sign in sign up
<<
Home , Book History, Borders (UK), Center for the Book, History of books, History of literature, Octavo

What is the of ?

The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters

Citation Darnton, Robert. 1982. What is the ? Daedalus 111(3): 65-83.

Published Version http://www.jstor.org/stable/20024803

Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3403038

Terms of Use This article was downloaded from ’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA ROBERT DARNTON

What Is the History of Books?

"Histoire du livre" in , "Geschichte des Buchwesens" in Germany, "history of books" or "of the " in English-speaking countries?its name varies from to as an new place place, but everywhere it is being recognized important even discipline. It might be called the social and of communica were not a to tion by print, if that such mouthful, because its purpose is were understand how ideas transmitted through print and how exposure to the printed word affected the thought and behavior of mankind during the last five hundred years. Some book historians pursue their subject deep into the period on before the invention of . Some students of concentrate , broadsides, and other forms besides the book. The field can be most concerns extended and expanded inmany ways; but for the part, it books an area so since the time of Gutenberg, of research that has developed rapidly seems to a during the last few years, that it likely win place alongside fields like art canon the history of science and the history of in the of scholarly disciplines. Whatever the history of books may become in the future, its past shows how a can on a field of knowledge take distinct scholarly identity. It arose from the on convergence of several disciplines a common set of problems, all of them to having do with the process of . Initially, the problems took concrete the form of questions in unrelated branches of scholarship: What were Shakespeare's original texts? What caused the French Revolution? What is the connection between culture and social stratification? In pursuing those ques a tions, scholars found themselves crossing paths in no-man's-land located at the a intersection of half-dozen fields of study. They decided to constitute a field of own to their and invite in historians, literary scholars, sociologists, , to as a and anyone else who wanted understand the book force in history. The own history of books began to acquire its journals, research centers, confer as as ences, and lecture circuits. It accumulated tribal elders well Young Turks. And although it has not yet developed passwords or secret handshakes or its own can one population of Ph.D.'s, its adherents recognize another by the glint to a common one in their eyes. They belong cause, of the few sectors in the a a human sciences where there is mood of expansion and flurry of fresh ideas. not To be sure, the history of the history of books did begin yesterday. It to not stretches back the scholarship of the Renaissance, if beyond; and it began earnest in during the nineteenth century, when the study of books as material to objects led the rise of analytical in England. But the current 65 66 ROBERT DARNTON

a work represents departure from the established strains of scholarship, which may be traced to their nineteenth century origins through back issues of The or and B?rsenblatt f?r den Deutschen Buchhandel theses in the Ecole des Chartes. The new strain developed during the 1960s in France, where it took root in institutions like the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes and spread through publications like LApparition du livre (1958), by and Henri-Jean Martin, and Livre et soci?t? dans la France du XVII le si?cle (two volumes a Vie 1965 and 1970) by group connected with the section of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. The new book historians brought the subject within the range of themes on studied by the "Annales school" of socioeconomic history. Instead of dwelling to uncover of book fine points of bibliography, they tried the general pattern over production and consumption long stretches of time. They compiled contents statistics from requests for privil?ges (a kind of ), analyzed the currents of private , and traced ideological through neglected like fine no the biblioth?que bleue (primitive ). Rare books and editions had on most sort interest for them; they concentrated instead the ordinary of books, to because they wanted discover the literary experience of ordinary readers. They put familiar phenomena like the Counter Reformation and the an Enlightenment in unfamiliar light by showing how much traditional culture in fare of the entire outweighed the avant-garde the literary society. Although come a set the they did not up with firm of conclusions, they demonstrated new new and new importance of asking questions, using methods, tapping sources.1

Their example spread throughout Europe and the United States, reinforcing as in indigenous traditions, such reception studies Germany and printing to a common history in Britain. Drawn together by their commitment new historians to enterprise, and animated by enthusiasm for ideas, book began new meet, first in caf?s, then in conferences. They created journals? History, Bibliography Newsletter, Nouvelles du livre ancien, Revue fran?aise d'histoire zur du livre (new series), Buchhandelsgeschichte, and Wolfenb?tte 1erNotizen Buchge new in the schichte. They founded centers?the Institut d'Etude du Livre , Arbeitskreis f?r Geschichte des Buchwesens inWolfenb?ttel, the in the . Special colloquia?in Geneva, Paris, Boston, a Worcester, Wolfenb?ttel, and , to name only few that took place in the late 1970s?disseminated their research on an international scale. In the brief a span of two decades, the history of books had become rich and varied field of study. now a a So rich did it prove, in fact, that it looks less like field than tropical can across At rain forest. The explorer hardly make his way it. every step he a of and becomes entangled in luxuriant undergrowth journal articles, disoriented by the crisscrossing of disciplines?analytical bibliography pointing and in this direction, the sociology of knowledge in that, while history, English, out territories. He is beset claims to comparative stake overlapping by new newness?"la nouvelle bibliographie mat?rielle," "the literary history"?and bewildered by competing methodologies, which would have him collating reams of editions, compiling statistics, decoding copyright law, wading through at a reconstructed common and manuscript, heaving the bar of press, WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 67

psychoanalyzing the mental processes of readers. The history of books has so with one can no see become crowded ancillary disciplines, that longer its contours. can general How the book historian neglect the history of libraries, of publishing, of , type, and ? But how can he master their technologies, especially when they appear in imposing foreign formulations, like Geschichte der Appellstruktur and Bibliom?trie bibliologique? It is enough to make one want to retire to a rare book room and count watermarks. To some run to see get distance from interdisciplinarity riot, and the subject as a it be useful to a whole, might propose general model for analyzing the way come books into being and spread through society. To be sure, conditions have so varied much from place to place and from time to time since the invention of movable that be to type, it would vain expect the biography of every book to conform to the same But pattern. printed books generally pass through roughly the same life cycle. It could be described as a circuit that runs from the to the publisher (if the bookseller does not assume that role), the the the , shipper, bookseller, and the reader. The reader completes the circuit, because he influences the author both before and after the act of are composition. readers themselves. By reading and associating with other readers and form notions of a writers, they and style and general sense of the which literary enterprise, affects their texts, whether they are or composing Shakespearean directions for assembling radio kits. A writer in to may respond his criticisms of his previous work or reactions that his text will anticipate elicit. He addresses implicit readers and hears from reviewers. runs explicit So the circuit full cycle. It transmits them en as to messages, transforming route, they pass from thought writing to characters and back to concerns printed thought again. each phase of as a this process and the process whole, in all its variations over space and time and in all its relations with other systems, economic, social, political, and cultural, in the surrounding environment. That is a large undertaking. To keep their task within manageable proportions, book historians generally cut into one segment of the communications circuit and it to a analyze according the procedures of single for means discipline?printing, example, which they study by of analytical But the do not take on bibliography. parts their full significance unless they are related to the whole, and some holistic view of the book as a means of communication seems if book is to necessary history avoid being fragmented into esoteric cut off from arcane specializations, each other by techniques and mutual The misunderstanding. model shown in Figure 1 provides a way of the entire envisaging communication process. With minor adjustments, it should to all in the of the apply periods history printed book (manuscript books and book illustrations will have to be considered elsewhere), but Iwould like to discuss it in connection with I the period know best, the eighteenth century, and to take it up phase by phase, showing how each phase is related to (1) other activities that a at a given person has underway given point in the circuit, (2) at same other persons the point in other circuits, (3) other persons at other in the same points circuit, and (4) other elements in society. The first three on considerations bear directly the transmission of a text, while the last concerns outside influences, which could vary endlessly. For the sake of 3 uo u

