George Washington Edward G

Blackwell Companions to Blackwell Companions American History to American History

Ed A Companion to George Washington Edward G. Lengel Lengel

A Companion to ite Edward G. Lengel

Edward G. Lengel is Professor and Editor-in- d b Chief of the Papers of George Washington george washington George Washington is a national American icon. documentary editing project at the University y A towering historical figure – both in stature and of Virginia. His books include General George reputation – Washington has attracted generations Washington: A Military Life (2005), This Glorious of scholars while continuing to fascinate the Struggle: George Washington’s Revolutionary War modern public. Yet with so many scholarly and Letters (2008), Inventing George Washington: popular works available on Washington, could there possibly be anything new left to be said?

America’s Founder in Myth and Memory (2011), george washington and many others. Lengel is a columnist for The answer is an emphatic yes, with the ongoing Military History magazine and has appeared “These essays not only delve into Washington’s roles in the epochal events during the publication of some 135,000 documents, many in documentaries about Washington on The half century after the 1750s, but also cast light into every corner of this remarkable of them newly discovered, through the Papers of George Washington, a documentary editing project History Channel. man’s many-faceted life. This utterly indispensable volume contains more than thirty A Companion to thoughtful essays, each written by a distinguished historian. These scholars probe dedicated to the transcription and publication of Washington as a soldier and statesman, farmer, businessman, slaveowner, and family original documents. Utilizing this treasure trove man, his political and religious thought, and his final years in retirement. This book of new primary source material, A Companion should be a part of the library of every person who wishes to understand George to George Washington presents a series of original Washington and the crucial events of his time.” essays that shed important new light on the John Ferling, author of Setting the World Ablaze (2000) most enigmatic of the original founding fathers. and The Ascent of George Washington (2009) Featuring original research from several top scholars and popular historians, readings examine “We can never know enough about George Washington, and this collection of Edited by Edward G. Lengel almost every conceivable aspect of the great man’s scholarly essays makes use of the most recently published documents to move life, including Washington’s youth, family, and us closer to revealing the man rather than the monument.” education; his experiences in the French and Indian Joseph J. Ellis, author of His Excellency (2004) War; his views on slavery and the management of Mount Vernon; his military career, political career, A Companion to and retirement; and Washington’s enduring legacy for the United States. A Companion to George Washington offers modern readers and scholars george washington alike a wealth of fresh and fascinating new insights into America’s first founding father.

Jacket image: Portrait of George Washington, by Gilbert Stuart, oil on canvas, 1796. Photo © The Granger Collection / TopFoto. ISBN 978-1-4443-3103-5 Jacket design by Richard Boxall Design Associates LLengal_bindex.inddengal_bindex.indd 666262 22/18/2012/18/2012 2:48:522:48:52 AMAM A Companion to George Washington

fffirs.inddfirs.indd i 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:516:46:51 PMPM BLACKWELL COMPANIONS TO AMERICAN HISTORY This series provides essential and authoritative overviews of the scholarship that has shaped our present understanding of the American past. Edited by eminent historians, each volume tackles one of the major periods or themes of American history, with individual topics authored by key scholars who have spent considerable time in research on the questions and controversies that have sparked debate in their field of interest. The volumes are accessible for the non-specialist, while also engaging scholars seeking a reference to the historiography or future concerns.

Published: A Companion to the American Revolution A Companion to the Civil War and Reconstruction Edited by Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole Edited by Lacy K. Ford A Companion to 19th-Century America A Companion to American Technology Edited by William L. Barney Edited by Carroll Pursell A Companion to the American South A Companion to African-American History Edited by John B. Boles Edited by Alton Hornsby A Companion to American Indian History A Companion to American Immigration Edited by Philip J. Deloria and Neal Salisbury Edited by Reed Ueda A Companion to American Women’ s History A Companion to American Cultural History Edited by Nancy Hewitt Edited by Karen Halttunen A Companion to Post-1945 America A Companion to California History Edited by Jean-Christophe Agnew and Edited by William Deverell and David Igler Roy Rosenzweig A Companion to American Military History A Companion to the Vietnam War Edited by James Bradford Edited by Marilyn Young and Robert Buzzanco A Companion Los Angeles A Companion to Colonial America Edited by William Deverell and Greg Hise Edited by Daniel Vickers A Companion to American Environmental History A Companion to 20th-Century America Edited by Douglas Cazaux Sackman Edited by Stephen J. Whitfield A Companion to Benjamin Franklin A Companion to the American West Edited by David Waldstreicher Edited by William Deverell A Companion to American Foreign Relations Edited by Robert Schulzinger

