they got a medicine’.

(133) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Anna dede=na=ge ta ɓinna. Anna stand=3sg.sbj=pred in door ‘Anna stands/is standing in the door’

(134) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Nuttuna, ɗihha laɗɗo anni=na ɗihha laɗɗo anni=na, nyi kako=na=ge ta before one Saturday one Saturday 3sg.indp go=3sg.sbj=hab to haragana market ‘Before, he went to the market every Saturday (lit. ‘every sixth day [of the week])’

(135) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Mate=na=ge ata tuna, tabolo ɗa=kole na=morro kahada dahha. die=3sg.sbj=pred man old but 3pl.sbj=get def=medicine sup good ‘The old man was dying, but they got the right (lit. the best) medicine’

Note that the progressive/habitual readings in the examples above are inferred from context. The overt means of indicating progressive aspect in Laboya is the auxiliary verb tangra/tamra, and the overt strategy for indicating habitual aspect is the auxiliary enga. Both auxiliaries precede the main verb in a clause. The use of the aspectual auxiliaries will not be discussed in this thesis in further detail. Due to the reasons outlined in this subsection, -ge should be interpreted as a verbalizer/predicative clitic in the first place. The ungrammaticality of using -ge with object enclitics, even when the event which the verb encodes is progressive, habitual or otherwise incomplete, makes the analysis of -ge as an aspectual marker implausible. Rather, an encliticized action word simply requires at least two enclitics

56 to make it clear that it is a verb, rather than a noun. In absence of an object clitic, it is -ge that fills this function. Not adding -ge in (135) would give Mate=na ata tuna a nominal reading, ‘the death of the old man’.

5.8.2 Use of -ge in imperative clauses The enclitic ge- can also be used to emphasize a command or request with a verb in the imperative mood (137, 139). Example (137) contains the verb wai ‘to use’ with a direct object NP hanewe Laboya ‘Lamboyan’, which is interpreted as an abstract and thus indefinite object, necessitating the use of ge-. If the verb arguments are definite and non-abstract, the verb is most often prefixed with oneofthe pronominal clitics, in which case -ge is not used (136). Just as with verbs with object arguments in the indicative mood, -ge appears to be incompatible with pronominal object clitics.

(136) (Narrative: Spontaneous phrases) Ngala=yi raɗɗa jurata tau=yi ta panu meja! put=obj.imp dem.sg book put=obj.imp on table ‘Take those books [and] put them on the table!’

(137) (Narrative: Sodana fire) Wai=ge hanewe Laboya! use=imp language Laboya ‘Speak (lit. use) Laboyan!’

(138) (Narrative: Spontaneous phrases) Luwa=ge ka-ɗa-na ta ɓa-mu! spit.out=imp rel=exist=3sg.sbj in mouth=2sg.poss ‘Spit out what you have in mouth!’

(139) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Rangnge ha-dahha-ge! listen rel=good=imp ‘Listen well!’

(140) (Written: A football match that ended badly) Minta maafI=ge forgive me ‘Forgive me’

Example (139) demonstrates that the scope of the enclitic -ge used to indicate imperative mood is broader than the verb. There, -ge is hosted by the adverb ha=dahha ‘well’ modifying the verb rangnge ‘listen’. The same can be said about sentences including to juxtaposed verbs: although none oftheverbs in ex. 141, kako ‘go’ or hantingngo ‘show’ can be described as syntactically or semantically dependent on the other, -ge is only hosted by the last verb in the verb group.

57 (141) (Written: Mark 1:44) Kako hatingngo=ge tau=mu ta bara rato! go show=imp self=2sg.poss to priest ‘Go, show yourself to the priest!’

In (142), the verb object argument NP is likewise interpreted as an indefinite entity despite the presence of the demonstrative raɗɗe. Here, the role of demonstrative is rather to mark the noun for number rather than indicate definiteness. As expected, the indefinite object argument precludes use of pronominal object clitics and on the verb hamatara ‘watch out’, and -ge is used instead.

(142) (Written: Phil. 3:2) hamatara=ge ta bara=ɗa raɗɗe ata ka=rayi=ge ka=japata! watch.out=imp to=3pl.poss dem.pl man rel=do=pred rel=evil ‘Watch out for the evildoers! (lit, ‘Watch out for people who do evil’)’

It should be noted, that although it is known from the context of the examples that the verbs in (136, 137, 141) have singular addressee, whereas in (139, 142) they have a plural such, the number of addressees is not indicated by -ge. The verbs are not marked for number by any means in anyofthe above examples. There are, however, ways of encoding number morphologically. Number is indicated on the verb kako ‘go’ by 2pl enclitic =mi in the example 143 below, whereby -ge is not used.

(143) (Written: Mark 14:13) kako=mi ta kota! go=2pl.imp to city ‘Go ye into the city!’

5.8.3 Non-verbal predicative uses of -ge The enclitic -ge can be used to indicate predication in a number of contexts not involving a verb. One of such is the interrogative adverb gi ‘where?’. Common for these contexts is that the function of the encliticized phrase become adverbial.

(144) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) gi=ge uma=na? where=pred house=3sg.poss ‘Where is his/her house?’

Similarly, the use of -ge is notable in a number of noun phrases, verbs and adverbs which have undergone lexicalization or grammaticalization. Hence, the NP oro(=na)=ge < oro ‘reason’ → conjunction/adverb ‘because’, ‘therefore’; mera-mera=ge < reduplication of mera ‘same’ → interjection ‘you are welcome’9>; waige < wai ‘use’ → ‘instrumental preposition’ (see ex. 145 below); the prepositional phrase ɓa=tau=ge < tau ‘shape, body’ (?) → adverb ‘now’; the verb ɓe ‘finish’ → ɓege ‘then, later, after that’.

(145) (Narrative: Mediating between families) ka=mu enu waige lama=mu purp=2sg.sbj drink instr tongue=2sg.poss ‘for you to drink with your tongue ’

9Calque of Indonesian sama-sama

58 Sometimes the function of -ge is difficult to explain in other terms than simply grouping together words into larger semantic units. Thus, in 146, tangnga kahha-ge ‘every, each’ is a quantiative determiner consisting of tangnga ‘all’ and kahha ‘every’. The role of -ge is to turn the sum of the parts of the determiner into a larger unit, suggesting idiomatic use, cf. English ‘each and every’. In the following examples, -ge will be glossed as phr ‘phrasal’ to distinguish it form other uses.

(146) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Tangnga kahha-ge ata ɗa-angta-ge rayi-ge. all every=phr man 3pl.sbj=can=pred do=pred ‘All people can do it. ’

As noted earlier, -ge is incompatible with pronominal object clitics, and this holds true for the phrasal use as well. Thus, it becomes replaced by the pronominal object -di in 147, which in this case has applicative use.

(147) (Narrative: Mediateing between families) tangnga kahha-di pa-hanewe-gu all every=3pl.appl rel=speak=1sg.sbj ‘everyone I talk to’

5.8.4 Topicalizaing and emphasizing use of -ge The enclitic -ge is also used for purposes of emphasizing, topicalizing and commenting information. In this respect, -ge has similar functions to -yi. The latter, however, only focuses/emphasizes nominals, whereas -ge can attach to nearly anything. The fact that some occurrences of -ge in the corpus are different from other uses described above is supported by enclisis of several -ge after each other. Compare (148), where the first -ge indicates verbal predication of the verb ɗa10 ‘to exist, there is’, whereas the second topicalizes the subordinate clause ‘because we don’t have a priest’. The enclitic is also frequently found after lexicalized adverbs andcon- junctions with a fossilized final -ge, such as ɓatauge=ge ‘now=emph/top’, ɗajjalage=ge ‘so=emph/top’ etc.