C S oe U

H

S. WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 69

to simplicity, I have reduced the latter the three general categories in the center of the diagram. a Models have way of freezing human beings out of history. To put some flesh and blood on this one, and to show how it can make sense of an actual case, to sur I will apply it the publishing history of 's Questions l'Encyclop?die, an one important work of the Enlightenment, and that touched the lives of a great many eighteenth century bookmen. One could study the circuit of its at transmission any point?at the stage of its composition, for example, when Voltaire shaped its text and orchestrated its diffusion in order to promote his as or campaign against religious intolerance, his biographers have shown; at its a printing, stage in which bibliographical analysis helps to establish the or at multiplication of editions; the point of its assimilation in libraries, where, to according statistical studies by literary historians, Voltaire's works occupied an impressive share of shelf space.2 But I would like to consider the least familiar link in the diffusion process, the role of the bookseller, taking Isaac as an Pierre Rigaud of Montpellier example, and working through the four considerations mentioned above.3

1. On August 16, 1770, Rigaud ordered thirty copies of the nine- of which the Questions, the Soci?t? typographique de to Neuch?tel (STN) had recently begun print in the Prussian principality of on the of Neuch?tel Swiss side the French-Swiss border. Rigaud generally to at least a of a new preferred read few pages book before stocking it, but he considered the such a that a Questions good bet, he risked making fairly large unseen. not order for it, sight He did have any personal sympathy for Voltaire. On the contrary, he deplored the philosphe's tendency to tinker with his books, adding and amending passages while cooperating with pirated editions behind the backs of the Such original publishers. practices produced complaints from to customers, who objected receiving inferior (or insufficiently audacious) texts. "It is astonishing that at the end of his career M. de Voltaire cannot refrain from to duping booksellers," Rigaud complained the STN. "It would not matter if all these little ruses, frauds, and deceits were blamed on the author. But the and still more are unfortunately printers the booksellers usually held responsible."4 Voltaire made life hard for booksellers, but he sold well. There was Voltairean about most of nothing the other books in Rigaud's shop. His sales catalogues show that he specialized somewhat in medical books, which were in demand in to always Montpellier, thanks the university's famous a faculty of medicine. Rigaud also kept discreet line of Protestant works, because Montpellier lay in Huguenot territory. And when the authorities a looked the other way, he brought in few shipments of forbidden books.5 But he generally supplied his customers with books of all kinds, which he drew from an worth at least inventory forty-five thousand livres, the largest inMontpellier a and probably in all Languedoc, according to report from the intendant's subd?l?gu?.6 Rigaud's way of ordering from the STN illustrates the character of his business. Unlike other large provincial dealers, who speculated on a hundred or more of a book when a copies they smelled best seller, he rarely ordered more than a half dozen of a copies single work. He read widely, consulted his 70 ROBERT DARNTON

means customers, took soundings by of his commercial correspondence, and STN sent to studied the catalogues that the and his other suppliers him (by 1785 he about ten the STN's catalogue included 750 titles). Then chose titles and to a crate of ordered just enough copies of them make up fifty pounds, the at rate the If minimum weight for shipment the cheapest charged by wagoners. the books sold well, he reordered them; but he usually kept his orders rather a small, and made four or five of them year. In this way, he conserved capital, a minimized risks, and built up such large and varied stock, that his shop a in the became clearinghouse for literary demand of every kind region. out The pattern of Rigaud's orders, which stands clearly from the STN's a account books, shows that he offered his customers little of everything?travel or books, , , religious works, and the occasional scientific of his own he seemed to philosophical treatise. Instead following preferences, to to transmit demand fairly accurately and live according the accepted wisdom of the book trade, which one of the STN's other customers summarized as follows: "The best book for a bookseller is a book that sells."7 Given his cautious to an advance order for nine style of business, Rigaud's decision place thirty seems volume sets of the Questions sur l'Encyclop?die especially significant. He on a not would not have put so much money single work if he had felt certain of the demand?and his later orders show that he had calculated correctly. On the June 19, 1772, soon after receiving the last shipment of last volume, Rigaud ordered another dozen sets; and he ordered two more two years later, although its stock. It had a by then the STN had exhausted printed huge edition, twenty its and the booksellers five hundred copies, approximately twice usual pressrun, to it. So had fallen all over themselves in the rush purchase Rigaud's purchase a current of Voltaireanism that had far was no aberration. It expressed spread and wide among the reading public of the Old Regime.

examined from the 2. How does the purchase of the Questions look when relations with the other booksellers of perspective of Rigaud's Montpel lier? A book-trade almanac listed nine of them in 1777:8

Printer-Booksellers: Aug. Franc. Rochard Jean Martel

Booksellers: Isaac-Pierre Rigaud J. B. Faure Albert Pons Tournel Bascon C?zary Fontanel

to a a salesman of the there were But according report from traveling STN, only and dominated the local seven.9 Rigaud and Pons had merged, completely in the middle and the rest teetered trade; C?zary and Faure scraped along ranks; The occasional binder and on the brink of bankruptcy in precarious boutiques. a few most of them to the under-the-cloak peddler also provided books, illegal, more adventuresome readers of the city. For example, the demoiselle Bringand, WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 71