In preparation: A Companion to American Urban History A Companion to the History of American Science Edited by David Quigley Edited by Mark Largent A Companion to American Legal History A Companion to Supreme Court History (2 volumes) Edited by Sally Hadden and Alfred L. Brophy Edited by John Vile A Companion to World War Two (2 volumes) A Companion to American Sports History Edited by Thomas Zeiler Edited by Steven Riess

PRESIDENTIAL COMPANIONS Published: A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson Edited by William Pederson Edited by Mitchell Lerner A Companion to Richard M. Nixon A Companion to Theodore Roosevelt Edited by Melvin Small Edited by Serge Ricard A Companion to Thomas Jefferson A Companion to George Washington Edited by Francis D. Cogliano Edited by Edward G. Lengel

In preparation: A Companion to Abraham Lincoln A Companion to James Madison and James Monroe Edited by Michael Green Edited by Stuart Leibiger A Companion to Harry S. Truman A Companion to John Adams and John Quincy Adams Edited by Daniel S. Margolies Edited by David Waldstreicher A Companion to Andrew Jackson A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents, 1837–61 Edited by Sean Patrick Adams Edited by Joel Silbey A Companion to Woodrow Wilson A Companion to the Reconstruction Presidents, 1865–81 Edited by Ross A. Kennedy Edited by Edward Frantz A Companion to Dwight D. Eisenhower A Companion to Gerald R. Ford & Jimmy Carter Edited by Chester J. Pach Edited by V. Scott Kaufman A Companion to Ronald Reagan A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Edited by Andrew L. Johns Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover Edited by Katherine A. S. Sibley

fffirs.inddfirs.indd iiii 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:526:46:52 PMPM A Companion to George Washington

Edited by Edward G. Lengel

A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication

Blackwell Publishing was acquired by John Wiley & Sons in February 2007. Blackwell’ s publishing program has been merged with Wiley ’ s global Scientific, Technical, and Medical business to form Wiley-Blackwell.

Registered Office John Wiley & Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK

Editorial Offices 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK

For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services, and for information about how to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our website at www.wiley.com/wiley-blackwell.

The right of Edward G. Lengel to be identified as the author of the editorial material in this work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.

Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books.

Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service marks, trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A companion to George Washington / edited by Edward G. Lengel. p. cm. – (Blackwell companions to American history) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4443-3103-5 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Washington, George, 1732–1799. 2. United States–History–Revolution, 1775–1783. 3. United States–History–1783–1815 4. Presidents–United States–Biography. 5. Generals–United States–Biography. I. Lengel, Edward G. E312.C68 2012 973.4′1092–dc23 [B] 2011046022 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Set in 11/13 pt Galliard by SPi Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India

1 2012

fffirs.inddfirs.indd iviv 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:526:46:52 PMPM Contents

List of Figures viii Notes on Contributors ix Introduction xvi

1. The Youth of George Washington 1 Jessica E. Brunelle 2. The Unlikely Success of a Provincial Surveyor: George Washington Finds Fame in the American Frontier, 1749–1754 15 Jason E. Farr 3. Treating American Indians as ‘Slaves’, ‘Dogs’, and Unwanted Allies: George Washington, Edward Braddock, and the Influence of Ethnocentrism and Diplomatic Pragmatism in Ohio Valley Military Relations, 1753–1755 32 John K. Rowland 4. A Provincial Goes to War: George Washington and the Virginia Regiment, August 1755–January 1759 53 Peter C. Luebke 5. Entrepreneur 70 Dennis J. Pogue 6. George Washington and His Family 86 Patricia Brady 7. Washington and Slavery 104 L. Scott Philyaw 8. “What Manner of Man I Am”: The Political Career of George Washington before the Revolution 121 Taylor Stoermer

fftoc.inddtoc.indd v 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:456:46:45 PMPM vi CONTENTS