(148) (Narrative: A parish ceremony) Oro ai=ɗa pendetaI=ge=ge, ma ma=mai ta jemaatI Ruyo because neg.sub=exist priestI=pred=top so 1pl.excl=come to parishI Rua ‘Because we don’t have a priest, we’ve come to the parish Rua’

In (149), the topicalized information is fronted and encliticized with -ge, whereas the comment is introduced by the subordinate conjunction ɓa. Note that -ge sometimes has the same position after a subject pronominal clitic, where it usually indicates verbal predication, as in (150); however, the context of the sentence clearly shows a topicalizing function.

(149) (Narrative: First communion) sekitarI jamI satuI ga’ɗɗi kokoka=ge ɓa=ma ubbu=ma dura aroundI o’clockI oneI night morning=top sub=1pl.excl.sbj new=1pl.incl.sbj sleep ‘It was not until around 1:00 PM that we went to bed’

10Although existential constructions are not discussed here at length, it should be mentioned that the main difference between ɗa and la is that the former is a verb with the basic meaning ‘to be’. It often occurs in typically verbal environments, carrying subject and object enclitics, as well as the verbalizer -ge. The morpheme la does not show verbal properties of this kind.

59 (150) (Narrative: Building a house) Na=pondasi=ma=ge, nyippo la=we ɓa=ma rayi-ge def=foundation=1pl.incl.poss=top long.time exist=obj sub=1pl.incl.poss build=com ‘the foundation, we’ve been building it for very long’

(151) (Narrative: First communion) manana ɓa syukuran=ge ɗa kahha=di kahha ole ɓai=na wali ta yesterday sub gratitude service=top exist every=3pl.obj every family from Waingapu, wali ta Anakalang […] Waingapu from Anakalang ‘Yesterday, at the thanksgiving service, there were all the family members from Waingapu, from Anakalang […]’

It is possible that the non-predicative functions of -ge, such as topicalization and emphasis, predate its predicative use as a verbalizer. In this case, the emphatic function of -ge has been extended to fill the ”empty slot” of a verbal enclitics not filled by a pronominal object clitic and made obligatory. This can be compared to Kambera, where there are similar emphatic enclitics, -ma and -du, but their use is not extended to encompass the function of verbal predication, nor is it made obligatory.

(152) (Klamer, 1998, p. 225) Na- ita njara meti. 3sN- see horse die ‘He sees (some) dead horses.’

The aspectual implications of -ge as an enclitic encoding temporally unbound events in Laboya do have some structural similarities with the enclitics -nya/-nja in Kambera, however. There, the third person dative enclitics have developed a continuative meaning in intransitive clauses. Diachronically, however, the evolution of Kambera -nya/-nja-clitics is different from that of Laboyan -ge. The Kambera enclitics do not have any emphatic/topicalizing functions, but have developed from a copular biclausal construction.

(153) (Klamer, 2000, p. 52) Laku -nggu -nya. go -1sG -3sD ‘I am going.’

5.9 Negation 5.9.1 Standard negation Standard negation is ”the basic way(s) a language has for negating declarative verbal main clauses” (Miestamo, 2005, p. 3). One of the ways to classify negation is by the notion of symmetry: ”In symmetric negative constructions the negative does not differ from the corresponding affirmative in anyother meaningful way than by the presence of the negative marker(s)” (ibid p. 61). The main strategy of negation in simple declarative sentences in Laboya is using the discontinuous particle walle … ‘ma surrounding the negated verb. A comparison of an affirmative simple declarative sentence (154) to its negative counterpart (155) immediately makes evident that standard negation is asymmetric in Laboya. In the affirmative sentence (154), the verbal predicate kako ‘to go’ is encliticized with pronominal 1sg. subject clitic -gu and a verbal predicative -ge. In the negative, the subject enclitic swithces away from

60 the verb to the negative particle walle and the verbal predicative -ge isn’t used. The negation is only grammatical and complete with the second part of the negation, the enclitic -’ma, which additionally co-indexes the verb with its subject argument.

(154) (Elicitation: Negation) (Nauwa) kako=gu=ge ta hakola (1sg.indp) go=1sg.sbj=pred to school ‘I go/am going to school’

(155) (Nauwa) walle=gu kako ’ma=wa ta hakola (1sg.indp) neg1=1sg.sbj go neg2=1sg to school ‘I don’t go/am not going to school’

Note that Laboyan verbs are not marked for tense, which is why the sentences (154-155) can also have the reading ‘I went to school/I didn’t go to school’. The strategy of encoding standard negation demonstrated in(155) is the least marked way to express negation in Laboya. That is, it is the first and foremost strategy for standard negation given byconsul- tants when they were asked to translate rather straightforward sentences from Indonesian. However, the corpus data over the natural discourse shows that standard negation can as well take somewhat different morpho-syntactic shapes as far as the number and set of clitics is concerned. Common forall ways of expressing standard negation is the use of the negative particle walle, preceding the negated element, and the enclitic ’ma following it. The latter is realizied with a preglottalization which iswell audiable due to the fact that most (if not all) verbs in Laboya end on a vowel. Thus, there is a phonetic difference between angta=ma [ˈaŋtaʔma] ‘be able=1pl.incl’ and angta=’ma [ˈaŋtaʔma] ‘be able=neg’ Additionally to the optional independent pronouns (as in 154-155), the subject of the negated predicate is mostly indicated by attachment of a subject enclitic to the negative particle walle, rather than to the verb. The second part of negation, the enclitic ’ma, also co-occurs with the subject of the negated element, at least for 1st and 2nd persons. It is mainly this double marking of the subject that makes Laboya standard negation asymmetric.

(156) (Elicitation: English phrasebook) Walle=mu tolha ’ma=wu jurata. neg1=2sg.sbj write neg2=2sg.sbj book ‘You’re not writing a book.’

In 3rd person, on the contrary, the negative enclitic ’ma is not followed by a subject enclitic, but can be optionally followed by -ge (157). Note also the position of the negative enclitic in (158). The negated element in the clause is only the modal verb bai ‘to want’, not the complement clause ngala ammaha ra’yat ‘to take people’s money’.

(157) (Narrative: The Governor of NTT) Walle=na baida ’ma=ge korupsi. neg1=3sg.sbj like neg2=pred korruption ‘He doesn’t like corruption.’

(158) (Narrative: The Governor of NTT) Walle=na bai ’ma=ge ngala ammaha ra’yat. neg1=3sg.sbj want neg2=pred take money people ‘He doesn’t want to take people’s money.’

61 As can be seen in (159), the subject independent pronoun can be placed clause-finally. An adverbial phrase (hillu, ‘anymore’) can be inserted between the negative particle and the main negated element.

(159) (Narrative: Laboya in the old times) Walle=ɗa hillu paɗɗa ’ma=ge joli yiɗɗa neg1=3pl.sbj anymore feel neg2=pred tired 3pl.indp ‘They don’t feel tired anymore’

Use of the regular set of object clitics (described in Table 22) is rare with standard negation in the corpus of collected narratives, albeit more usual in elicited texts. Compare the structural difference between (161) and (155). The intransitive verb in(155) and its negative enclitic ’ma is followed by a subject clitic -wa, double-linking the verb to the subject. The ditransitive verb in(161), on the other hand, replaces the double-indexing of the subject by a reference to the oblique object with the object clitic -ni.

(160) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Dulka=na=ni naranewe watto=na. tell=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj story sister=3sg.poss ‘He is telling his sister a story.’

(161) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Walle=na dulka ’ma=ni naranewe wato=na neg1=3sg.sbj tell neg2=3sg.obj story sister=3sg.poss ‘He isn’t telling his sister a story.’

The object clitic -yi, on the other hand, is frequently found in negative clauses, such as in (162-163). In (162), the overt patient argument of the negated verb, raɗɗa pu yayu ‘those trees’, is fronted to the clause-initial position and anaphorically refered to by the object clitic -yi. The latter is hosted bythe negative enclitic ’ma. Sentence (162) lacks a subject clitic, independent pronoun or a referential noun phrase, why it must be read impersonally.