known as "the students' mother," stocked some forbidden fruit "under the bed on room to on the the right the second floor," according to the report of a raid that was engineered by the established booksellers.10 The trade in most cities fell the same can as a provincial into pattern, which be envisaged series of concentric circles: at the one or two to center, firms tried monopolize the around the a few small market; margin, dealers survived by specializing in chapbooks and old volumes, by setting up reading clubs (cabinets litt?raires) and or their wares in binderies, by peddling the back country; and beyond the fringe of moved and out legality, adventurers in of the market, selling forbidden literature. he of the was When ordered his shipment Questions, Rigaud consolidating his at center position the of the local trade. His merger with Pons in 1770 provided assets to ride out him with enough capital and the mishaps?delayed shipments, defaulting debtors, liquidity crises?that often upset smaller businesses. Also, one he played rough. When C?zary, of the middling dealers, failed to meet some of his in out payments 1781, Rigaud drove him of business by organizing a to cabal of his creditors. They refused let him reschedule the payments, had to him thrown in prison for debt, and forced him sell off his stock at an auction, where down the and the they kept prices gobbled up books. By dispensing controlled most of patronage, Rigaud Montpellier's binderies; and by exerting on pressure the binders, he produced delays and snags in the affairs of the other booksellers. In 1789 only one of them remained, Abraham Fontanel, and he a stayed solvent only by maintaining cabinet litt?raire, "which provokes terrible of wants to fits jealousy by the sieur Rigaud, who be the only one left and who me as shows his hatred of every day,"11 Fontanel confided to the STN. not Rigaud did eliminate his competitors simply by outdoing them in the dog-eat-dog style of commercial capitalism of early modern France. His letters, theirs, and the correspondence of many other booksellers show that the book trade contracted the late 1770s and 1780s. In during hard times, the big booksellers out squeezed the small, and the tough outlasted the tender. Rigaud a had been tough customer from the very beginning of his relations with the STN. He had ordered his copies of the Questions from Neuch?tel, where the STN was a printing pirated edition, rather than from Geneva, where Voltaire's was regular printer, Gabriel Cramer, producing the original, because he had extracted better terms. also He demanded better service, especially when the other booksellers in Montpellier, who had dealt with Cramer, received their first. The a of copies delay produced volley letters from Rigaud to the STN. couldn't STN work faster? Didn't it know that it was Why the making him lose customers to his competitors? He would have to order from Cramer in the future if it could not at a provide quicker shipments lower price. When volumes one three arrived from through finally Neuch?tel, volumes four through six from Geneva were on sale in the other already shops. Rigaud compared the texts, word for word, and found that the STN's edition contained none of the additional to on material that it had claimed receive the sly from Voltaire. So how could he push the theme of "additions and corrections" in his sales talk? The recriminations flew thick and fast in the mail between Montpellier and and to Neuch?tel, they showed that Rigaud meant exploit every inch of every that he could on his advantage gain competitors. More important, they also 72 ROBERT DARNTON

were over even revealed that the Questions being sold all Montpellier, though in principle they could not circulate legally in France. Far from being confined to the under-the-cloak trade of marginal characters like "the students' mother," to a Voltaire's work turned out be prize item in the scramble for profits at the very heart of the established book trade. When dealers like Rigaud scratched sure was and clawed for their shipments of it, Voltaire could be that he to succeeding in his attempt propel his ideas through the main lines of France's communications system.

3. The role of Voltaire and Cramer in the diffusion process raises the problem of how Rigaud's operation fit into the other stages in the life was not a cycle of the Questions. Rigaud knew that he getting first edition; the a to STN had sent circular letter him and its other main customers, explaining that it would reproduce Cramer's text, but with corrections and additions so to provided by the author himself, that its version would be superior the at original. One of the STN's directors had visited Voltaire Ferney in April a 1770, and had returned with promise that Voltaire would touch up the printed sheets he was to receive from Cramer and then would forward them to a Neuch?tel for pirated edition.12 Voltaire often played such tricks. They a to provided way improve the quality and increase the quantity of his books, was to and therefore served his main purpose?which not make money, for he to did not sell his to the printers, but spread Enlightenment. The profit motive kept the rest of the system going, however. So when Cramer got wind of the STN's attempt to raid his market, he protested to Voltaire, Voltaire to STN to a retracted his promise the STN, and the had settle for delayed version of the text, which it received from Ferney, but with only minimal additions and corrections.13 In fact, this setback did not hurt its sales, because the market had room to not one plenty of absorb editions, only the STN's but also that Marc as Michel Rey produced in Amsterdam, and probably others well. The to booksellers had their choice of suppliers, and they chose according whatever on matters marginal advantage they could obtain of price, quality, speed, and reliability in delivery. Rigaud dealt regularly with publishers in Paris, , Rouen, Avignon, and Geneva. He played them off against each other, and sometimes ordered the same book from two or three of them so as to be certain at same of getting it before his competitors did. By working several circuits the time, he increased his room for maneuver. But in the case of the Questions, he was outmaneuvered and had to receive his goods from the circuitous Voltaire Cramer-Voltaire-STN route. to That route merely took the copy from the author the printer. For the to in the in printed sheets reach Rigaud Montpellier from STN's shop to one most Neuch?tel, they had wind their way through of the complex stages two in the book's circuit. They could follow main routes. One led from Neuch?tel to Geneva, Turin, Nice (which was not yet French), and Marseilles. It had the advantage of skirting French territory?and therefore the danger of to confiscation?but it involved huge detours and expenses. The books had over a of middlemen? be lugged the Alps and pass through whole army shipping agents, bargemen, wagoners, entrep?t keepers, ship captains, and storeroom. dockers?before they arrived in Rigaud's The best Swiss shippers WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 73

a crate to a sous claimed they could get Nice in month for thirteen livres, eight to too per hundredweight; but their estimates proved be far low. The direct to was route from Neuch?tel Lyon and down the Rh?ne fast, cheap, and easy? to at but dangerous. The crates had be sealed their point of entry into France and inspected by the booksellers' guild and the royal book inspector in Lyon, once more then reshipped and inspected inMontpellier.14 to Always cautious, Rigaud asked the STN ship the first volumes of the on Questions by the roundabout route, because he knew he could rely his agent in to Marseilles, Joseph Coulomb, get the books into France without mishap. on not They left December 9, 1771, but did arrive until after March, when the were first three volumes of Cramer's edition already being sold by Rigaud's competitors. The second and third volumes arrived in July, but loaded down seems we with shipping charges and damaged by rough handling. "It that are or five six thousand leagues apart," Rigaud complained, adding that he to regretted he had not given his business Cramer, whose shipments had already STN was reached volume six.15 By this time, the worried enough about losing customers to set a throughout southern France up smuggling operation in Lyon. a Their man, marginal bookdealer named Joseph-Louis Berthoud, got volumes four and five past the guild inspectors, but then his business collapsed in to matters a bankruptcy; and make worse, the French government imposed tax on on of sixty livres per hundredweight all book imports. The STN fell back the to as Alpine route, offering get its shipments far as Nice for fifteen livres per rest hundredweight if Rigaud would pay the of the expenses, including the a import duty. But Rigaud considered the duty such heavy blow to the international trade, that he suspended all his orders with foreign suppliers. The new to tariff policy had made it prohibitively expensive disguise illegal books as ones to legal and pass them through normal commercial channels. In December, the STN's agent inNice, Jacques Deandreis, somehow got a to shipment of volume six of the Questions Rigaud through the port of S?te, was to to which supposed be closed book imports. Then the French government, realizing that it had nearly destroyed the foreign book trade, to lowered the tariff twenty-six livres per hundredweight. Rigaud proposed cost one sharing the with his foreign suppliers: he would pay third if they would two pay thirds. This proposal suited the STN, but in the spring of 1772, Rigaud was decided that the Nice route too expensive to be used under any conditions. same Having heard enough complaints from its other customers to reach the STN one to a conclusion, the dispatched of its directors Lyon, and he persuaded more to dependable Lyonnais dealer, J.-M. Barret, clear its shipments through to the local guild and forward them its provincial clients. Thanks to this arrangement, the last three volumes of Rigaud's Questions arrived safely in the summer.