9. George Washington and the Siege of Boston 137 Robert J. Allison 10. George Washington at New York: The Campaign of 1776 153 Barnet Schecter 11. The Crossing: The Trenton and Princeton Campaign of 1776–1777 173 Stuart Leibiger 12. George Washington and the Philadelphia Campaign 1777 190 Thomas J. McGuire 13. Washington at Valley Forge 209 Mary Stockwell 14. The Politics of Battle: Washington, the Army, and the Monmouth Campaign 226 Mark Edward Lender 15. “The most unlimited Confidence in his Wisdom & Judgement”: Washington as Commander in Chief in the First Years of the French Alliance 245 Benjamin L. Huggins 16. Washington, Rochambeau, and the Yorktown Campaign of 1781 266 Robert A. Selig 17. “High Time For Peace”: George Washington and the Close of the American Revolution 288 William M. Fowler, Jr . 18. George Washington’ s Navy 302 John B. Hattendorf 19. Washington’ s Irregulars 320 John W. Hall 20. George Washington Spymaster 344 John A. Nagy 21. Administrator in Chief 358 Cheryl R. Collins 22. George Washington: America’ s First Soldier 378 Thomas A. Rider II 23. Revolution and Peace 399 James M. Mac Donald 24. George Washington and the Constitution 413 Whit Ridgway 25. George Washington and Republican Government: The Political Thought of George Washington 430 Nicholas P. Cole

fftoc.inddtoc.indd vivi 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:456:46:45 PMPM CONTENTS vii

26. One Cause, One Purpose, One Nation: George Washington, the Whiskey Insurrection, and Executive Authority 447 Carol S. Ebel 27. Securing the Revolution: The American Economy and the Challenge of Independence 471 Dana John Stefanelli 28. George Washington and the Emergence of Party Politics in the New Nation 490 Rosemarie Zagarri 29. Foreign Policy in the Presidential Era 506 Jeffrey J. Malanson 30. George Washington in Retirement 524 Alexia Jones Helsley 31. George Washington’ s Mind 542 William M. Ferraro 32. Religion: George Washington, Anglican Gentleman 558 Mary V. Thompson 33. George Washington, Death and Mourning 576 Meredith Eliassen 34. The Washington Image in American Culture 592 Scott E. Casper

Bibliography 612 Index 640

fftoc.inddtoc.indd viivii 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:46:456:46:45 PMPM

List of Figures

10.1 The New York Campaign, 1776.154 24.1Howard Chandler Christy, Scene at the Signing of the Constitution of the United States (1940). Architect of the Capitol. 414 33.1Fabric and paper soft-sculpture figure of Washington, folk art Badge of Mourning . Ca. 1799–1800. (Private collection of Gerald E. Kahler. Photo by Karol Rice Photography, Bastrop, Texas). 582 33.2aMourning locket (front) decorated with Washington’ s tomb (Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia). 587 33.2bMourning locket (back) containing intertwined locks of hair from George and Martha Washington (Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library at the University of Virginia). 587 34.1Edward Savage, The Washington Family (engraving, 1798) became the most familiar representation of Washington at home, copied and adapted by engravers, lithographers, and amateur artists. Mount Vernon Ladies Association.594 34.2Claude Regnier after Junius Brutus Stearns, The Marriage of Washington to Martha Custis (lithograph, 1854). In four paintings, Stearns portrayed a series of scenes from Washington’ s life. Mount Vernon Ladies Association.598 34.3Jean Leon Gerome Ferris, Washington and His Family , 1798 (oil on canvas, early 20th century). Ferris typically depicted Washington in his family circle, frequently with a slave in livery and domestic animals nearby. Virginia Historical Society. 603

fflast.inddlast.indd viiiviii 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:497:21:49 PMPM Notes on Contributors