(162) (Narrative: Hotel Nihiwatu) Raɗɗa pu yayu walle ha-pogo awa ’ma=yi dem.pl tree wood neg1 caus-cut.down may neg2=obj ‘One may not cut down those trees’

(163) (Narrative: Mediating between families) Ahha ma walle-mu si=ka=yi, ɓa linna=Da, walle=gu tada ’ma=yi. why neg1=2sg.sbj price=?=3sg.obj sub say=3pl.sbj neg2=1sg.sbj know neg=obj ‘Why aren’t you appreciating it, they said, I don’t know’

Example 164, on the other hand, does have a subject clitic, but, it is hosted by the negation enclitic ’ma rather than negative particle walle.

(164) (Narrative: A football match that ended badly) Walle sengajaI (wukku ate)L ’ma=gu=ge I L neg1 be.deliberate (be.deliberate) neg2=1sg.sbj=pred ‘I didn’t do it on purpose’

62 Words denoting qualities (adjectives, if such a part of speech can be posited for Laboya) are negated the same way as verbs.

(165) (Elicitation: Basic sentences) Nattu ata ata pote=yi, naɗɗe nyiyo walle=na pote=’ma. dem.dist man man rich=cop dem.prox 3sg.indp neg1=3sg.sbj rich=neg2 ‘That man is a rich man, but this one is notrich’

It should be noted that there also exists lexicalized negation in some cases, most notably heri ‘don’t want’, cf. (166) and (77) above.

(166) (Written: Mark 7:36) Yesus na=heri=di yiɗɗa ɓa=ɗa takki=we tuttu=ge neɗɗo Jesus 3sg.sbj=not.want=3pl.obj 3pl.sbj.indp sub=3pl.sbj tell=obj about dem.dist ‘Jesus didn’t want them to tell about it’

In sum, standard negation is expressed by the discontinuous particle walle verb ’ma. In its basic use, its first part walle hosts a subject enclitic from the -na-series (see Table 19), while the second part ’ma hosts an additional -wa/-wu clitic for first and second person singular subjects. Omitting the encliticization of -wa/-wu in these cases is disallowed. In case of negation of clauses with other subjects than first or second person singular, a predicative particle -ge can be appended to the second part of the negation particle, ’ma. For transitive verbs with direct objects, ’ma hosts a pronominal object enclitic instead (see Table 22).

5.9.2 Negation in subordinate clauses Laboya uses a different strategy to negate non-main clauses, employing the negative particle ai. Some examples of subordinate clauses include relative clauses (167) and adverbial clauses (168). Some types of subordinate clauses, such as purpose clauses, employ the negative imperative particle illa instead, see §5.9.4 below.

(167) (Narrative: Teaching Indonesian at school) Ɗa=di lakawa ka=geha angta, ɗa=di lakawa ai=ka=geha exist=3pl.obj children rel=quickly be.able exist=3pl.obj children neg.sub=rel=quickly angta be.able ‘There are children that learn quickly, [and] there are children that do not learn quickly’

(168) (Elicitation: Progressive aspect) Bani=na=ge bosuI=na oroge ai=na ulla i Jonu be.angry=3sg.sbj=pred bossI=3sg.poss because neg.sub=3sg.sbj work def.hum John ‘The boss is angry, because John isn’t working’

Note also the use of ai in negative questions, as in (178). Questions using walle… =’ma is also possible for this purpose, see (163) above.

(169) (Elicitation: Spontaneous utterances) Ahha ai=mu dura ki=wu? why neg.sub=2sg.sbj sleep pol=2sg.sbj ‘Why don’t you sleep?’

63 5.9.3 Existential negation Existentials in the affirmative mood can be formed both with the existential verb ɗa ‘there is (also: to be, to be located, to become)’ and with the existential particle la. The verb ɗa is usually prefixed with pronominal object clitics indexing the referent, or, with mass nouns, with -ge. When negating existential constructions in main clauses, the existential la is used together with walle…’ma (170), whereas the verb ɗa is rarely used for negating existential clauses. The negative particle walle itself is frequently dropped, whereby the negation is indicated by the negative enclitic -’ma only (171).

(170) (Elicitation: Existentials) Ɗa=ge we ta laiwe. Walle la-’ma we ta laiwe. exist=pred water in river. neg exist neg in river ‘There is water in the river. There is no water in theriver’

(171) (Elicitation: Existentials) Ɗa-ni kaɓani bolo la ‘ma-ni lawayi exist=3sg.obj male but exist neg=sg.obj female ‘There is a man, but there is no woman’

Existential negation is also used where English uses negative pronouns. In this sense, the negated existential walle la=’ma ‘there is not’ can mean ‘nothing’, ‘nobody’, ‘nowhere’ and so on. Structurally, this is very similar to how negative answers to certain wh-questions work in Indonesian (177) and in Austronesian languages in general (Haspelmath, 1997, p. 54).

(172) (Elicitation: Existentials)

Q. Aga-yi ha-rayi-mu? what=cop.emph rel=do=2sg.sbj ‘What are you doing?’ a. Walle la=’ma ha=rayi=gu. neg exist=neg rel=do=1sg.sbj ‘I’m not doing anything’ b. Walle la=’ma. neg exist=neg ‘Nothing’

(173) (Elicitation: Existentials)

Q. Iya=yi ka=mai? who=cop.emph rel=come? ‘Who’s come?’ a. walle la=’ma ka=mai. neg exist=neg rel=come ‘No one has come’

64 b. walle la=’ma. neg exist=neg ‘No one’

(174) (Elicitation: Existentials)

Q. Gi dau kako=mu nanana? where place go=2sg.sbj just.now ‘Where did you go just now?’ a. Walle la=’ma dau ha=kako=gu. neg exist=neg place rel=go=1sg.sbj ‘I’m not gowing anywhere (lit. there is no place I’m going)’ b. Walle la=’ma. neg exist=neg ‘No where’

(175) (Elicitation: Existentials) Ɗa=ga neɗɗo bali ta nyiɗɗu-we walle la=’ma ha-eta-gu exist=1sg.obj there behind but neg exist=neg rel=see=1sg.sbj ‘I’ve been over there but I haven’t seen anything’

(176) (Elicitation: Existentials) Nauwa ɗa=ge ha=eta=gu. Walle la=’ma ha-eta-gu 1sg.indp exist=pred rel=see=1sg.sbj. neg=exist=neg rel=see=1sg.sbj ‘I see something. I see nothing.’

(177) (Indonesian) Siapa yang ber-teriak-teriak di luar jendela saya? Bukan siapa-siapa who rel verb.pred-scream-scream loc outside window 1sg? neg.nom who-who ‘Who is screaming outside my window? No one’

5.9.4 Negative imperatives Negative imperatives are formed using the particle illa, which has a free variant iya. The negative particle is obligatory encliticized with pronominal subject clitics. The modified verb can carry a pronominal subject clitic as well, typically -wu for 2sg. It is possible to use the negative imperative particle with 1pl, in which case it is used in the same sense as the English hortative construction ‘let us not’, cf. 179. Because of the syllable-final /i,u/-deletion, 2sg -mu and 2pl -mi are not always morphologically distinct in speech, merging into illam, ‘don’t!’. However, the distinction can be retrieved in more careful speech.