It had required continuous effort and considerable expense to get the entire to STN not order Montpellier, and Rigaud and the did stop realigning their once supply routes they had completed this transaction. Because economic and political pressures kept shifting, they had constantly to readjust their arrangements within the complex world of middlemen, who linked printing houses with bookshops, and often determined, in the last analysis, what literature reached French readers. 74 ROBERT DARNTON

How the readers assimilated their books cannot be determined. can Bibliographical analysis of all the copies that be located would show what text were varieties of the available. A study of notarial archives inMontpellier might indicate how many copies turned up in inheritances, and statistics drawn to from auction catalogues might make it possible estimate the number in substantial private libraries. But given the present state of documentation, one were or cannot know who Voltaire's readers how they responded to his text. most to Reading remains the difficult stage study in the circuit followed by books.

were 4. All stages affected by the social, economic, political, and intellec tual conditions of the time; but for Rigaud, these general influences a context. a made themselves felt within local He sold books in city of thirty-one an thousand inhabitants. Despite important textile industry, Montpellier was an essentially old-fashioned administrative and religious center, richly endowed a an with cultural institutions, including university, academy of sciences, twelve Masonic lodges, and sixteen monastic communities. And because it was a seat estates an as of the provincial of Languedoc and intendancy, and had well an a array of courts, the city had large population of lawyers and royal officials. If they resembled their counterparts in other provincial centers,16 they probably a customers a provided Rigaud with good many of his and probably had taste not for Enlightenment literature. He did discuss their social background in his correspondence, but he noted that they clamored for the works of Voltaire, to even Rousseau, and Ray nal. They subscribed heavily the Encyclop?die, and nature asked for atheistic treatises like Syst?me de la and Philosophie de la nature. was no was Montpellier intellectual backwater, and it good book territory. "The an book trade is quite extensive in this town," observer remarked in 1768. "The ever booksellers have kept their shops well stocked since the inhabitants a developed taste for having libraries."17 These favorable conditions prevailed when Rigaud ordered his Questions. But hard times set in during the early 1770s; and in the 1780s, Rigaud, like most a severe booksellers, complained of decline in his trade. The whole French contracted those to the standard account of economy during years, according went a C. E. Labrousse.18 Certainly, the state's finances into tailspin: hence the to disastrous book tariff of 1771, which belonged Terray's unsuccessful attempt to reduce the deficit accumulated during the Seven Years' War. The govern ment to out more severe also tried stamp pirated and forbidden books, first by a police work in 1771-74, then by general reform of the book trade in 1777. measures commerce These eventually ruined Rigaud's with the STN and with the other publishing houses that had grown up around France's during the prosperous mid-century years. The foreign publishers produced both not original editions of books that could pass the in Paris and pirated out editions of books put by the Parisian publishers. Because the Parisians had a over acquired virtual monopoly the legal publishing industry, their rivals in the provinces formed alliances with the foreign houses and looked the other way when shipments from abroad arrived for inspection in the provincial guild halls (chambres syndicales). Under Louis XIV, the government had used the Parisian as an to guild instrument suppress the illegal trade; but under Louis XV, it a new era became increasingly lax, until of severity began with the fall of WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 75

with the STN fit Choiseul's ministry (December 1770). Thus Rigaud's relations an that had in the book perfectly into economic and political pattern prevailed to as trade since the early eighteenth century and that began fall apart just the were first crates of the Questions making their way between Neuch?tel and Montpellier.

not Other patterns might show up in other research, for the model need be nor at am not applied in this manner, need it be applied all. I arguing that book to a history should be written according standard formula, but trying to show can a how its disparate segments be brought together within single conceptual scheme. Different book historians might prefer different schemata. They might as concentrate on the book trade of all Languedoc, Madeleine Ventre has done; or on as the general bibliography of Voltaire, Giles Barber, Jeroom Vercruysse, or on and others are doing; the overall pattern of book production in eighteenth century France, in the manner of Fran?ois Furet and Robert Estivals.19 But not out however they define their subject, they will draw its full significance to as a unless they relate it all the elements that worked together circuit for over transmitting texts. To make the point clearer, I will go the model circuit once or more, noting questions that have been investigated successfully that seem ripe for further research.

1. Authors. Despite the proliferation of biographies of great writers, the most basic conditions of authorship remain obscure for periods of history. At what point did writers free themselves from the patronage of to wealthy noblemen and the state in order live by their pens? What was the a was nature of literary career, and how it pursued? How did writers deal with one publishers, printers, booksellers, reviewers, and another? Until those are we not a questions answered, will have full understanding of the transmis was to sion of texts. Voltaire able manipulate secret alliances with pirate not on a publishers because he did depend writing for living. A century later, a came to Zola proclaimed that writer's independence from selling his prose the highest bidder.20 How did this transformation take place? The work of John to an more on Lough begins provide answer, but systematic research the evolution of the republic of letters in France could be done from police records, literary almanacs, and {La France litt?raire gives the names and publications of 1,187 writers in 1757 and 3,089 in 1784). The situation in more to Germany is obscure, owing the fragmentation of the German states are to sources before 1871. But German scholars beginning tap like Das gelehrte Teutschland, which lists four thousand writers in 1779, and to trace the links between authors, publishers, and readers in regional and monographic stud can ies.21Marino Berengo has shown how much be discovered about author an publisher relations in Italy.22 And the work of A. S. Collins still provides to excellent account of authorship in England, although it needs be brought up to date and extended beyond the eighteenth century.23

2. Publishers. The key role of publishers is now becoming clearer, thanks to articles appearing in the Journal ofPublishing History and likeMartin Lowry's The World ofAldus Manutius, Robert Patten's and His Publishers, and Gary Stark's Entrepreneurs of Ideology: Neoconservative 76 ROBERT DARNTON