Robert J. Allison teaches at Suffolk Crucible (1993), The Presidential University and the Harvard Exten- Companions (2003), Printmaking in sion School. He lives in the shadow New Orleans (2006), Louisiana of Dorchester Heights, and as presi- Women (2009), and In Search of dent of the South Boston Histori- Julien Hudson (2011). cal Society, helps oversee annual commemorations of the Evacuation Jessica E. Brunelle recently served of Boston, March 17. He has written as the Social Media Coordinator at about the Boston Massacre and the Papers of George Washington Boston Tea Party, and his most Documentary Editing Project at recent book is The American the University of Virginia. She Revolution: A Concise History established the project ’ s digital (Oxford, 2011). presence through the creation and maintenance of Facebook, Patricia Brady , retired director of Twitter, and Wikipedia accounts. publications at the Historic New She has an undergraduate degree Orleans Collection and currently a from Wheaton College in Norton, research associate at Loyola University Massachusetts, and a Master ’ s New Orleans, is the author of Nelly Degree in American History from Custis Lewis ’s Housekeeping Book the University of Virginia. (1982), George Washington’ s Beautiful Nelly (1991), Martha Scott E. Casper is Foundation Washington: An American Life Professor of History at the (2005), and A Being So Gentle: The University of Nevada, Reno. He is Frontier Love Story of Rachel and the author of two books: Sarah Andrew Jackson (2011). She has con- Johnson ’ s Mount Vernon: The tributed chapters to Louisiana Women Forgotten History of an American Writers (1992), Cross, Crozier, and Shrine (2008); and Constructing

fflast.inddlast.indd ixix 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:507:21:50 PMPM x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

American Lives: Biography and the Papers of George Washington Culture in Nineteenth-Century Documentary Editing Project at America (1999). He has served as the University of Virginia. She has Acting Editor of The William and co-edited volume 16 of the Mary Quarterly and edits the annual Presidential Series and is a scholar of “Textbooks and Teaching” section the southern frontier, religion in of The Journal of American History . early America, and political culture of the United States during the Nicholas P. Cole is Departmental eighteenth century. Lecturer in American History at the University of Oxford and Meredith Eliassen is operations Harmsworth Junior Research Fel- manager for Special Collections at low in History at St Peter’ s College, the J. Paul Leonard Library at San Oxford. His doctorate focused on Francisco State University. She is the use made of the classics by the interested in how legislation has political thinkers of the founding influenced family life and shaped generation, and he is currently historic memory in the United working on a book examining the States. Most of Eliassen’ s work concept of executive power in the reflects event in the San Francisco antebellum period. He has been a Bay Area, but she is currently study- visiting Fellow at the International ing folk literature (fables and fairy Center for Jefferson Studies at tales) produced in the United State Monticello. between 1790 and 1820.

Cheryl R. Collins is a PhD Jason E. Farr writes about the Candidate in History at the University incorporation of western lands as a of Virginia, completing a dissertation fundamental aspect of securing on experiments in interstate coordi- American independence. He also nation during the American has a scholarly interest in the cul- Revolution. Her master’ s thesis at tural history of southern Appalachian the University of Utah explored fears frontier. Jason earned his B.A from of American disunion during the the University of Tennessee and has 1780 s and the reciprocal influence of studied or taught history at Western regional rivalry and emerging Carolina University, the College of concepts of federalism. She has given Charleston (SC), and the University presentations for numerous of Virginia, where he will complete conferences and public audiences, a Ph.D. in early American history and was the 2010–2011 Bruce Baky in 2012. Valley Forge Dissertation Fellow for military history at the McNeill Center William M. Ferraro is an Associate for Early American Studies. Professor and Associate Editor at the Papers of George Washington Carol S. Ebel is an Assistant Documentary Editing Project at Professor and Assistant Editor at the University of Virginia. He

fflast.inddlast.indd x 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:507:21:50 PMPM NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xi