65 (178) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) illa=mu madauta=wu neg.imp=2sg.sbj fear=2sg.sbj ‘Don’t be afraid’

(179) (Written: Galatians 6:9) Illa=da lojaka yitta ɓa=da rayi=ge ka=dahha. neg.imp=1pl.incl.sbj slacken 1pl.incl.ind sub=1pl.incl.sbj rel=good ‘Let us not slacken in doing good’

(180) (Written: 1 John 1:15) Illa-mi bai=ka=ge inne pantana. neg.imp=2pl.sbj love=imp.pol=pred dem.prox world ‘Don’t love this world (pl)’

The negative imperative particle illa is also used in negative purpose clauses. Use of negative imperative particles in languages in purpose/complement clauses is not uncommon in the region, compare Indonesian (182)

(181) (Written: 1 John 1:15) Li=nna=ge ɓa kaɓani ka=illa ɗa=ki ka=hamadi heka=ga=ni say=3sg.sbj=pred sub man purp=neg.imp exist=hort rel=take.care other=1sg.obj=3sg.obj li=nna=ge ɓa lawayi. say=3sg.sbj=pred sub woman ‘The housband says, so that there won’t be no one else who’ll take care of her, ofthewife’

(182) Saya minta supaya saudara jangan pergi. 1sg ask purp sibling neg.imp go ‘I ask you (=polite address, ‘sibling’) not to go’

5.9.5 Non-verbal negation The different strategies of equative sentence formation have been described in previous sections. They include use of the enclitics -yi, -wa or a plain referent hosting no clitic (197). Negative copular sentences likewise make use of the discontinuous negation particle walle-…-ma. As can be seen in (183), the difference from negated verbal clauses is the absence of pronominal subject clitics hostedby walle (183-184). In (184), the second part of the negation, the enclitic -ma is hosted directly by the particle walle.

(183) (Elicitation: Negation) Nyiyo guru=yi. Nyiyo walle guru=’ma=yi. 3sg.indp teacher=cop. 3sg.sbj=pol neg1 teacher=neg2=cop. ‘He is a teacher. He is not a teacher.’

66 (184) (Elicitation: Negation) Ngara=na walle ‘ma Verdi ‘ma=yi ta Laboya tapiI Ama i=Ɓolo ɗa-yi. name=3sg.poss neg neg Verdi neg=cop in Laboya butI Ama i=Ɓolo exist=cop ‘His name is not Verdi in Laboya but Ama i=Ɓolo’

Walle …=’ma is also used in negating location.

(185) (Narrative: Nyale and Pasola) ɓawa ta we Madongara, walle nuttu ĵalla ’ma ɗete up in water Madongara neg1 there also neg1 up ‘[…] down in the waters of Madongara, not up there as well’

Finally, walle ‘ma is used as a negative reply to polar questions, as opposed to its affirmative counterpart ngo ‘yes’.

(186) (Elicitation: Existentials)

Q. Ɗa=ɓe=ge ɓa=mu eta wu ɓagga matabba? exist=pfv=pred sub=2sg-sbj see indef dog wild ‘Have you seen a wild dog?’ A. Walle ‘ma. neg1 neg2 ‘No’

5.10 Relativization Laboya has two relativizing proclitics, ha- and ka-. Both have other functions as well, most notably nominalization of verbs by ka- and formation of transitive verbs from nouns and stative verbs by ha-. The proclitic ha- has emerged by a fricativization of the older form pa- which can still co-occur with ha- in free variation, particularly in the speech of elderly speakers. The form pa- in its causative function is shared with other Sumbanese languages, such as Kodi (Sukerti, 2013) and Kambera (Klamer, 1998, p. 239). The function both proclitics share is introducing dependent clauses that modify a noun phrase. Sim- ilar elements in other languages have been described as either relative pronouns or s.c. relativizers, which are analyzed as subordinating conjunctions. A relativizer is distinguished from a pronoun by not having a nominal function within the clause it introduces (Shopen, 2007, p. 51). In other words, a relativizer typically introduces the subordinate clause, but the subject of the clause is indicated by a separate nominal. The proclitic ka- introduces subjective relative clauses, whereas ha- introduces objective relative clauses. Accordingly, clauses introduced by both proclitics have in common the constraint on the number of pronominal clitics the verb in the relative clause may host. Verbs introduced by ka- may have one object pronominal clitic (-ni-series) and no subject clitics. Verbs introduced by ha- may have one pronominal subject clitic (-na-series) and no object clitics11. Both proclitics can be regarded as relative pronouns. The difference between the use of both proclitics is illustrated in(187-188)

11Note that there are instances where ha- is compatible with pronominal object clitics, however: when relativizing indirect arguments and oblique arguments in applicative constructions. See examples (203) and (205)

67 (187) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Naɗɗe wu ata ka=marangnga=ga ta paba. dem.prox indef man rel.sbj=accompany=1sg.obj to field ‘Here’s a man who accompanied me to the the field’

(188) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Naɗɗe wu ata ha=marangnga=gu ta paba. dem.prox indef man rel.obj=accompany=1sg.sbj to field ‘Here’s a man whom I accompanied to the the field’

5.10.1 The proclitic ka- The proclitic ka- is used to introduce a wide range of subjective relative clauses. Among them are copular, intransitive and transitive clauses with overt non-pronominal objects. Furthermore, ka- is obligatory when introducing adjectives in certain environments. In copular use of ka-, it functions both as a kopula and a relative pronoun (189).

(189) (Narrative: West Wind vs. East Wind) Rereha ka=wali ta timorI mono rereha ka=wali ta baratI. wind rel=from in eastI and wind rel=from in westI ‘The wind (which is) from the east and the wind (which is) from thewest.’

The absence of any other subject marking in the relative clause is also well visible in intransitive relative clauses, cf. (190), where the verb in the relative clause ka=malengo ‘who is playing’ is not marked for person by -na. The verb can nonetheless be marked by an emphatic enclitic -ge (191).

(190) (Narrative: Children’s tree) Ɗa=ni wu lakawa lawayi, ka=malengo ta bara karoɓaka, mo exist=3sg.obj indef child female rel=play in proximity wagon and ole=na=ni wu kaɓeɓaka. companion=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj indef butterlfy ‘There is a girl, who is playing near a wagon, and a butterfly iswithher.‘

Furthermore, ka- is used to introduce relative transitive clauses. The direct verb argument in such clasues is overt and non-pronominal.

(191) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) wu wodo ka=angu=ge inna wu umma indef cat rel=guard=pred dem.dist art house ‘a cat that is guarding that house’

(192) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Kamaika=ni lakawa kaɓani ka=pahha=yi gelas. call=3sg.obj child male rel=break=obj.pfv glass ‘Call the boy who broke the glass’

68 Occasionally, ka- can introduce transitive verbs which have pronominal objects as well; in (193), ka- still functions as the relative pronoun, since the subject is not otherwise indicated, but the object is pronominal and marked by the pronominal object clitic -ga.

(193) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) Nyi ka=ha-ngara=ga 3sg.indep rel=caus-name=1sg.obj ‘It is s/he who named me (i.e. who gave me the name)’

Another notable use of ka- is the relativization of the verb ɗa ‘to exist, to become, to happen’. The latter uses pronominal object clitics to index it’s arguments, and, thus constituting a transitive relative clause.

(194) (Written: Mark 14:71) Aga=we ka=ɗa=di? what=obj rel=exist=3pl.obj ‘What happened? (lit. What [is it that] happened?)’

Stative verbs are likeweise relativized using ka-. The stative verbs in(195-197) correspond to English adjectives in attributive position. Relativization of attributive stative verbs in Laboya is obligatory.

(195) (Written: Textbook in Laboya) ta hawu umma ka=madakka mono ka=lura in indef house rel=big and rel=spacious ‘in a large and spacious house’

(196) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances) lakawa lawayi ka=marraha child female rel=little ‘a little girl’

(197) (Written: Textbook in Laboyan) Nyiyo ole=gu ka=dahha ate=na 3sg.indep friend=1sg.poss rel=good heart=3sg.poss ‘S/he is a good friend of mine’

5.10.2 The proclitic ha- The proclitic ha- is used with verbal object relativization. The examples (198-188) include transitive verbs whose direct objects are in the matrix clause. The relative clause itself includes the subject in form of a pronominal subject clitic. All examples include a pronominal subject clitic, such as ha=takki=gu, ‘which I say’. The position of the subject clitic is confined to the postverbal position and cannotbe procliticized. Thus, it never occurs between the verb and the relative pronominal enclitic ha-.

