ASSESSMENT and PROSPECTS the Great Lakes Region of Africa Comprises the Democratic Republic of Congo (Hereinafter the DRC), Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ASSESSMENT and PROSPECTS the Great Lakes Region of Africa Comprises the Democratic Republic of Congo (Hereinafter the DRC), Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda RESPONDING TO ALLEGATION OF GENOCIDE OF HUTUS IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION: ASSESSMENT AND PROSPECTS The Great Lakes region of Africa comprises the Democratic Republic of Congo (hereinafter the DRC), Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. For a long time, the Republic of Rwanda was ruled by Hutus whereas the majority of Tutsis lived in exile in the neighbouring countries. The later developed an armed opposition, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) which was based in Ugandai. In 1994, suspected to have organised the shooting of President Habyarimana’s plane, the Tutsis were subject of mass killings which has been proved before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to be genocide. The killings only stopped when the RPF defeated the Rwandan Army and came to power in Kigali. More than a million of Rwandan Hutu fled to the DRC (then Zaire). It was the beginning of a long period of political instability and humanitarian concern in the regionii. It has been reported that the RPF organised a ‘counter genocide’ and killed Hutus in retaliation of the genocide of Tutsisiii. Following the thematic of this conference, this paper will focus on the allegations of counter genocide (1), the missed opportunities of responding to the allegations of ‘counter genocide’ (2) and the prospects of responses thereto (3). 1. The allegations of ‘counter genocide’ The allegations of ‘counter genocide’ emerged from major UN documents including the Gersony report (1.1), the report of the UN General Secretary’s investigative team dated of 1998 (1.2) and the mapping exercise report documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the DRC between June 1993 and June 2003 (Hereinafter the Mapping Report,1.3). It is also important to see how the allegations of counter genocide impacts on the restoration of peace in Rwanda. 1.1. The Gersony Report One should note that the existence of this document is subject to a controversy. Hence it does not figure amongst the UN public documentsiv. Its existence is now beyond doubtv. In essence, Gersony was tasked with the identification of a strategy for the return of Rwandan refugees to their country after the collapse of the Habyarimana regime. He informed the UN on the causes of the massive fleeing of Hutus from Rwanda. As the RPF came into power, it organised systematic killings of Hutus in retaliation of the genocide of Tutsis. He suggested that the killings of Hutu could amount to genocidevi. 1.2. The UN Secretary General investigative team’s reportvii The team reported that when it reached the town of Mbandakaviii, the Rwandan Patriotic Army searched and killed Hutu refugeesix. The report suggested that if proved before a judicial body, those killings could be qualified as genocidex. It 2 suggested the extension of the temporal competence of the ICTR in order to investigate into the allegations of massacres of Hutusxi. The governments of the DRC and Rwanda denied the allegations of massacres of Hutus on the territory of the DRCxii. Instead of appointing a neutral judicial body, the UN urged the aforementioned countries to investigate the allegations of massacresxiii. As one could expect (given the fact that they denied the findings of the report), no investigation took place at the domestic level. 1.3. The mapping reportxiv The mapping report considered the allegations of counter genocide. It suggested that the mass atrocities perpetrated by Tutsis on Hutus on the territory of the DRC amount to the crime of genocidexv and recommended further investigation by a judicial bodyxvi . 1.4. Impact of the allegations of genocide on the restoration of peace in Rwanda The Republic of Rwanda has two major communities: the majority Hutu and the minority Tutsi. The Tutsi have been active on building the memorial of the Genocide. The most important tool in this memorisation effort is the film ‘Hotel Rwanda’ that has broadly circulated the horrible pictures of the genocide of Tutsisxvii . On their part, the Hutus have echoed (mainly on the internet) the UN documents and other testimonies suggesting a counter genocide and been advocating for the investigation of the counter genocidexviii . Both communities have been regarding themselves as ‘Génocidaires’ (this French word stand for perpetrator of genocide). This situation negatively impacts on the peace process in Rwanda. On may therefore infer that the current peace in Rwanda is only apparent and that there is a reel need for a long lasting peace which is seriously dependent of the clarification on the allegations of counter genocide. It is appropriate to review the missed opportunities in this regard before suggesting practical solutions. 