a Publishers in Germany, 1890-1933. But the evolution of the publisher as distinct contrast to master figure in the bookseller and the printer still needs systematic to study. Historians have barely begun tap the of publishers, although are sources they the richest of all for the history of books. The archives of the at one Cotta Verlag in Marbach, for example, contain least hundred fifty thousand , yet they have only been skimmed for references to Goethe, Schiller, and other famous writers. Further investigation almost a certainly would turn up great deal of information about the book as a force in nineteenth century Germany. How did publishers draw up contracts with authors, build alliances with booksellers, negotiate with political authorities, and handle finances, supplies, shipments, and publicity? The answers to those questions would carry the history of books deep into the territory of social, to economic, and political history, their mutual benefit. at The Project for Historical Biobibliography Newcastle upon Tyne and the Institut de Litt?rature et de Techniques Artistiques de Masse at Bordeaux illustrate the directions that such interdisciplinary work has already taken. The to Bordeaux group has tried trace books through different distribution systems uncover in order to the literary experience of different groups in contemporary France.24 The researchers in Newcastle have studied the diffusion process were through quantitative analysis of subscription lists, which widely used in to the sales campaigns of British publishers from the early seventeenth the early on nineteenth centuries.25 Similar work could be done publishers' catalogues and prospectuses, which have been collected in research centers like the . The whole subject of book advertising needs investigation. One could learn a great deal about attitudes toward books and the context of use were their by studying the way they presented?the strategy of the appeal, the values invoked by the phrasing?in all kinds of publicity, from journal notices to wall posters. American historians have used advertisements to map the spread of the printed word into the back reaches of colonial society.26 By consulting the papers of publishers, they could make deeper inroads in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.27 Unfortunately, treat as save however, publishers usually their archives garbage. Although they a the occasional letter from famous author, they throw away account books and are most sources commercial correspondence, which usually the important of information for the book historian. The Center for the Book in the Library of now a to can Congress is compiling guide publishers' archives. If they be a on preserved and studied, they might provide different perspective the whole course of American history.

3. Printers. The printing shop is far better known than the other stages in a the production and diffusion of books, because it has been favorite as subject of study in the field of analytical bibliography, whose purpose, defined by R. B. McKerrow and Philip Gaskell, is "to elucidate the transmis sion of texts by explaining the processes of book production."28 Bibliographers to have made important contributions textual criticism, especially in Shake a spearean scholarship, by building inferences backward from the structure of to an as book to the process of its printing and hence original text, such the missing Shakespeare manuscripts. That line of reasoning has been undercut WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 77

even can never an recently by D. F. McKenzie.29 But if they reconstruct Ur can Shakespeare, bibliographers demonstrate the existence of different editions of a text and of different states of an edition, a necessary skill in diffusion to studies. Their techniques also make it possible decipher the records of so a printers and have opened up new, archival phase in the . Thanks to the work of McKenzie, Leon Voet, Raymond de Roover, and we now a Jacques Rychner, have clear picture of how printing shops operated throughout the handpress period (roughly 1500-1800).30 More work needs to be on new done later periods, and questions could be asked: How did printers costs calculate and organize production, especially after the spread of job printing and journalism? How did book budgets change after the introduction of machine-made paper in the first decade of the nineteenth century and Linotype in the 1880s? How did the technological changes affect the an management of labor? And what part did journeymen printers, unusually sector articulate and militant of the working class, in labor history? seem arcane to Analytical bibliography may the outsider, but it could make a to as as were great contribution social well literary history, especially if it with a of seasoned reading printers' manuals and , beginning with those of Thomas Platter, Thomas Gent, N. E. Restif de la Bretonne, Benjamin Franklin, and Charles Manby Smith.

4. Shippers. Little is known about the way books reached bookstores from printing shops. The wagon, the canal barge, the merchant vessel, the post office, and the railroad may have influenced the more one than would suspect. Although transport facilities probably had little effect on in centers the trade great publishing like and Paris, they sometimes determined the ebb and flow of business in remote areas. Before the nineteenth were century, books usually sent in sheets, so that the customer could have them bound to his taste and his to according ability pay. They traveled in large were bales wrapped in heavy paper, and easily damaged by rain and the friction of ropes. Compared with commodities like textiles, their intrinsic value was their costs were to slight, yet shipping high, owing the size and weight of the a sheets. So shipping often took up large proportion of a book's total cost and a in the of large place marketing strategy publishers. In many parts of Europe, not count on to printers could getting shipments booksellers in August and September, because wagoners abandoned their routes to work the harvests. The to a Baltic trade frequently ground halt after October, because ice closed the ports. Routes opened and shut everywhere in response to the pressures of war, even politics, and insurance rates. Unorthodox literature has traveled under ground in huge quantities from the sixteenth century to the present, so its varied to influence has according the effectiveness of the smuggling industry. And other like and genres, chapbooks penny dreadfuls, circulated through distribution which need much more special systems, study, although book are now to some historians beginning clear of the ground.31

5. Booksellers. Thanks to some classic studies?H. S. Bennett on early on modern England, L. C. Wroth colonial America, H.-J. Martin on on seventeenth century France, and Johann Goldfriedrich Germany?it is 78 ROBERT DARNTON

to a possible piece together general picture of the evolution of the book trade.32 But more work needs to be done on the bookseller as a cultural agent, the middleman who mediated between supply and demand at their key point of contact. We still do not know enough about the social and intellectual world of men tastes like Rigaud, about their values and and the way they fit into their communities. They also operated within commercial networks, which expanded and collapsed like alliances in the diplomatic world. What laws governed the rise and fall of trade empires in publishing? A comparison of some as national histories could reveal general tendencies, such the centripetal centers force of great like London, Paris, Frankfurt, and Leipzig, which drew provincial houses into their orbits, and the countervailing trend toward alignments between provincial dealers and suppliers in independent enclaves are like Li?ge, Bouillon, Neuch?tel, Geneva, and Avignon. But comparisons difficult, because the trade operated through different institutions in different countries, which generated different kinds of archives. The records of the et London Stationers' company, the Communaut? des libraires imprimeurs de a Paris, and the Leipzig and Frankfurt book fairs have had great deal to do with the different courses that book history has taken in England, France, and Germany.33 were as more Nevertheless, books sold commodities everywhere. A a new to unabashedly economic study of them would provide perspective the history of literature. James Barnes, John Tebbel, and Fr?d?ric Barbier have demonstrated the importance of the economic element in the book trades of more nineteenth century England, America, and France.34 But work could be done?on credit mechanisms, for example, and the techniques of negotiating bills of exchange, of defense against suspensions of payment, and of exchanging in printed sheets in lieu of payment specie. The book trade, like other was a businesses during the Renaissance and early modern periods, largely was confidence game, but we still do not know how it played.