69 (198) (Narrative: Presentation 1) Wai luggu=ge ɓa=mu rekamuI=ga=ge aga=we ha=takki=gu. thanks=top sub=2sg.sbj recordI=1sg.obj=com what=object rel=tell=1sg.sbj ‘Thanks for recording what I am telling’

Ha-takki is also a nominalization of the verb takki ‘to tell, to say’. Ha=takki=gu in (198) could therefore be interpreted as a nominal phrase meaning ‘my words’. However, the phrase head aga=we ‘what=obj’, rules out such interpretation. In (188), note the subject use of -gu vs. the object use of -ga in 187. The noun phrase ‘a man who I forgot the name of’in(199a) is rather complex in structure and contains a relative clause introduced by ha-. It can be analyzed as the embedment of the independent clause (199c) into (199b). Note that the independent clause in (199c) contains the pronominal object clitic -ni indexing the verb’s direct object argument ngara ‘name’. When the sentence (199c) is embedded into the noun phrase wu ata ‘a man’ through the use of the relative pronoun ha-, the object clitic -ni is absent and cannot be used.

(199) (Narrative: Spontaneous utterances)

a. Kako=gu=ge ta umma=na wu ata ha=dangnga=gu ngara=na. go=1sg.sbj=pred to house=3sg.poss indef man rel=forget=1sg.sbj name=3sg.poss ‘I am going to the house of a man whom I forgot the name of’ b. Kako=gu=ge ta umma=na wu ata. go=1sg.sbj=pred to house=3sg.poss indef man ‘I am going to the house of a man’ c. Dangnga=gu=ni ngara=na. forget=1sg.sbj=3sg.obj name=3sg.poss ‘I forgot his name.’

The Figure 8 shows a proposed syntax tree and dependence diagram over the example sentence (199a) above. Compare also the structurally very similar sentence in Indonesian (200). The main structural difference between the Indonesian and Laboyan sentences is the order of constitutents in the relative clause: the subject NP is represented by the pronominal subject enclitic -gu and follows the verb in Laboya. On the contrary, the pronoun saya precedes the verb in the equivalent Indonesian sentence.

(200) (Indonesian) Saya pergi ke rumah se-orang laki-laki yang saya lupa nama-nya 1sg go to house indef-person male rel 1sg forget name-3sg.poss ‘I am going to the house of a man whom I forgot the name of.’

As we could can see, the clitics ka- and ha- have somewhat different functions as to which types of relative clauses they introduce. Generally, the proclitic ka- introduces relative clauses with no overtly marked subject and can therefore be analyzed as a subject relative pronoun itself. It precludes the use of pronominal subject clitics on the verb it relativizes. On the contrary, the proclitic ha- introduces objective relative clauses which are marked for subject by pronominal subject clitic, and is in complementary distribution with pronominal object clitics hosted by the verb within the same clause. Therefore, it can be analyzed as an relative object pronoun itself. The complementary distribution of ka- and pronominal subject clitics on the one hand and of ha- and pronominal object clitics in sentences with active reading is shown below:

70 Figure 8: Proposed constituency tree and dependence diagram of the example sentence (199a) S1

NP VP

pron V PP

=gu V pred prep NP 1sg.sbj kako ge ta NP NP go in =na NP Relative clause N 3sg.poss det N rel S2 umma house wu ata ha NP VP indef man pron V NP

=gu dangnga N det 1sg.sbj forget ngara =na name 3sg.poss root prep aux poss relcl dobj nsubj pobj poss det rel nsubj poss

Kako =gu =ge ta uma =na wu ata ha= dangnga =gu ngara =na go =1sg.sbj =pred in house =3sg.poss indef man rel= forget =1sg.sbj name =3sg.poss

(201) a. Ɗa-ni ka=malengo exist=3sg.obj rel=play b. *Ɗa-ni ka=malengo=na=ge exist=3sg.obj rel=play=3sg=pred ‘Someone is playing (lit.there is who is playing)’

(202) a. ata ha=dangnga=gu ngara-na man re=forget=1sg.sbj name=3sg.poss b. *ata ha=dangnga=gu=ni ngara-na man re=forget=1sg.sbj 1sg.sbj=3sg.obj the man who I forgot the name of’

The general rule of no more than one pronominal enclitic per relative pronoun does notapplyfor instances of ha- introducing an objective relative clause with indirect arguments. The relativized ditransitive verb yi ‘to give’ in (203) is encliticized with both a pronominal subject enclitic -na cross-

71 referencing the antecedent Ama ‘father’ and the pronominal object clitic -da, cross-referencing the indirect argument (the prepositional phrase ta bara=da yitta ‘to us’.)

(203) (Written: 1 John 3:1) manawara=na i Ama ha=yi=na=da ta bara=da mercy=3sg.poss def.hum father rel=give=3sg.sbj=1pl.incl.obj to proximity=1pl.incl.poss yitta 1pl.incl.indp ‘the mercy that Father gives us’

5.10.3 Applicative use of ha- The example (204), is different from the sentences presented above: despite being introduced by ha- , it includes a pronominal object enclitic in the relative clause, but no subject clitic. Considering the context in which the sentence is set, the lack of a subject clitic can point towards an impersonal or passive reading.

(204) (Written: Mark 14:71) walle=gu tada ‘ma=yi na=ata ha=takki=ni neg=1sg.sbj know neg=obj def=person rel=say=3sg.obj ‘I don’t know the man [you’re] talking about’

Furthermore, we encounter instances of of ha- introducing intransitive verbs. This use of ha- is perhaps best analyzed as an applicative construction. Compare (205), where ha- (realized by an elderly speaker in its increasingly archaic free variant form pa-) introduces the verb phrase ‘who I talk to’ with no overtly indicated comitative.

(205) (Narrative: Mediateing between families) tangnga kahha=di pa=hanewe=gu all=3pl.obj apl=speak=1sg.sbj ‘everyone I talk to’

Applicative constructions are “a means for structuring clauses which allow the coding of a themati- cally peripheral argument as a core-object argument. Such constructions are signalled by overt verbal morphology.” (Peterson, 2007, p. 1) Applicative constructions are frequent in relative clauses cross- linguistically. In (205), the relativizer ha- introduces the verb hanewe ‘to talk’, whose comitative object, the NP tangnga kahha ‘everybody’, is in the matrix clause. The relative clause is made a direct object by the preceding 3pl.obj enclitic -di. This way, an intransitive verb such as ‘to talk’ can be introduced without other strategies of indexing comitative objects which would be employed in a non-relative clause, such as the use of the comitative ɗangnga (206). Hence, ha- serves both for relativization and applicativization.

(206) (Elicitation: Phasal markers) Mai=ka=da hanewe ɗangnga=di come=purp=1pl.incl.sbj talk comt=3pl.obj ‘let’s talk to them’

The use of the relative enclitic pa/ha- in applicative constructions in Laboya is highly similar to that in Kambera, see (Klamer, 1998, p. 321-324).

72 In sum, we have seen that Laboyan NPs able to be relativized may have the syntactic positions of a subject (ex. 187), direct object (188), indirect object (203), oblique (205, employing an applicative construction) and genitive (199b) arguments. Thus, all positions in the accessibility hierarchy posited by Keenan and Comrie (1977) can be relativized in Laboya.