2. Missed opportunities The United Nations has definitely missed the opportunities of discovering the truth about the allegations of ‘counter genocide’. Two major opportunities were missed including the investigation of alleged RPF crimes by the ICTR (2.1) and the extension of the ICTR’s temporal jurisdiction (2.2). 2.1. The investigation of allegations of RPF crimes by the ICTR It is reported that the intention of the ICTR Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte to investigate the allegations of crimes committed by the RPF in the limits of the temporal competence of the ICTR provoked a deadlock between the Rwandan government and the ICTR Prosecutor. After the failure of all negotiated solution, the ICTR Prosecutor referred the matter to the Security Council. The UN Security Council 3 reportedly thought that the prosecution of RPA officers would endanger the fragile peace process in the DRC and consequently it did nothing to persuade the government of Rwanda letting the ICTR investigate without hindrancesxix. This crisis is said to have caused the dismissal of the Prosecutor Carla Del Pontexx. The new prosecutor did not take any action towards the prosecution of RPA leaders. 2.2. The investigation of allegations of RPA crimes by an International Criminal tribunal The Security Council’s decision to rely on the Congolese and Rwandan governments for the investigation of the alleged massacres of the Hutus in the DRC is the second missed opportunity. The Security Council was aware of the unwillingness of the aforementioned governments to reveal the truth on the allegations and therefore it would have better appointed an international and independent body. One should not that there are still some possibilities in responding to the allegations of ‘counter genocide’ in order to expect the building of a long lasting peace in Rwanda and thereby in the Great Lakes regionxxi . 3. Prospects of responses to the allegations of counter genocide The development of the situation in the Great Lakes region offers three possible responses including the judicial option (3.1), the truth seeking (3.2) and the intervention of the Security Council (3.3). 3.1. The judicial option It is clear that in the context of mass atrocity the judicial option does only have limited capacities. This is, among other reasons, because it does only deal with ‘those who bear the greatest responsibility’ (giving the impression of double standard and arbitrariness) and generally it does not have a satisfactory response for victims in terms of reparation of the damages suffered. However, in the context of the Great Lakes region, investigating over the allegations of ‘counter genocide’ will definitely contribute to reduce the hatred caused by the impression of a double standard applied by the Security Council in favour of the Tutsi community. Therefore, it will be a considerable step towards the building of a lasting peace. In concreto, it is appropriate to recommend the upgrading of the ICTR to a regional criminal court namely the Regional Criminal Court for the Great Lakes which will be tasked with the investigation of serious international crimes committed in the region between 1 January 1994 and 30 June 2002xxii . 3.2. Truth seeking One should remember that since 1998, the Security Council has tasked the United Nations’ Secretary General with the preparation of an international conference on peace in the Great Lakes regionxxiii . This conference can be another occasion to focus on the allegations of ‘counter genocide’. It is possible to appoint a truth and reconciliation commission within the framework of this conference in order to appreciate the relevance of the allegations 4 of counter genocide and find out a way of reconciling the Hutus and Tutsis of Rwanda. Such a process may go beyond the sole Hutu-Tutsi question, consolidate the link between all the people of the Great Lakes and therefore prevent a future genocide which is likely to happen elsewhere in the region. For example, no matter the qualification adopted by the ICC, the killings in Ituri could seriously be considered as genocidexxiv . To that end the forthcoming conference should be as inclusive as possible. It should welcome the Hutus in their capacity of protagonist of the armed conflict in the region and give them the opportunity to express their concernsxxv . 3.3. Security council’s intervention The Security Council can intervene in two manners in the case under examination. Firstly, it can upgrade the current ICTR to a regional criminal court as mentioned previously. Such a regional court should be able, at least to determine the extent of the reparation for victims of the crimes investigated. Secondly, the Security Council can create a Compensation Commission modelled after the United Nations Compensation Commission established for the victims of Kuwait’s invasion by
Recommended publications
  • 88309 Rwanda Omslag