a on 6. Readers. Despite considerable literature its psychology, phenom enology, textology, and sociology, reading remains mysterious. How on are do readers make sense of the signs the printed page? What the social effects ofthat experience? And how has it varied? Literary scholars likeWayne Booth, Stanley Fish, Wolfgang Iser, Walter Ong, and Jonathan Culler have a concern of made reading central textual criticism, because they understand a literature as an activity, the construal of meaning within system of communi cation, rather than a canon of texts.35 The book historian could make use of their notions of fictitious audiences, implicit readers, and interpretive communities. But he may find their observations somewhat time-bound. Although the critics on seven know their way around literary history (they are especially strong seem to assume texts on teenth century England), they that have always worked the sensibilities of readers in the same way. But a seventeenth century London a a burgher inhabited different mental universe from that of twentieth century over was American professor. Reading itself has changed time. It often done an we aloud and in groups, or in secret and with intensity may not be able to a imagine today. Carlo Ginsburg has shown how much meaning sixteenth a century miller could infuse into text, and Margaret Spufford has demonstrated WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 79

to over that still humbler workmen fought their way mastery the printed word from the ranks in the era of Areopagitica.36 Everywhere in early modern Europe, to from of Montaigne those of Menocchio, readers wrung significance books; not was a before the they did merely decipher them. Reading passion long "Lesewut" and the "Wertherfieber" of the romantic era; and there is Strum und and view of Drang in it yet, despite the vogue for speed-reading the mechanistic literature as the encoding and decoding of messages. But texts shape the response of readers, however active they may be. As and Walter Ong has observed, the opening pages of A Farewell to Arms create a frame and cast the reader in a role, which he cannot avoid no matter what he thinks of pilgrimages and civil wars.37 In fact, as as in texts typography well style and syntax determine the ways which convey meanings. McKenzie has shown that the bawdy, unruly Congreve of the early editions settled down into the decorous neoclassicist of the Works of 1709 as a consequence of rather than bowdlerization.38 to account texts The history of reading will have take of the ways that constrain readers as well as the ways that readers take liberties with texts. The tension between those tendencies has existed wherever men confronted books, and it some as in the had produced extraordinary results, Luther's reading of Psalms, Rousseau's reading of LeMisanthrope, and Kierkegaard's reading of the sacrifice of Isaac. to If it is possible recapture the great rereadings of the past, the inner us. we at experience of ordinary readers may always elude But should least be a able to reconstruct good deal of the social context of reading. The debate about some silent reading during the has produced impressive evidence about reading habits,39 and studies of reading societies inGermany, where they to an in proliferated extraordinary degree the eighteenth and nineteenth a centuries, have shown the importance of reading in the development of a distinct bourgeois cultural style.40 German scholars have also done great deal a in the history of libraries and in reception studies of all kinds.41 Following notion of Rolf Engelsing, they often maintain that reading habits became transformed at the end of the eighteenth century. Before this "Leserevolution," a readers tended to work laboriously through small number of texts, especially over the , over and again. Afterwards, they raced through all kinds of to material, seeking amusement rather than edification. The shift from intensive a extensive reading coincided with desacralization of the printed word. The to texts to world began be cluttered with reading matter, and began be treated as as commodities that could be discarded casually as yesterday's newspaper. This interpretation has recently been disputed by Reinhart Siegert, Martin Welke, and other younger scholars, who have discovered "intensive" reading in the reception of fugitive works like almanacs and newspapers, notably the Noth an und H?lfsb?chlein of Rudolph Zacharias Becker, extraordinary best seller of or a the Goethezeit.*2 But whether not the concept of reading revolution will hold to on up, it has helped align research reading with general questions of social same can on and cultural history.43 The be said of research ,44 which has made it possible for scholars to detect the vague outline of diverse reading two to trace to at publics and three centuries ago and books readers several levels more of society. The lower the level, the intense the study. Popular literature 80 ROBERT DARNTON

a a has been favorite topic of research during the last decade,45 despite growing to tendency question the notion that cheap booklets like the biblioth?que bleue an autonomous common or one can represented culture of the people that now distinguish clearly between strains of "elite" and "popular" culture. It seems to as a or inadequate view cultural change linear, trickle-down, as as movement of influences. Currents flowed up well down, merging and as blending they went. Characters like Gargantua, Cinderella, and Busc?n moved back and forth through oral traditions, chapbooks, and sophisticated as as even trace literature, changing in nationality well genre.46 One could the of stock figures in almanacs. What does Poor Richard's reincarnation as leBonhomme Richard reveal about literary culture inAmerica and can France? And what be learned about German-French relations by following the Lame Messenger (der hinkende Bote, le messager boiteux) through the traffic of almanacs across the Rhine? Questions about who reads what, in what conditions, at what time, and with what effect, link reading studies with sociology. The book historian could learn how to pursue such questions from the work of Douglas Waples, Bernard on Berelson, Paul Lazarsfeld, and Pierre Bourdieu. He could draw the reading research that flourished in the Graduate Library School of the University of to turns Chicago from 1930 1950, and that still up in the occasional Gallup as an report.47 And example of the sociological strain in historical writing, he could consult the studies of reading (and nonreading) in the English working two class during the last centuries by Richard Altick, Robert Webb, and onto Richard Hoggart.48 All this work opens the larger problem of how to men exposure the printed word affects the way think. Did the invention of no movable type transform man's mental universe? There may be single on so satisfactory answer to that question, because it bears many different as aspects of life in early modern Europe, has shown.49 But to at a meant to it should be possible arrive firmer understanding of what books use people. Their in the taking of oaths, the exchanging of gifts, the awarding of to prizes, and the bestowing of legacies would provide clues their significance within different societies. The iconography of books could indicate the weight sat of their authority, even for illiterate laborers who in church before pictures of the tablets of Moses. The place of books in folklore, and of folk motifs in books, shows that influences ran both ways when oral traditions came into to to contact with printed texts, and that books need be studied in relation other media.50 The lines of research could lead inmany directions, but they all should a issue ultimately in larger understanding of how printing has shaped man's attempts to make sense of the human condition.

One can easily lose sight of the larger dimensions of the enterprise, because book historians often stray into esoteric byways and unconnected can so even within of the specializations. Their work be fragmented, the limits on a seem to literature single country, that it may hopeless conceive of book as a to a across history single subject, be studied from comparative perspective not the whole range of historical disciplines. But books themselves do respect or limits, either linguistic national. They have often been written by authors to an who belonged international republic of letters, composed by printers who WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 81

did not work in their native tongue, sold by booksellers who operated across one national boundaries, and read in language by readers who spoke another. to a Books also refuse be contained within the confines of single discipline when nor treated as objects of study. Neither history literature nor economics nor nor can to a sociology bibliography do justice all the aspects of the life of book. must By its very nature, therefore, the history of books be international in scale not and interdisciplinary in method. But it need lack conceptual coherence, because books belong to circuits of communication that operate in consistent patterns, however complex they may be. By unearthing those circuits, can not recount historians show that books do merely history; they make it.