has assisted with volume 19 of He is the author of Uncommon the Washington Papers in the Defense: Indian Allies in the Black Revolutionary War Series and will be Hawk War (2009) and a contribu- the editor of volume 21 in that tor to Between War and Peace: How series. In previous editorial posi- America Ends its Wars (2011). He is tions, he has contributed to volumes presently working on a military his- in the Salmon P. Chase Papers and tory of Indian removal. Dr. Hall is a the Papers of Ulysses S. Grant . graduate of the U.S. Military Academy and received his Ph.D. William M. Fowler, Jr ., the former from the University of North director of the Massachusetts Carolina-Chapel Hill. Historical Society, is Distinguished Professor of History at Northeastern John B. Hattendorf has served as University. He is the former editor the Ernest J. King Professor of of The New England Quarterly and Maritime History at the U.S. Naval the author of a number of books War College in Newport, Rhode relating to American history includ- Island, since 1984. An officer in the ing: William Ellery A Rhode Island U.S. Navy during the Vietnam War, Politico and Lord of Admiralty; he studied history at Kenyon Rebels Under Sail: The Navy in the College (A.B., 1964), Brown Revolution; The Baron of Beacon University (A.M., 1971), and the Hill: A Biography of John Hancock; University of Oxford (D.Phil., Jack Tars and Commodores: The 1979). He is the author or editor of American Navy 1783–1815; Silas more than forty volumes on mari- Talbot: Captain of Old Ironsides ; time history, including the Oxford Under Two Flags: The American Encyclopedia of Maritime History Navy in the Civil War; Samuel (2007). Adams: Puritan Radical and Empires at War: The French and Indian War Alexia Jones Helsley , a retired and the Struggle For North America, archivist, currently is an instructor 1754–1763 . He wrote the Intro- in history for the University of duction and Epilogue to Boston South Carolina Aiken. Helsley, a Looks Seaward and he is co-author graduate of Furman University and of America and The Sea: A Maritime the University of South Carolina, is History of America . His forth- the author of a number of books, coming book (2011) is American including Beaufort, SC: a History , Crisis: George Washington and the South Carolinians in the War for Dangerous Two Years After Yorktown, American Independence, South 1781–1783 . Carolina ’ s African American Confederate Pensioners , and the John W. Hall is the Ambrose- Hidden History of Greenville County, Hesseltine Assistant Professor of SC . Helsley is vice-chair of the Old U.S. Military History at the Exchange Commission, dedicated University of Wisconsin-Madison. to the preservation of the Old

fflast.inddlast.indd xixi 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM xii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Exchange building in Charleston, Temperance Biography (1984), One SC where citizens feted George State in Arms (1991), Middlesex Washington during his southern Water Company (1994), and This tour in 1791. Honorable Court (2006).

Benjamin L. Huggins is an Peter C. Luebke earned his BA in Assistant Professor and Assistant American History from the College Editor at the Papers of George of William & Mary and his MA in Washington Documentary Editing American History from the Project at the University of Virginia. University of Virginia. He edited He is currently editing Volume 22 Albion W. Tougée’ s regimental his- of the Revolutionary War Series of tory, The Story of a Thousand , for the Washington Papers. Kent State University Press’ s Civil War in the North series. He has also Stuart Leibiger , associate professor worked on both the Papers of George and chair of the History Department Washington and Encyclopedia Virginia . at La Salle University, published He currently lives in Richmond, Founding Friendship: George Virginia. Washington, James Madison and the Creation of the American Republic James M. Mac Donald is an in 1999. He has written numerous Assistant Professor of History at articles on the Founders for histori- Northwestern State University in cal magazines and journals, and has Natchitoches, Louisiana. He teaches been a historical consultant for tele- classes on the Colonial and vision documentaries and museums. Revolutionary Period, the Early An Organization of American Republic, and Slavery. Dr. Mac Historians Distinguished Lecturer, Donald is the author of “Theodore he is currently editing A Companion Roosevelt and the Heirs of Lincoln,” to James Madison and James Monroe . in Lincoln ’ s Enduring Legacy: Perspectives from Great Thinkers, Mark Edward Lender is Professor Great Leaders, and the American Emeritus and former Vice President Experiment , eds. Robert P. Watson, for Academic Affairs at Kean William D. Pederson, and Frank J. University. He has written widely on Williams (2011). early American social and military history, and is author or co-author Jeffrey J. Malanson is Assistant of eight books: “ A Respectable Professor of History at Indiana Army”: The Military Origins of University-Purdue University Fort America (1982, 2006), Drinking in Wayne. He has published articles on America (1982, 1987), Citizen Early American politics and foreign Soldier: The Revolutionary War policy in Diplomatic History and the Diary of Joseph Bloomfield (1982), New England Journal of History , all with James Kirby Martin. Other and his current research focuses titles include Dictionary of American on the popular and political uses

fflast.inddlast.indd xiixii 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xiii