73 6 Conclusions

Current pioneering study has provided an outline of Laboyan phonology and outlined some basic traits of the morpho-syntax. Laboya has five vowel qualities, four of which are distinguished for length. The largest functional load in regards to vowel length is occupied by the length distinction between /a/ and /aː/. Laboya also has two diphthongs. There are 19 core consonants used in native vocabulary and two additional consonants whichonly occur in lexemes recently borrowed from Indonesian. In addition, a glottal stop occurs in Laboya, the phonemic status of which is unclear. The series of pre-nasalized plosives /mb, nd, nd͡ʒ ,ŋɡ/ in other Sumbanese varieties correspond to Laboyan voiced plain plosives /b, d, ɟ, ɡ/. Thus, there is three series of plosives in Laboya, voiceless plosives, plain voiced plosives, and implosive voiced plosives. A careful acoustic examination of the implosives shows that they are defined primarily by their implosivity, but are also pre-glottalized in many environments. A nearly complete process of spirantization hasturned instances of /s/ into /h/, and, likewise, many occurrences of /p/ into /h/. Borrowings from Indonesian are subject to this process only in part, due to the fact that Laboyans are increasingly bilingual and therefore less prone to nativize Indonesian borrowed vocabulary. The possible syllable types in Laboya are V, CV, CVC and VC. Stress falls generally on the first stem syllable. Laboya has two sets of independent pronouns, which are used interchangeably. Their use is optional in most cases, because the core arguments of a predicate are cross-referenced by verbal clitics. Overall, grammatical relations are encoded by such verbal clitics; in this sense, Laboya is a head-marking language. The subject of a verb in main clauses is always indicated by a setna ofclitics( -series) which are attached to verbs, either by proclisis or enclisis. The proclisis of subject clitics to the verb ispossible, although pragmatically marked as indicating completeness of the event. The main strategy of indexing subject arguments is therefore by enclitization of the -na-series to the verb. The enclisis of na-series necessitates attachment of at least one more enclitic, the predicative -ge or one of the object clitics (the -ni-series). Object clitics are used to cross-reference definite object arguments of transitive verbs, whereas -ge is used as a second enclitic with transitive verbs with indefinite objects. The encliticge - has other functions as well, most prominently topicalizing, emphasizing, commenting and sequencing information. The same set of clitics that is used to cross-reference the subject is also used for indicating thepos- sessor of a NP. The object cliticsni (- -series) are used mainly to cross-reference verb arguments in the semantic roles of patient and recipient. In irrealis and subordinate clauses, there is also a pattern of using object clitics to (double-)index the possessor of a patient argument by the object enclitic. In such cases, the subject of the clause is not co-referenced by a verbal subject clitic. This is the opposite of the strategy usedin simple declarative sentences in realis mood: there, the subject is indexed by a verbal clitic, whereas the possessor of a patient argument is only indicated by a possessive enclitic on the patient argument. Copular constructions of the type ‘X is Y’ are formed by various enclitics, all of which have in common that they are also used to indicate object. Negation in Laboya is characterized by different strategies for negating main clauses, subordinate clauses and imperative clauses. Standard negation of main clauses is asymmetric and involves use of the discontinuous particle walle … ’ma, whereby its first part, walle, precedes the verb and hosts a subject clitic (-na-series). The second part, ’ma, follows the verb and must be encliticized with an additional subject enclitic from the -wa-series for negated verbs in first and second person singular. For non-verbal negation, such as negative copular constructions of the type ‘X is not Y’, Laboya makes use of the same strategy as above, with the difference that walle does not host a subject enclitic. In subordinate clauses, the discontinuous particle walle … ’ma is not used; instead, the pre-verbal particle ai is employed. Similarly to walle, it hosts a subject enclitic, unless the negated clause is relative, introduced by ka-. Negative imperatives are formed with the prohibitive particle illa/iya, which is likewise marked for person and number by a subject enclitic. Relative clauses are introduced by the proclitics ka- and ha-. The former is used to introduce relative

74 clauses whose overt subject is to be found in the matrix clause. The use of subject clitics on the verb within the relative clause introduced by ka- is therefore ungrammatical; use of object clitics, however, is permitted. On the contrary, ha- allows the subject of the relative clause to be indexed on the verb within it. Accordingly, the proclitic ha- introduces objective relative clauses and precludes use of object clitics (other than for indirect and oblique arguments). Both proclitics ka- and ha- can be regarded as relative pronouns.

6.1 Future research The exploration of Laboyan grammar has only begun. Some of the topics that have been addressed need more investigation. Our understanding of the interaction between the predicative enclitic -ge and other clitics is still rudimentary. This is especially true of the functions of-ge and -yi in subordinate clauses. The workings of the subordinating conjunction ɓa and its role in structuring the Laboyan discourse is likewise something that needs to receive attention in future research. Major topics within the grammar of Laboya have not been discussed at all due to time and space limitations. These topics are: word-formation, questions, aspectual enclitics -ɓe and -ho, auxiliary verbs for indicating habitual and progressive aspect and others. Stative verbs (equivalents to adjectives in English) need a serious enquiry, as their use is clearly deviant from that of active verbs. This applies in first place to the predicative use of stative verbs, as opposed to their attributive use, which hasbeen shortly discussed in §5.10.1. The question must be raised whether the patterns of the predicative use of stative verbs deviate from the use of active verbs to such a degree that a distinct lexical category of adjectives should be posited for Laboya. An equally important area is the investigation of possible passive voice constructions. It has been ar- gued, that neighbouring languages, such as Kambera, have constructions resembling passive voice, but that a closer examination reveals that they are not distinct from constructions involving relativization (Klamer, 1998, p. ). Since Laboya also has constructions like this, it would be of interest to investigate them more closely and compare to similar phenomena in Kambera.

75 7 Glossed narratives

7.1 Building a house Narrator: Maria Hurka

Nami ta Laboya hakaɗɗe umma ɓa li=mma kage, haganna ɗahokina 1pl.incl.indp in Laboya build house sub say=1pl.incl.sbj purp=top, prepare necessary ammaha, hayayo, tangnga tangnga=ge bahanI untukI rayi wai na=umma. money food all all=emph materialI forI build use def=house ‘We in Laboya, when we build a house, we prepare necessary money, food and every necessary com- ponents for building the house’

Na=rayi=na umma ta Laboya ɓa li=nna ka=we=ge, mayilla ngaɗe=ge. def=build=3sg.poss house in Laboya sub say=3sg.sbj purp=obj=top difficult very=com. ‘Building a house in Laboya, if we do it, is very difficult.’

Oroge, buta ɗa=ho ha=wayi ɗangnga ammaha. because much exist=obigl rel=use need money. ‘Because there’s a lot that requires money’

Na=morha ta Laboya mayilla la=we def=life in Laboya difficult very=cop ‘The life in Laboya is very difficult’

Oroge buta=we hawayi ɗangnga ammaha. Because much=cop rel=use need money. ‘Because a lot of money is needed.’

Katauɗana tuttu ya=da tuttu enu=da, pata tana, tuttu ngala lawayi, ɓa like for eat=1pl.incl.poss for drink=1pl.incl.poss feasts13 for take woman sub mate-we, buta ɗa=ho=we ha=wai ɗangnga ammaha. die=cop much exist=oblig=cop rel=use need money ‘For our eating, for our drinking, for feasts, for weddings, when someone dies, there is much that requires money. ’

Na=rayi=na umma ɓa=na=we ta Laboya, ɓi’ta la=we. def=make=3sg.poss house sub=3sg.sbj=cop in Laboya hard very=cop ‘Building a house in Laboya is very hard’

Oroge tangnga=di ha=perluI=da katauna rayi=na umma, ɓa Because everything=3pl.obj rel=needI=1pl.incl.sbj for make=3sg.poss hosue, sub watu=yi, ɓa ɓahhi, semenu-yi, ɓa pahalayi, ma ɓi’ta ngaɗe=di hi=di. stone=cop sub iron cement=cop sub sand and hard very=3pl.obj cost=3pl.obj ‘Because everything that we need for building a hosue, whether it is stones, iron, cement, sand, everything is very expensive.’