    Assessment of the Impact and Influence of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Rwanda – Lessons for Today Lessons from Following the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated a comprehensive evaluation of the international response. The findings were highly critical of nearly all the international actors. Ten years after the genocide the Ministry commissioned this assessment of the impact and influence of the evaluation. It concludes that the evaluation con- tributed to increased accountability among humanitarian organizations and that it had important influences on several major donor policies. But, despite a greater willingness by the international community to intervene militarily and to undertake more robust peacekeeping missions, these remain the exception rather than the rule where mass killings of civilians threaten or are even underway. The evaluation’s main conclusion – that “Humanitarian Action cannot substitute for political action” – remains just as December 2004 valid today as 10 years ago. Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today ISBN: 87-7667-141-0 Lessons from Rwanda – Lessons for Today Assessment of the Impact and Influence of Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda John Borton and John Eriksson December 2004 © Ministry of Foreign Affairs December 2004 Production: Evaluation Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Cover: Kiure F. Msangi Graphic production: Phoenix-Print A/S, Aarhus, Denmark ISBN (report): 87-7667-141-0 e-ISBN (report): 87-7667-142-9 ISSN: 1399-4972 This report can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Danish State Information Centre Phone + 45 7010 1881 http://danida.netboghandel.dk/ The report can also be downloaded through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ homepage www.um.dk or directly from the Evaluation Department’s homepage www.evaluation.dk Responsibility for the content and presentation of findings and recommendations rests with the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Guerrillas from the Mist: a Defense Attaché Watches the Rwandan Patriotic Front 1 Transform from Insurgent to Counter Insurgent Lieutenant Colonel Thomas P
    Small Wars Journal – Jul 2006 SWJ Maga1zine Volume 5 July 2006 SMALL WARS JOURNAL www.smallwarsjournal.com Guerrillas From the Mist: A Defense Attaché Watches the Rwandan Patriotic Front Transform from Insurgent to Counter Insurgent Lieutenant Colonel Thomas P. Odom USA (ret.) "If you as the head of the UNHCR and the so-called "purely civilian" camps at operation here in Goma do not address the Kibumba and Katale, some 30 and 65 issue of disarming of the ex-FAR [former kilometers to the north, were taking on an air Forces Armées Rwandaise] and militias in the camps, you will probably see an RPA [Rwandan Patriotic Army] brigade on that traffic circle DIAMONDS IN within the next year," I said, pointing at the THE ROUGH junction just outside the window. "There is another war coming if we do not disarm the SPREAD THE WORD!!! 1 camps and get the refugees home." 1) Great articles from our contributors in this edition. Thanks to them. Hope you get as much out of them as It was late fall 1994 and I had just we did. finished another scouting trip through the 2) The Small Wars Council, our discussion board at Rwandan refugee camps in the area outside www.smallwarsjournal.com. Tremendous level of 2 discussion. 300+ members with wide ranging Goma, Zaire. I did not like what I had seen: experience. And the community has been very civil, the ex-FAR area remained a uniformed camp welcoming, and responsive. Join in. with heavy weapons visible in various places 3) SWJ Daily Links – more far-reaching than the Early Bird for news of interest to Small Wars researchers and 1 practitioners.
    [Show full text]
  • Rwanda in the Congo
    6 RWANDA IN THE CONGO The Origins of the RPF and the 1994 Rwanda Genocide In the late 1950s and early 1960s, many among Rwanda’s minority Tutsis fled persecutors and settled in exile in Southern Uganda. For decades the idea of returning to Rwanda was kept alive in these refugee camps, not least among the second -generation refugees, and in the late 1980s a rebel movement - the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) - was formed with the declared aim of returning to Rwanda. As in many other exile communities all over the world, the mother country was embraced in mythical terms and believed to be the promised land, ’the land of milk and honey’.1 Meanwhile, the people from Rwanda, the Banyarwanda, had helped Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to power in 1986, but Museveni faced internal criticism because his power was based on what was considered to be foreigners. This brought the former refugees, who since 1986 had held high-ranking positions in the Ugandan government as well as in the army, in a precarious position, sinc e the Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana in the early 1990s flatly refused to allow the refugees back into his already overpopulated country. These political tensions nourished the idea of returning home and fundraising events were frequently organized in support of the RPF.2 With the help, knowledge, and equipment of the Ugandan army, an attack was staged on 1 October 1990, against Habyarimana’s government. Initially, the RPF suffered severe losses and most soldiers had to escape back into Uganda; others hid in the mountains in Northern Rwanda, where many froze to death or died of starvation.3 But after reorganizing and re-arming, the RPF managed to build up strength, and it eventually seized more and more of Northern Rwanda.