and interpretations of George of the American Revolution (2007) Washington’ s Farewell Address in and Invisible Ink Spycraft of the the first half of the nineteenth American Revolution (2010). He century. He received his Ph.D. from has appeared on the History Boston College in 2010. Channel, C-SPAN, and the Penn sylvania Cable Network. Thomas J. McGuire is a teacher, historian, and author of six books: L. Scott Philyaw is Associate Stop the Revolution: America in Professor of History and director of the Summer of Independence and the Mountain Heritage Center at the Conference for Peace (Stackpole, Western Carolina University. He 2011); The Philadelphia Campaign , earned his M.A. from the College of Vols. I and II (Stackpole, 2006 William and Mary and his Ph.D. and 2007); Brandywine Trail from the University of North of History Guide (PHMC and Carolina, where he studied under Stackpole, 2003); Battle of Paoli Don Higginbotham. His publica- (Stackpole, 2000); and The Surprise tions include Virginia ’ s Western of Germantown (Cliveden of Visions: Cultural and Political the National Trust and Thomas Expansion on an Early American Publications, 1994). He also worked Frontier (2004), and “A Slave for with David McCullough as a Every Soldier: The Strange History researcher and proof-reader for of Virginia’ s Forgotten Recruitment John Adams and 1776 . A native of Act of 1 January 1781” in The the Philadelphia area, he served as Virginia Magazine of History and vice-president of the Paoli Battle- Biography . In 2003, he served as field Preservation Fund and is an Scholar in Residence at the Summer historical and educational consult- Institute of the Museum of Early ant for Valley Forge NHP, Cliveden Southern Decorative Arts at Old of the National Trust, Brandy- Salem. He is recipient of the UNC wine Battlefield Park, and Paoli Board of Governors’ Award for Battlefield. He has taught history at Excellence in Teaching, the Paul A. Malvern Preparatory School since Reid Distinguished Service Award, 1980. and a Mellon Fellowship from the Virginia Historical Society. John A. Nagy is a Scholar in Residence at Saint Francis Univer- Dennis J. Pogue is Vice President sity, Loretto, Pennsylvania and a for Preservation at George consultant for the William L. Washington’ s Mount Vernon Estate Clements Library of the University and Gardens , where he is in charge of Michigan. He is a founder and of all preservation related activities. President of the American Revolu- He has lectured widely and pub- tion Round Table of Philadelphia. lished extensively on various topics He is the author of two books: relating to historical archaeology, Rebellion in the Ranks Mutinies early American history, George

fflast.inddlast.indd xiiixiii 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM xiv NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Washington, and Mount Vernon. Forces with a certificate in national His articles have appeared in profes- military strategy and logistics. sional journals such as Historical Archaeology , Winterthur Portfolio , Barnet Schecter ’s books include Historic Alexandria Quarterly , and George Washington’ s America: A The Pennsylvania Magazine of Biography Through His Maps and History and Biography . The Battle for New York: The City at the Heart of the American Thomas A. Rider II is an active- Revolution . A contributing editor duty Lieutenant Colonel in the of the three-volume Encyclope- United States Army and combat dia of the American Revolution veteran of Operation Iraqi and Landmarks of the American Freedom. He is an assistant profes- Revolution , he is also a contributor sor in the Department of History, to the Encyclopedia of New York United States Military Academy at City . A fellow of the New York West Point where he teaches Academy of History, he leads tours courses in military history, colonial and military staff rides. He has American history, and has taught appeared nationally as a lecturer on the relationship between war and in a variety of television and technology. documentaries.

Whit Ridgway , who specializes in Robert A. Selig is an independent early American History, is an historian, writer and historical Associate Professor of History at the consultant who received his PhD University of Maryland – College in eighteenth-century history from Park. His publications include the Julius-Maximilians-Universität Community Leadership in Maryland, Würzburg (Germany). His special 1790–1840 (1979) and The Bill of interest focus on the contributions Rights: Our Written Legacy (1993), of French forces under the comte which he co-edited with Joseph de Rochambeau to the American Melusky . He is currently writing a victory in the War of Independence. book on the Alien and Sedition Acts As project historian to the U.S. and the politics of the 1790s. National Park Service for the Washington-Rochambeau Revolu- John K. Rowland is a retired tionary Route National Historic Associate Dean at the National Trail he has written multi-volume Military Intelligence College in historical and architectural resource Washington, DC. He received an inventories and site and road AB from the George Washington surveys for the nine states through University, MA from the College of which the trail runs. His most William and Mary, and PhD from recent book is Hussars in Lebanon! the Ohio State University, all in A Connecticut Town and Lauzun’ s history. He is also a graduate of the Legion during the American Industrial College of the Armed Revolution, 1780–1781 (2004).