References to !For examples of this work, see, in addition the books named in the , Henri-Jean et ? au Martin, Livre, pouvoirs soci?t? Paris XVIIe si?cle (1598-1701) (Geneva: 1969), 2 volumes; Jean et ? au XVIIle Qu?niart, VImprimerie la librairie Rouen si?cle (Paris: 1969); Ren? Moulinas, U Impri et au merie, la librairie la presse ? Avignon XVIIIe si?cle (Grenoble: 1974); and Fr?d?ric Barbier, Trois cents ans et de librairie d'imprimerie: Berger-Levrault, 1676-1830 (Geneva: 1979), in the series "Histoire et civilisation du livre," which includes several monographs written along similar lines. Much of the work has as in the Revue du a French appeared articles fran?aise d'histoire livre. For survey of the field two most to see un by of the important contributors it, Roger Chartier and Daniel Roche, "Le livre, changement de perspective," Faire de l'histoire (Paris: 1974), 3, pp. 115-36, and Chartier and Roche, "L'Histoire Revue du livre 16 3-27. For quantitative du livre," fran?aise d'histoire (1977): sympathetic assessments two American fellow see by travelers, Robert Darnton, "Reading, Writing, and Publishing in Eighteenth-Century France: A Case Study in the ," Daedalus, a Winter 1971, pp. 214-56, and Raymond Birn, "Livre et soci?t? after ten years: formation of on discipline," Studies Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 151, (1976): 287-312. of see 2As examples these approaches, Theodore Besterman, Voltaire (New York: 1969), pp. 433-34; Daniel Mornet, "Les enseignements des biblioth?ques priv?es (1750-1780)," Revue d'histoire the now litt?raire de la France 77(1910): pp. 449-92; and bibliographical studies being prepared under the direction of the Voltaire which will the Foundation, replace outdated bibliography by Georges Bengesco. account on 3The following is based the ninety-nine letters in Rigaud's dossier in the papers of the Soci?t? de de la ville de Switzerland typographique Neuch?tel, Biblioth?que Neuch?tel, to as (henceforth referred STN), supplemented by other relevant material from the vast archives of the STN. to 4Rigaud STN, July 27, 1771. to 5The pattern of Rigaud's orders is evident from his letters the STN and the STN's "Livres de where it tabulated its orders. included of Commission," Rigaud catalogues his major holdings in his letters of June 29, 1774, and May 23, 1777. et la librairie en au 6Madeleine Ventre, L'Imprimerie Languedoc dernier si?cle de l'Ancien R?gime (Paris and The Hague: 1958), p. 227. 7B. Andr? to STN, August 22, 1784. ^Manuel de l'auteur et du libraire (Paris: 1777), p. 67. 9Jean-Fran?ois Favarger to STN, August 29, 1778. 10Theproc?s-verbal of the raids is in the Biblioth?que Nationale, Ms. fran?ais 2207'5, fo. 355. "Fontanel to STN, March 6, 1781. to 12STN Gosse and Pinet, booksellers of The Hague, April 19, 1770. to 13STN Voltaire, September 15, 1770. account is on with 14This based the STN's correspondence intermediaries all along its routes, and Galliard of and notably the shipping agents Nicole Nyon Secretan and De la Serve of Ouchy. to ,5Rigaud STN, August 28, 1771. 16Robert The A Darnton, Business of Enlightenment: Publishing History of the Encyclop?die 1775-1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: 1979), pp. 273-99. et en en 17Anonymous, "Etat description de la ville de Montpellier, fait 1768," inMontpellier 1768 et en 1836 d'apr?s deux manuscrits in?dits, edited by J. Berthel? (Montpellier: 1909), p. 55. This rich source contemporary description of Montpellier is the main of the above account. et au 18C. E. Labrousse, La crise de l'?conomie fran?aise ? lafin de l'Ancien R?gime d?but de la R?volution (Paris: 1944). et en 19Ventre, L'Imprimerie la librairie Languedoc; Fran?ois Furet, "La 'librairie' du royaume de au 18e Livre et and France si?cle," soci?t?, 1, pp. 3-32; Robert Estivals, La statistique bibliographique de 82 ROBERTDARNTON

sous au la France la monarchie XVIIIe si?cle (Paris and The Hague: 1965). The bibliographical work will be published under the auspices of the Voltaire Foundation. to 20John Lough, Writer and Public in France from theMiddle Ages the Present Day (Oxford: 1978), p. 303. 21 For surveys and selections of recent German research, see Helmuth Kiesel and Paul Munch, im Gesellschaft und Literatur 18. Jahrhundert. Voraussetzung und Entstehung des literarischen Marktes in Absolutismus und in Deutschland (Munich: 1977); Aufkl?rung, B?rgertum Deutschland, edited by zum Franklin Kopitzsch (Munich: 1976); and Herbert G. G?pfert, Vom Autor Leser (Munich: 1978). e 22Marino Berengo, Intellettuali librai nella Milano della Restaurazione (Turin: 1980). On the the French version of histoire du livre has a whole, however, received less enthusiastic reception in see e Italy than in Germany: Furio Diaz, "M?todo quantitativo storia delle idee," Rivista storica italiana 78 (1966): 932-47. 23A. S. Collins, Authorship in theDays ofJohnson (London: 1927) and The Profession of Letters (1780 1832) (London: 1928). For more recent work, see John Feather, "John Nourse and His Authors," Studies inBibliography 34 (1981): 205-26. et une 24Robert Escarpit, Le litt?raire le social. El?ments pour sociologie de la litt?rature (Paris: 1970). 25Peter John Wallis, The Social Index. A New Technique for Measuring Social Trends (Newcastle upon Tyne: 1978). now an on 26William Gilmore is completing extensive research project the diffusion of books in colonial New On the and economic of the colonial see " England. political aspects press, Stephen an The Botein, 'Meer Mechanics' and Open Press: Business and Political Strategies of Colonial 9 American Printers," Perspectives in American History (1975): 127-225; and The Press and the American Revolution, edited by and John B. Hench (Worcester, Massachusetts: 1980), which to on contain ample references work the early history of the book in America. a on see 27For general survey of work the later history of books in this country, Hellmut York: Lehmann-Haupt, The Book in America (New revised edition, 1952). to 28Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction Bibliography (New York and Oxford: 1972), preface. an of the Gaskell's work provides excellent general survey subject. on 29D. F. McKenzie, "Printers of the Mind: Some Notes Bibliographical Theories and Printing House Practices," Studies in Bibliography 22 (1969): 1-75. Press 2 3(,D. F. McKenzie, The Cambridge University 1696-1712 (Cambridge: 1966), volumes; 2 Leon Voet, The Golden (Amsterdam: 1969 and 1972), volumes; Raymond de Roover, "The Business Organization of the Plantin Press in the Setting of Sixteenth-Century Antwerp," De 24 and "A l'ombre des Lumi?res: sur la gulden passer (1956): 104-20; Jacques Rychner, coup d'oeil on main-d'oeuvre de quelques imprimeries du XVIIIe si?cle," Studies Voltaire and the Eighteenth a Century, 155 (1976): 1925-55 and "Running Printing House in Eighteenth-Century Switzerland: the Workshop of the Soci?t? typographique de Neuch?tel," The Library, sixth series, 1 (1979): 1-24. see commerce ? 3,For example, J.-P. Belin, Le des livres prohib?s Paris de 1750 ? 1789 (Paris: 1913); en France sous Jean-Jacques Darmon, Le colportage de librairie le second empire (Paris: 1972); and Reinhart an Siegert, Aufkl?rung und Volkslekt?re exemplarisch dargestellt Rudolph hachar?as Becker und seinem 'Noth zum am und H?lfsb?chlein' mit einer Bibliographie Gesamtthema (Frankfurt Main: 1978). to 32H. S. Bennett, English Books & Readers 1475 1557 (Cambridge: 1952) and English Books & Readers 1558-1603 (Cambridge: 1965); L. C. Wroth, The Colonial Printer (Portland: 1938); H.-J. et Martin, Livre, pouvoirs soci?t?; and Johann Goldfriedrich and Friedrich Kapp, Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels (Leipzig: 1886-1913), 4 volumes. 33Compare Cyprian Blagden, The Stationers' Company, A History, 1403-1959 (Cambridge: 1960); et Martin, Livre, pouvoirs soci?t?; and Rudolf Jentzsch, Der deutsch-lateinische B?chermarkt nach den von 1800 in Leipziger Ostermesskatalogen 1740, 1770 und seiner Gliederung und Wandlung (Leipzig: 1912). 34James Barnes, Free Trade in Books: A Study of the London Book Trade Since 1800 (Oxford: 1964); John Tebbel, A History of Book Publishing in the United States (New York: 1972-78), 3 volumes; and cents ans et Fr?d?ric Barbier, Trois de librairie d'imprimerie. 35See, for example, Wolfgang Iser, The Implied Reader. Patterns of Communication in Prose to from Bunyan Beckett (Baltimore: 1974); Stanley Fish, Self-Consuming Artifacts: The Experience of a Seventeenth-Century Literature (Berkeley and Los Angeles: 1972) and Is There Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities (Cambridge, Massachusetts: 1980); Walter Ong, "The Writer's a Audience Is Always Fiction," PMLA (Publication of theModern Language Association of America) 90 a on (1975): 9-21; and for sampling of other variations these themes, Susan R. Suleiman and Inge on Crosman, The Reader in the Text: Essays Audience and Interpretation (Princeton, New Jersey: Press 1980). a 36Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms. The of Sixteenth-Century Miller (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980); Margaret Spufford, "First steps in literacy: the reading and writing experiences of the humblest seventeenth-century spiritual autobiographers," , 407-35. a 37Ong, "The Writer's Audience Is Always Fiction." WHAT IS THE HISTORY OF BOOKS? 83