    [Show full text]
  • MSF Speaking out Rwandan Tutsi Genocide 1994 0.Pdf
    GENOCIDE OF RWANDAN TUTSI 1994 MSF SPEAKS OUT MSF Speaks Out In the same collection, “MSF Speaking Out”: - “Salvadoran refugee camps in Honduras 1988” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004] - “Rwandan refugee camps Zaire and Tanzania 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004] - “The violence of the new Rwandan regime 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004] - “Hunting and killings of Rwandan Refugee in Zaire-Congo 1996-1997” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [August 2004] - ‘’Famine and forced relocations in Ethiopia 1984-1986” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2005] - “Violence against Kosovar Albanians, NATO’s Intervention 1998-1999” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [September 2006] - “MSF and North Korea 1995-1998” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2008] - “War Crimes and Politics of Terror in Chechnya 1994-2004” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [June 2010] - “Somalia 1991-1993: Civil War, Famine Alert and UN “Humanitarian-Military” Intervention” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2013] Editorial Committee: Laurence Binet, Jean-Marc Biquet, Françoise Bouchet-Saulnier, Michiel Hofman, Fiona Terry, Rafa Vila San Juan - Director of Studies (project coor- dinator- research - interviews - editing - transcription - typing): Laurence Binet - Transcription of interviews: Françoise Courteville, Pascale Donati, Jonathan Hull, Mary Sexton - Typing: Marine Lepage - Translation into English: Leah Brumer, Kevin Halliwell, Carolyn Lopez-Serraf- Proof reading: Fiona Terry - Design/lay out: - Video research: Céline Zigo - Website designer and webmaster: Sean Brokenshire. Thanks to MSF Australia team for their support Thanks to Rony Brauman and Marc Le Pape for their advice Produced by the Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement MSF Australia is in charge of the design, running, update and promotion strategy of the website http://speakingout.msf.org 2 © Médecins Sans Frontières.
    [Show full text]
  • Mozambique: Rising from the Ashes
    Mozambique Rising from the Ashes Contents Foreword 3 The first states 4 Five centuries of exploitation 5 The long struggle for independence From independence to civil war 10 A nation in flames 12 The quest for peace 15 The challenge of demobilisation 17 Defence systems down 19 Landmines: a bitter harvest 20 Creating a nation 23 Rebuilding broken lives 26 The dwindling of vast lands 29 Assets of the earth and sea 33 Roads to prosperity 39 The economy: painful choices 42 At the end of the rivers 45 Education: hungry minds 49 Health: the jaded jewel 53 A mother's right 59 The challenge of democracy 61 Facts and figures 62 Further reading and sources 63 Oxfam in Mozambique 64 JENNY MATTHEWS/OXFAM Oxfam UK and Ireland Rachel Waterhouse This book converted to digital file in 2010 A map of Mozambique, showing places mentioned in this book Zambia 1)1 dinu Ocean South \e\ Africa ) International boundaries Swaziland Rivers 0 100 200km Roads | ' , =! Internal boundaries 0 100 200 miles Foreword I ozambican society, its history Nations peace-keeping forces have met and its culture have been with success. Following a Peace Accord in I forged in the fire of 1992, the UN mission ONUMOZ guided international politics. The flames were Mozambique's transition from violent kindled 500 years ago, when the first conflict to nominal peace and democracy. European adventurers arrived to trade in The peace process officially ended gold, ivory, and slaves. In modern times when the nation held its first ever multi- Mozambique smouldered through a party, democratic elections in October series of liberation struggles, fuelled by 1994.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Deals with a Wide Spectrum of Human Rights Concerns in the Country