fflast.inddlast.indd xivxiv 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xv

Dana John Stefanelli is a Ph.D. History from the University of Candidate at the University of Virginia and an M.A. in Colonial Virginia. His dissertation, “A American History from the Johns Capital City: Financing the Hopkins University. He has received Construction of Early Washington, fellowships and awards from Yale D.C.,” examines the partnership University, Brown University, formed between government and Harvard University, the Huntington individuals to build the Federal City. Library, and the International A native of Fort Lauderdale, Florida, Center for Jefferson Studies at Dana attended college at Florida Monticello. He is currently working State University. Prior to graduate on a book about the American school he worked as a tax and bank- Revolution as a clash of transatlantic ing policy analyst for former U.S. political cultures. Senator Bob Graham. Dana and his wife live in Arlington, Virginia. Mary V. Thompson is the Research Historian at George Washington ’ s Mary Stockwell is a Professor of Mount Vernon Estate and Gardens, History at Lourdes University where where she has been a staff member she teaches American History and since 1980. A graduate of Samford Constitutional Law. Her specialties University (BA in History, with a are America’ s Early National Period minor in Folklore), she received an and American Intellectual History. MA in history from the University She has authored several articles on of Virginia. She is the author of In the revolutionary period, most the Hands of a Good Providence: recently an essay on the relationship Religion in the Life of George of George Washington and Anthony Washington (2008). Wayne. Her last book, “Woodrow Wilson: The Last Romantic,” was Rosemarie Zagarri is Professor of published in 2008. Her next book, History at George Mason University “Many Trails of Tears: The Removal and is the author of Revolutionary of the Ohio Tribes,” will be pub- Backlash: Women and Politics in the lished in 2012 by Ohio University Early American Republic (2007), Press. A major biography of Anthony The Politics of Size: Representation in Wayne will be her next project. the United States, 1776–1850 (1987) and A Woman’ s Dilemma: Mercy Taylor Stoermer is the Senior Otis Warren and the American Historian of the Colonial Revolution (1995). She is also the Williamsburg Foundation and an editor of David Humphreys’ “Life of Invited Scholar at Brown University. General Washington” with George’ He earned a Ph.D. in Early American Washington’ s “Remarks ” (1991).

fflast.inddlast.indd xvxv 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM INTRODUCTION

Edward G. Lengel

James Thomas Flexner thought that there would be little left to learn about George Washington after the publication of the fourth volume of his biography of the Great Man in 1972. “I was confident that almost all papers directly of importance to the study of Washington had already come, one way or another, into my ken,” Flexner wrote in his autobiography. “It would take a discovery of blockbuster impact – it was hard to conceive where it could come from – that would do more than change details in a study like mine already grounded on so various an accumulation of evidence” (Flexner (1996) 405). Curious historians might as well move along, Flexner declared like a policeman at the scene of a crime. The action had ended; there was nothing left to see. Fortunately, few historians have taken Flexner at his word. Since the revival of interest in the Founding Fathers over the last quarter of the twentieth century – due in part to the popularity of Flexner ’ s biography – dozens of new books about Washington have appeared in print. Most recently, Ron Chernow’ s magisterial Washington: A Life (2010), along with works by distinguished historians such as Joseph J. Ellis, John Ferling and others have given the lie to the idea that there is nothing new to learn about George Washington. The relative value of the plethora of recent books about Washington greatly depends on the extent to which they make use of the modern edi- tion of The Papers of George Washington . This massive editorial project at the University of Virginia, which Flexner likened to a “brontosaurus snuf- fling at my tail,” has spent almost fifty years identifying, transcribing, anno- tating, and publishing every known letter to and from Washington. To date, the editors of the Washington Papers have amassed copies of some 140,000 documents from repositories all over the world – and dozens of new documents are uncovered every year. Washington letters, sometimes of

fflast.inddlast.indd xvixvi 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM INTRODUCTION xvii