76 Katauɗana nami nehhe ɓatauge, tangra rayi=ma=ge pondasi. like 1pl.excl.indp here now prog make=1pl.excl.sbj=pred foundation ‘Right now, we are building the foundation’

Na=pondasi=ma=ge, nyippo la=we ɓa=ma rayi=ge wali tahun ɗo def=foundation=1pl.excl=top, long very=cop sub=1pl.excl.sbj make=com from year two rata kabullu tauɗa ɓa=ma rayi=ge. thousand ten three sub=1pl.excl.sbj make=com ‘The foundation, we’ve been building it for very long, since the year 2013 have we been building it’

Oro ai la=ho=ki ammaha-ge, ma kahha ɓatauge walle=ma hallodo Because neg.sub exist=yet=? money=top, and until now neg=1sg.excl.sbj begin ‘ma-ho-ge. neg=yet=com ‘Because before we had money and until now, we didn’t continue’

Oroge, ka=na katú wai=to=ge, limma=dage. therefore purp=3sg.sbj hard become=imp=com, say=1pl.incl ‘So, it should become hard (the foundation), we say’

Ma ɓege, na=nimmi dau naɗɗe dau, wulla ka=pittu=na nyiɗɗa ho ki-we and then def=dem.prox year dem.prox year month rel=seven=3sg.poss thus ɓa=ma halodo-ge. sub=1pl.excl continue-com ‘And then, this year, in the seventh month (=July), we continued’

Kole ɓa=ma kahha-kahha pahalayi, watu, ɓahhi lage nyiɗɗa=ho=we ubbu when sub=1pl.excl.sbj every-every sand stone iron then thus new ma=haloɗɗo=ge na=ha-ulla rayi=na umma. 1pl.incl.sbj=continue=pred def=nom-work make=3sg.poss house ‘When we gather sand, stones, iron, then we will continue the work of building the house.’

77 7.1.1 Children’s tree Narrator: Timotius Tadu Lado Recitation of The Children’s Tree, a short animation by Abel Ruiz-Vazquez https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hHzWp1JV2hI

Ɗa=ni wu lakawa lawayi, ka=malengo ta bara karoɓaka, mo exist=3sg.obj indef child female rel=play in proximity wagon and ole=na=ni wu kaɓeɓaka. companion=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj indef butterlfy ‘There is a girl, who is playing near a wagon, and a butterfly iswithher.‘

Ɗa=mera bali leɗu karoɓaka. 3pl.sbj=same at foot wagon ‘They are together at the foot (=wheel) of the wagon.’

Ɓege ɗa=li=ni bu pu yayu, ɗa=ni ha-dau kolo ma naɗɗe lakawa then 3pl.sbj=stop=3sg.obj cl tree wood exist=3sg.obj place swing and dem.prox child lawayi ka=gu kolo walle=na toma ‘ma=ni . female prep-1sg.subj swing neg1=3sg.sbj reach neg2=3sg.obj ‘Then they stop at a tree, where there was a swing and this girl could not reach it toswing’

Ma ɓege na=eta ɗa=yi wu kaɓeɓaka na=karayi-we tullu-kiga kamu and then 3sg.sbj=see exist=obj indef butterfly 3sg.sbj=ask=obj help=imp.1sg.obj purp=2sg.sbj ha-burru-ni ha=kolo wai li=nna=ni. caus-come.down3sg.obj= rel=swing use say=3sg.sbj=3sg.obj ‘And then she saw that there is a butterfly, she asked it, help me please to make the swing comedown, she said to it.’ Ɗajjalage=ge, ma na=ha-tama=ni ɗoɗoka=na ta weyo, ma=na thus=emph and=3sg.sbj caus-enter=3sg.obj index.finger=3sg.poss to water and=3sg tau=na=di ta kalukku mata=na kaɓeɓaka. put=3sg.sbj=3pl.obj to eyelash=3sg.poss butterfly ‘Thus, she puts her finger into water, and puts them (drops of water) onto the butterfly’s eyelashes’

Ma kaɓeɓaka=ge na=ɓurru=ge weyo yinna kalari kolo. and butterfly=top 3sg.sbj=drip=pred water dem rope swing ‘And the butterfly dripped the water drops on the ropes of the swing’

Ɗajjalage=ge ma=lotara=na=ge ma na=tingngiI=we na=kalari kolo naɗɗa thus=emph pass.pfv=extend=3sg.sbj=pred and 3sg.sbj=tallI=obj def=rope swing dem.dist kaɓeɓaka. butterfly ‘Thus, it was extended and was made longer by that butterfly‘

Ɗajjallage, na wu ɓau winne=ge na=toma ha-kolo, ɗajjallage ngoɗo=na=ge ta thus def indef girl=top 3sg.sbj=reach nom-swing so sit=3sg.sbj=pred to wu kolo. indef swing ‘Thus, the little girl could reach the swing, so she sat on theswing’

78 Ai=na ngoɗo=ho naɗɗa ɓau winne lakawa lawayi na=burri neg.sub=3sg.sg sit=nnd dem.dist little girl female 3sg.sbj=come down ɗaho-ni we puna yayu. exist=cont=3sg.obj water tree=3sg.poss wood ‘Before sitting [on it], the little girl had to pour water on the tree’

Ai=na ngoɗo=ho naɗɗa ɓau winnea lakaw lawayi na=burri ɗaho-ni we neg.sub=3sg.sg sit=nnd dem.dist little girl girl female 3sg.sbj=come down puna yayu. exist=cont=3sg.obj water ‘Before sitting [on it], the little girl had to pour water on the tree’

Kole ɓa=na ɓe ha-ɓurru=ni weyo, ɓege ubbu na=kako ngoɗo hadau when sub=3sg.sbj finish caus=come.cown=3sg.obj water then new 3sg.sbj=go sit place kole. swing ‘when she finished pouring water on it, she went and sat on the swing’

Kole ɓa=na ngoɗo hadau kolo morha=na=ge pu yayu mo ma=ɗeketa=na=ge when sub=3sg.sbj sit place swing live=3sg.sbj=pred tree wood and pass.pfv=rise=3sg.sbj=pred ‘When she sat on the swing, the tree came alive and she was lifted up’

Kole ɓa=na ma=ɗeketa=ge, buta dali=yi lakawa togo yayu ɗete ka=kolo. when sub=2sg.sbj pass.pfv=raise=top many more=exist children top tree up rel=swing ‘When she was lifted up, there were many more children who were swinging on top ofthetree’

Tau kala=di buta=ɗa lakawa ɗihha kahangnga-ɗihha kahangnga=na wu how=3pl.obj much=3pl.poss children one branch=3sg.poss one branch=3sg.poss yayo, ɗa=di lakawa ka=kolo. tree wood exist=3pl.obj children ‘So many children in each branch of the tree that were, there are chidlren that are swinging ’

Ɗajjalage, na wu lakawa ɓau winne na=tulha kagu ɗoku-di haɗa-ɗa so def indef child little girl 3sg.sbj=write vol=1sg follow=3pl.obj way=3sg.poss ɓa=na=ge. sub=3sg=pred ‘So, a little girl is drawing (=writing) [a picture] and she wants to follow their way’

Tauɗa-ɗage kako-ge na wu ha-ulla, wu hanewe tuttu na=lakawa ɓau winne. so go=emph def indef nom-work indef story about def=child little girl ‘So it goes, the story of a little girl.’

79 Waikiwu Amai Ɓolo! thanks Amai Ɓolo ‘Thank you, Amai Ɓolo!’

7.1.2 A Swiss researcher in Laboya Narrator: Agus Kalingara Interviewer: Matius Dapakuri

Nuttu=na ɗa=ɗa=ho=ni ata ka=wali ta Swisu ka=ɗikki ta Laboya. Before=3sg.poss exist=exist=still=3sg.obj person rel=from in Switzerland rel=come to Laboya. ‘Before, there was a man who was from Switzerland, who came to Laboya’

Wali dau rata [ka]ɓandiha ngahu poddopata [ka]bullu limma. from year thousand nine hundred eight ten five ‘In the year nineteen eighty-five’

Ɓa=na hanuwa hanewe Laboya. purp=3sg language Laboya ‘To learn Laboyan’

Kole ɓa=na ɗikki=ni dau rata [ka]ɓandiha poddopata [ka]bullu pittu, when sub=3sg.sbj come=3sg.obj year thousand nine eight ten seven, ɓa=na ɗikki ta umma ɓai Karappa, ɗa=ge umma ɓihha umma=da sub=3sg.obj come to house Ɓai Karappa exist=pred house sacred house=1pl.incl.poss ‘When he came in nineteen eighty-seven, he came to the house of Ɓai Karappa, there is a sacred house, our house’

Tama=na=ge ta koro hadau baika ta umma ɓihha koro ɓihha=we enter=3sg.sbj=pred in room place sleep to house sacred room sacred=obj ‘He entered the sleeping room in the sacred house, the sacred room’

Iya=mu ha=punyiI=ka=ni radio li=ɗɗa=ni ɓa heri-ni neg.imp=2sg.sbj caus=haveI=imp.pol=3sg.obj radio say=3pl.sbj=3sg.obj sub don’t want=3sg.obj ‘Don’t you bring a radio, please, they said to him, we don’t want it.’