    Copyright 8 July 1992 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Card No.: 92-73261 ISBN 1-56432-079-0 Cover design by Deborah Thomas. Africa Watch Africa Watch was established in May 1988 to monitor and promote observance of internationally recognized human rights in Africa. The chair of Africa Watch is William Carmichael. Alice Brown is the vice chair. Rakiya Omaar, is the executive director. Alex deWaal is associate director. Janet Fleischman and Karen Sorensen are research associates. Barbara Baker, Urmi Shah and Ben Penglase are associates. Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch is composed of Africa Watch, Americas Watch, Asia Watch, Helsinki Watch, Middle East Watch and the Fund for Free Expression. The executive committee is comprised of Robert L. Bernstein, chair; Adrian DeWind, vice chair; Roland Algrant, Lisa Anderson, Peter Bell, Alice Brown, William Carmichael, Dorothy Cullman, Irene Diamond, Jonathan Fanton, Jack Greenberg, Alice H. Henkin, Stephen Kass, Marina Kaufman, Jeri Laber, Aryeh Neier, Bruce Rabb, Harriet Rabb, Kenneth Roth, Orville Schell, Gary Sick and Robert Wedgeworth. The staff includes Aryeh Neier, executive director; Kenneth Roth, deputy director; Holly J. Burkhalter, Washington director; Ellen Lutz, California director; Susan Osnos, press director; Jemera Rone, counsel; Joanna Weschler, Prison Project director; Dorothy Q. Thomas, Women's Rights Project director; and Allyson Collins, research associate. Executive Directors Africa Watch
    [Show full text]
  • The Travesty of Human Rights Watch on Rwanda Richard Johnson March 19, 2013
    The Travesty of Human Rights Watch on Rwanda Richard Johnson March 19, 2013 Copyright © Richard Johnson 2013 Table of Contents I. Introduction 1 II. ‘Let the Genocidal Parties Back In’ 3 1. The RDR in 2010 2. The FDLR since 1994 8 3. The MDR in 2003 11 III. ‘Do Not Ban their Ideology’ 13 IV. ‘Don’t Hold More Than a Few Perpetrators Accountable, Forget Their Foreign Accomplices’ 16 1. Minimizing the relevance and scale of the genocide 2. Reducing the importance of post-genocide accountability 18 3. Don’t hold more than a few perpetrators accountable: condemning gacaca 20 4. Fighting transfers and extradition to Rwanda 23 5. Ignoring the impunity of fugitive genocide suspects 24 6. Forget about foreign accomplices: France, the Catholic Church 25 V. ‘Admit You Are No Better Than They’ 27 1. Accusations in a mirror and moral equivalency 2. Small brush strokes to damn the RPF 28 3. Embracing the Gersony Report, pressing the ICTR to try RPF leaders 29 4. Endorsing the Bruguière and Merelles indictments 30 5. Touting the UN Mapping Report 31 6. Holding Kagame responsible for any renewed genocide against the Rwandan Tutsi 33 VI. Conclusion 33 VII. Footnotes 36 I. Introduction What Human Rights Watch (HRW) does on Rwanda is not human rights advocacy. It is political advocacy which has become profoundly unscrupulous in both its means and its ends. HRW’s Board of Directors should hold Executive Director Kenneth Roth and the HRW personnel who cover Rwandan issues accountable for this travesty, which has dangerous implications for Western policy toward Rwanda and for the overall credibility of Western human rights advocacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Let's Be Friends the United States, Post- Genocide Rwanda, and Victor's Justice in Arusha
    DISCUSSION PAPER / 2013.01 ISSN 2033-7329 Let’s Be Friends The United States, Post- Genocide Rwanda, and Victor’s Justice in Arusha Luc Reydams Comments on this Discussion Paper are invited. Please contact the author at: [email protected] While the Discussion Papers are peer-reviewed, they do not constitute publication and do not limit publication elsewhere. Copyright remains with the authors. Instituut voor Ontwikkelingsbeleid en -Beheer Institute of Development Policy and Management Institut de Politique et de Gestion du Développement Instituto de Política y Gestión del Desarrollo Postal address: Visiting address: Prinsstraat 13 Lange Sint-Annastraat 7 B-2000 Antwerpen B-2000 Antwerpen Belgium Belgium Tel: +32 (0)3 265 57 70 Fax: +32 (0)3 265 57 71 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.ua.ac.be/iob DISCUSSION PAPER / 2013.01 Let’s Be Friends: The United States, Post-Genocide Rwanda, and Victor’s Justice in Arusha Luc Reydams* January 2013 * Professor of Law, Catholic University of Lublin (Poland) and Associate Professional Specialist, Department of Political Science, University of Notre Dame (USA). I started this paper as a scholar-in-residence at the Institute of Development Policy and Management of the University of Antwerp and finished it as a fellow at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences. I warmly thank both institutes for their hospitality and their financial and logistical support. For feedback on an earlier draft I wish to thank Filip Reyntjens, Victor Peskin, Alan Kuperman, Lieve Joris, Patience Kabamba, Rutger van der Hoeven, Emmanuel Kreike, Ginette Verstraete, and Marit Monteiro.