38D. F. McKenzie, "Typography and Meaning: The Case of William Congreve," Wolfenb?tteler zur Schriften Geschichte des Buchwesens, volume 4 (Hamburg: Dr. Ernst Hauswedell & Co., 1981), pp. 81-125. 39See Its on Paul Saenger, "Silent Reading: Impact Late Medieval Script and Society," forthcoming in Viator. und ^'See Lesegesellschaften b?rgerliche Emanzipation. Ein europ?ischer Vergleich, edited by Otto Dann C. H. which has a (Munich: Beck, 1981), thorough bibliography. 4,For of recent see und Private Bibliotheken im 17. 18. examples work, ?ffentliche und Jahrhundert: oder Rarit?tenkammern, Forschungsinstrumente Bildungsst?tten? edited by Paul Raabe (Bremen and of for recent come Wolfenb?ttel, 1977). Much the stimulus reception studies has from the theoretical work of Hans Robert am Jauss, notably Literaturgeschichte als Provokation (Frankfurt Main: 1970). 42Engelsing, Analphabetentum und Lekt?re. Zur Sozialgeschichte des Lesens in Deutschland zwischen und industrieller and als Leser. feudaler Gesellschaft (Stuttgart: 1973) Der B?rger Lesergeschichte in Deutschland 1500-1800 (Stuttgart: 1974); Reinhart Siegert, Aufkl?rung und Volkslekt?re; and Martin "Gemeinsame Lekt?re und Formen von Welke, fr?he Gruppenbildungen im 17. und 18. in m Jahrhundert: Zeitungslesen Deutschland," Lesegesellschaften und b?rgerliche Emanzipation, pp. 29 53. 43 an see As example of this alignment, Rudolf Schenda, Volk ohne Buch (Frankfurt am Main: and for of more recent Leser und Lesen im 1970), examples work, Achtzehntes Jahrhundert, edited by Rainer Gruenter and Lesen und (Heidelberg: 1977) Leben, edited by Herbert G. G?pfert (Frankfurt am Main: 1975). "See Furet et Fran?ois and Jacques Ozouf, Lire ?crire: l'alphab?tisation des Fran?ais de Calvin ? Jules Ferry (Paris: 1978); Lawrence Stone, "Literacy and in England, 1640-1900," Past and Present 42 David and the Social Order: ( 1969): 69-139; Cressy, Literacy Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart Kenneth A. in Colonial New England (Cambridge: 1980); Lockridge, Literacy England (New York: and 1974); Carlo Cipolla, Literacy and Development in the West (Harmondsworth: 1969). 45For a and a of this see Peter survey synthesis research, Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (New York: 1978). 46As an of the older view in which the serves as a to example biblioth?que bleue key the of see De aux understanding popular culture, , la culture populaire XVHe et XVIIIe si?cles. La bleue de For a more nuanced see Biblioth?que Troyes (Paris: 1964). and up-to-date view, Roger Chartier, Figures de la gueuserie (Paris: 1982). 47 Bernard What Does to Douglas Waples, Berelson, Franklyn Bradshaw, Reading People (Chicago: 1940); Bernard Berelson, The Library's Public (New York: 1949); Elihu Katz, "Communication Research and the of The of Two American Image Society: Convergence Traditions," Journal of 65 and in America Sociology (1960): 435-40; Reading 1978, edited by John Y. Cole and Carol S. Gold D.C.: For the see the (Washington, 1979). Gallup report, volume published by the American Book and A Habits Library Association, Reading Library Usage: Study of and Perceptions (Chicago: 1978). Much in this seems can older variety of sociology still valid, and it be studied in conjunction with the current work of Pierre see his La distinction. Bourdieu; especially Critique sociale du jugement (Paris: 1979). 48Richard D. The Common Reader: A the Altick, English Social History of Mass Reading Public 1800 1900 (Chicago: 1957); Robert K. Webb, The British Working Class Reader (London: 1955); and Richard Hoggart, The Uses of Literacy (Harmondsworth: 1960; 1st edition, 1957). 49Elisabeth L. The Press as an Eisenstein, Printing Agent of Change (Cambridge: 1979), 2 volumes. For a discussion of Eisenstein's see T. "The of thesis, , Importance Being 11 Michael Printed," Journal of Interdisciplinary History (1980): 265-86; Hunter, "The Impact of 28 and Print," (1979): 335-52; Roger Chartier, "L'Ancien R?gime typographique: sur R?flexions quelques travaux r?cents," Annales. Economies, soci?t?s, civilisations, 36 (1981): 191-209. 50Some of these themes are taken in Eric general up Havelock, Origins of Western Literacy in Traditional edited (Toronto: 1976); Literacy Societies, by Jack Goody (Cambridge: 1968); Jack The Domestication the Mind Goody, of Savage (Cambridge: 1977); Walter Ong, The Presence of theWord York: and Z. (New 1970); Natalie Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975).