Walle hatena ‘ma=na=ge ha=takki=na neɗɗo ka=dau=na umma neg believe neg=3sg.sbj=pred nom=say=sg.poss there rel=place3sg house ‘He didn’t believe the words of the house.’

Ma=na tuttka=yi kalippa neɗɗo gaɗɗi ɓa=na baika and=3sg.sbj bite=obj.anaph centipede dem.dist night sub=3sg.sbj sleep ‘And a centipede bit him that night when he was sleeping.’

Mana ba=we mata=na and=3sg.sbj swell.up=cos15 face=3sg.poss ‘And his face swole up.’

80 Kole ɓana ba=we mata=na=ge, ma=wai=ge hanukku when sub=3sg.sbj swell.up=cos face=3sg.poss=top, pass.pfv=use=pred organize pata tana traditional ceremony ‘And when his face swole up, a traditional ceremony was organized’

Ma=na hi=ge manu, ma-hakako=we pata tana=ge, ma=ɓurru=ni and3sg.sbj buy=pred chicken pass.pfv=caus=go=obj four land=pred pass.pfv=come.down=3sg.obj weyo ma na=taggaha. water and 3sg.sbj=recover ‘And he bought chicken, four lands were walked (=a traditional ceeremony was held), and he was dripped with water, and he recovered.’

Walle=na kako ‘ma ta umma [ka]lawara? neg=3sg.sbj go neg to house sick ‘He didn’t go to the hospital?’

Walle=na kako=ɗa ‘ma ta umma [ka]lawara. neg=3sg.sbj go neg=3pl.sbj to house sick ‘They didn’t go to the hospital’

Wai=ge patu tana ɓurru=ni weyo taggaha ɗa=he=na=ge. use=pred traditional ceremony come.down3sg.obj water recover exist=immidiately=3sg.sbj=pred ‘[He] used a traditional ceremony, [they] dripped him water on him and he immidiately recovered’

Nyihe=we. That’s

JadiI ɓa=na ɓurru=na=ge weyo, taggaha=na=ge? soI sub=3sg.sbj spray=3sg.sbj=pred water recover=3sg.sbj=pred ‘So when he sprayed water, he recovered? ’

Dakka he nage ɓa ɓurru=ni we recover immidiately=3sg.sbj=pred sub spray=3sg.obj water ‘He immidiately recover when he was sprayed with water’

Iya=ɗa ka=hanukku=we tuttu pata tana=ge? Who=3pl.sbj rel=organize=obj for traditional ceremony=pred ‘Who took care of the traditional ceremony?’

Rato ɗau=da ka=hanukku=we. rato own=1pl.incl.poss rel=organize=obj.anaph ‘It was our own rato who organized it.’

Rato ɗau=da Ubbu Teda? rato own=1pl.incl.poss Ubbu Teda ‘Our own rato of the Ubbu Teda (clan)?’

81 Ngo, rato ɗau=da Ubbu Teda ka=hanukku=we yes rato own=1pl.incl.poss Ubbu Teda rel=organize=obj.anaph ‘Yes, it is our own Ubbu Teda rato who organized it’

Haba Wola ɓa li=ɗɗa=ni ahha-ma=ɗa ha=ngara-ni? Haba Wola sub say=3pl.sbj=3sg.obj why=3pl.sbj caus=name=3sg.obj ‘They called him Haba Wola, why did they name him that?’

Oroge ɓa=na ɗikki neɗɗa ɓatauɗage negge ma nyiɗɗa-we ma Haba because sub=3sg.sbj come there now and therefore Haba Wola1sg.cop 1sg.indp Wola-wa ɗuggu ma linna tama-guge kaɓihhu Ubbu Teda ma-linna. and enter=1sg.sbj=pred clan Ubbu Teda pass.pfv=say=3sg.sbj ‘Because when he came, now I am Habo Wola, he said, I will enter the Ubbu Teda clan, he said ’

Pirra gaɗi=na ɓa=na dura ɗete ta umma Ɓai Karappa. how.many sub=3sg.sbj sleep up in house Ɓai Karappa ‘How many nights did he stay up in the house Ɓai Karappa?’

Na=gau=ge rayi=ge umma. 3sg.sbj=stay=pred make=pred house ‘He stayed to build the house’

Na=gau ɗa=ho=ge rayi-ge umma kahha ɓewe ka ɗihha 3sg.sbj=stay exist=deb=pred house until finish=cop purp=one week=3sg.poss miggu=na.

‘He must have stayed for a week to build the house’

Hanuwa kahha=na=ge tangnga=ge hanewe Laboya learn every=3sg.sbj=pred all=phr language Laboya ‘He learned the entire Laboyan language’

Walle=gu tada dahha ‘ma=we heka ɓa ha=rayi=we. =1sg.sbj know good neg-obj other sub rel=make=obj ‘I don’t know so well what else he did’

Ɓa=ɗa ɗoku persisI=ge. =sub=1pl.incl.sbj follow preciseI=pred ‘We followed you exaclty (=we understood you well)’

82 References

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84 A Figures and Tables List of Tables

2 Elicitation questionnaires and translated texts ...... 14 3 Pre-existing texts ...... 14 3 Pre-existing texts ...... 15 4 List of narratives ...... 16 5 Orthographic notation used in this thesis ...... 17 6 Laboya vowels ...... 18 7 Vowel contrasts in Laboya ...... 19 8 Laboya consonants ...... 20 9 Laboya consonant contrasts ...... 20 10 Absolute and relative frequency of Laboyan vowel qualities and diphtongs ...... 24 11 Absolute and relative frequency of Laboyan consonants ...... 25 12 Syllable structures of Laboya words ...... 25 13 First set of independent pronouns ...... 28 14 Second set of independent pronouns ...... 29 15 Inflection of the verb lu- ‘to say’ ...... 31 16 First and second sets of independent pronouns in the different subcorpora ...... 32 17 Summary of Laboya clitics ...... 32 18 Two sets of Laboyan pronominal clitics ...... 34 19 Laboya subject/possessive clitics ...... 35 20 Kambera pronominal clitics ...... 36 21 Frequencies of subject pro- and enclitization for three verbs in the New Testament ... 39 22 Laboya object clitics ...... 40 23 Some of semantic roles of Laboya object clitics and their syntactic environments .... 44 24 wa-set of clitics in Laboya ...... 45 25 -wa-clitics in an abilitative construction, full paradigm ...... 48 26 -wa-clitics in an obligative construction, full paradigm ...... 48

List of Figures

1 Position of Sumba in the Indonesian Archipelago ...... 2 2 Position of Sumba among Lesser Sunda Islands ...... 2 3 Position of the areas where Laboya is spoken in Sumba ...... 3 4 Languages neighbouring Laboya ...... 4 5 Traditional village of Litti, with a megalithic tomb in the central sqaure ...... 6 6 Internal classification of some of the Sumbanese varieties ...... 12 7 Internal classification of some of the Sumbanese varieties ...... 13 8 Proposed constituency tree and dependence diagram of the example sentence (199a) .. 71

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