    [Show full text]
  • After Arusha: Gacaca Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda
    African Studies Quarterly Volume 8, Issue 1 Fall 2004 After Arusha: Gacaca Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda ALANA ERIN TIEMESSEN Abstract: The epicentre of post-genocide Rwandan society and politics has been the need for reconciliation to assuage ethnic tensions and end a culture of impunity. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) has yet to meet its goal of reconciliation in Rwanda: The failure of the tribunal goes beyond its institutional shortcomings and can be attributed the norms of international criminal law that render it an inappropriate response to criminalizing mass violence. The Gacaca courts were resurrected in Rwanda as an indigenous form of restorative justice. The principles and process of these courts hope to mitigate the failures of “Arusha Justice” at the tribunal and seeks to punish or reintegrate over one hundred thousands genocide suspects. Its restorative foundations require that suspects will be tried and judged by neighbours in their community. However, the revelation that Gacaca is a reconciliatory justice does not preclude its potential for inciting ethnic tension it if purports to serve as an instrument of Tutsi power. The state-imposed approach of command justice has politicised the identity of the participants in Gacaca -- perpetrators remain Hutus and victims and survivors remain Tutsis. Additionally, the refusal of the Kagame government to allow for the prosecution of RPF crimes to be tried in Gacaca courts empowers the notion that Tutsi survival is preconditioned by Tutsi power and impunity. If Gacaca fails to end the perceptions of impunity in post-genocide Rwanda, it will come at a much higher cost for reconciliation than the failure of the ICTR.
    [Show full text]
  • In the United States District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma
    IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF OKLAHOMA 1) MADAME HABYARIMANA; ) in her own capacity and on behalf of the estate of the ) deceased President of Rwanda, ) JUVÉNAL HABYARIMANA; ) CIV-10-437-W ) Case No. 2) MADAME NTARYAMIRA; ) in her own capacity and on behalf of the estate, of the ) deceased President of Burundi, ) CYPRIEN NTARYAMIRA; ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) VS. ) ) 1) GENERAL PAUL KAGAME; ) 2) JAMES KABAREBE; ) 3) FAUSTIN NYAMWASA KAYUMBA; ) 4) CHARLES KAYONGA; ) 5) JACKSON NKURUNZIA, a.k.a Jack Nziza; ) 6) SAMUEL KANYEMERA, a.k.a. Sam Kaka; ) 7) ROSE KABUYE ) 8) JACOB TUMWINE ) 9) FRANCK NZIZA ) 10) ERIC HAKIZIMANA ) ) Defendants. ) COMPLAINT WITH JURY DEMAND (WRONGFUL DEATH AND MURDER; CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY; VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS OF LIFE, LIBERTY, AND SECURITY; ASSAULT AND BATTERY; INTENTIONAL INFLICTION OF EMOTIONAL DISTRESS; VIOLATIONS OF THE RACKETEER INFLUENCED AND CORRUPT ORGANIZATIONS ACT; TORTURE; AND CONTINUING CONSPIRACY IN FURTHERANCE THEREOF) JURISDICTION 1. The Alien Tort Claims Act, 28 U.S.C. § 1350, provides federal jurisdiction for "any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States." This Court also has jurisdiction over Plaintiffs' claims under 28 U.S.C. § 1331 (federal question jurisdiction); 18 U.S.C. SEC 1332 and 18 U.S.C. § 1964(c) (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act). 2. Further, the U.S. Federal Extraterritorial Torture Statute, 18 U.S.C.A. § 2340A, provides federal jurisdiction over “whoever outside the United States commits or attempts to commit torture” or conspires to commit torture, if said person is a national of the United States or is present in the United States, irrespective of the nationality of the victim or alleged offender.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    MOZAMBIQUE COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Arthur T. Tienken 1952-1955 Junior Vice Consul, Lourenco Marques Smith Simpson 1954-1957 Consul General, Lourenco Marques Wade Matthews 1965-1967 Political Officer, Lourenco Marques Bilha Bryant 1967-1969 Spouse of FSO, Lourenco Marques Hendrick Van Oss 1971-1974 Consul General, Lourenco Marques Willard De Pree 1976-1980 Ambassador, Mozambique Chester Arthur Crocket 1981-1989 Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Washington, DC Melissa Foelsch Wells 1987-1991 Ambassador, Mozambique Dennis C. Jett 1993-1996 Ambassador, Mozambique Claudia Anyaso 1997-1999 Desk Officer: Anglophone West Africa, Washington, DC ARTHUR T. TIENKEN Junior Vice Consul Lourenco Marques (1952-1955) Ambassador Arthur T. Tienken entered the Foreign Service in 1949 after serving in the U.S. Army and graduating from Princeton University. His career included assignments in Zaire, Washington, DC, Zambia, Addis Ababa, and an ambassadorship to Gabon. Ambassador Tienken was interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy in 1989. TIENKEN: The short answer to your question is by accident. After we left Germany, we were assigned to Lourenco Marques at that time, now, Maputo. Q: Which is in Mozambique. TIENKEN: Mozambique. As a junior vice consul in charge of consular work. 1 Q: Just a regular assignment. TIENKEN: Just a regular assignment. While I was there, we had a visit from a gentleman named Fred Hadsel. Fred Hadsel was the core of a very small group in the Department at that time who were interested in and dealing with Africa. There was no Bureau of African Affairs then. But they could foresee down the road that there might be one.
    [Show full text]
  • CHRONOLOGY of EVENTS APRIL 1994-JANUARY 1996 the Violence of the New Rwandan Regime - 1994-1995
    CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS APRIL 1994-JANUARY 1996 The violence of the new rwandan regime - 1994-1995 The main purpose of this chronology is to help the reader by reconstructing MSF’s actions and public statements in regional and international news reports of the period. It is intended as a tool for this specific document, and not as an academic reference. 131 MSF Speaks Out International Rwanda MSF 1994 Beginning April 6 Genocide launched against Rwandan Tutsis; Rwandan Hutus opposed to the genocide also killed. May 1 Human Rights Watch publishes report on Rwandan genocide. One section addresses “abuses by the Rwandan Patriotic Front” (RPF). May 23 May Amnesty International publishes report MSF Belgium initiates program in on the genocide. One section addresses Byumba (RPF zone in northeastern “deliberate and arbitrary murders carried Rwanda) – team witnesses RPF exerting out by the RPF and its supporters.” heavy pressure on the population . June 3 MSF Belgium opens program in Nyamata (Bugesera). June 6 MSF Holland initiates program based in Kigali’s King Faisal hospital to treat prisoners. June 17 MSF France Press Conference: “You can’t stop genocide with doctors”. Press packet includes statements from Burundian refugees in Rwanda about abuses committed by RPF soldiers. June 18 France announces its intention to address the UN Security Council regarding a ‘targeted military intervention for humanitarian ends in Rwanda, codenamed ‘Operation Turquoise’, with or without the support of other countries. June 22 Security Council Resolution 929 authorizes “Operation Turquoise” on the basis of Chapter 7 of the U.N. Charter: “protection of civilian populations and humanitarian aid.” June 23-early July June 23-early July 1994 Under precarious conditions, RPF carries MSF asked to provide medical assistance out forced transfer of 50,000-100,000 during population transfer but RPF hinders residents of the Gitarama-Butare region activities – MSF Belgium communications to the Bugesera.
    [Show full text]