great significance, do indeed still turn up in musty old scrapbooks and creaky attics. Few of these letters, to be sure, have shattered our understanding of Washington’ s personality or his deeds. More often, the most interesting discoveries incrementally adjust our perceptions. In 2001, for example, the editors of the Washington Papers discovered a previously unknown note from Martha to George Washington written on the day of the Battle of Brandywine, September 11, 1777. “My love,” Martha wrote, “the silver cup I mentioned to you in my letter by the last post – Wt 113 ouz.” (PGW, Revolution , 11:203). Normally, such a minor piece of correspondence would raise few eyebrows; and the identity of the “silver cup” is unknown. However, Martha ’ s destruction of all but a few pieces of her correspondence with George shortly before her death in 1802 makes this item extremely rare – and the fact that she addressed her husband as “my love” in a casual note offers unique insight into the intimacy of their relationship. One of the greatest obstacles to a keen understanding of any historical figure is the tendency to view him or her as frozen at a particular moment in time, or within a specific, narrow context. Thus, studies and biographies of Washington too often focus on him as young, middle-ahed, or old; or as a soldier, farmer, or politician. In truth, of course, Washington’ s life was a journey (if the somewhat trite phrase may be forgiven). Many qualities of his personality – most notably his temper and his ambition – changed pro- foundly over the course of his life; and Washington ’ s capacity for assessing himself dispassionately and learning from his mistakes eventually set him on the road to greatness. Tracing the evolution of Washington’ s personality is impossible without recourse to his papers, which he deemed “a species of Public property, sacred in my hands” (Lengel (2007) 253). Reading his correspondence from day to day, one gets a sense, for example, of his mind’ s vast capacity for detail. Like Napoleon, Washington understood that military (and political) success depended to a great degree on attention given to matters that others might deem insignificant. A careful perusal of Washington ’ s letters might also help to temper recent assertions that he was ruthlessly ambitious, a cold-hearted realist, or suspicious of the will of the people in a democratic form of government (see Henriques (2006); Ferling (2009); Chernow (2010)). In fact, Washington ’ s sense of “ambition” evolved significantly between the beginning of the French and Indian War in 1754 and the onset of the Revolutionary War in 1775; his “realism” warred endlessly with his essentially idealistic character; and his view of the possibilities and pitfalls of democratic government changed dramatically between his presidential inauguration in 1789 and his retirement in 1797. The essays in this volume assess Washington from almost every conceivable angle. They explore his family experiences; development of Mount Vernon; evolving concepts of slavery; early travails on the frontier; and growth as a

fflast.inddlast.indd xviixvii 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM xviii EDWARD G. LENGEL

politician. They also trace his development as a military commander, from his involvement in key battles and understandings of strategy and tactics to his skills as an administrator, spymaster, and practitioner of irregular warfare. Washington’ s involvement in the creation and establishment of the United States government inspire essays on his participation in the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and his conduct as President from 1789–1797. The concluding essays describe his intellectual development and religious beliefs, and reveal Washington’ s ongoing symbolic importance to the United States in the centuries following his death. A unifying element in these essays is their reliance on careful study of his papers and correspondence, including items as yet unpublished. In aggre- gate, they provide important new insights into Washington ’ s life and accomplishments, and his role in the creation of the United States. The authors of these essays do not, of course, agree in every particular; disagree- ment and debate is in the nature of historical inquiry. Even so, they point unerringly to one uncontrovertible fact: we still have much to learn about George Washington.

fflast.inddlast.indd xviiixviii 22/22/2012/22/2012 7:21:517:21:51 PMPM Chapter One

THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

Jessica E. Brunelle

In 1841 the celebrated novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne wittily remarked that George Washington “was born with his clothes on and his hair powdered, and made a stately bow on his first appearance in the world” (Wills (1994) 194). For many Americans in the 19th and early 20th centuries it was difficult to imagine that the revered Father of our nation had ever been a child, romping around in the Rappahannock River, practicing his penmanship in copybooks, and wooing girls. The severe lack of legitimate documentation of his youth did not aid this understanding. Tremendous gaps in surviving records have allowed eager hagio- graphical mythmakers like Mason Weems to fill in Washington’ s early life with didactic and entertaining stories that praise the great man he would become. Many of those stories – the most famous being young Washington chopping down the cherry tree – have permeated the American memory and become acknowledged as fact. This is all much to the chagrin of many 20th and 21st century Washington historians who have ignored Weems entirely and looked at a wide variety of sources and studies to cobble together a more complete and truthful picture of Washington’ s youth. The resulting image is a young man with a voracious sense of ambition who yearned to be free of life at the family farm and rise above his middling status. Young George Washington desired greatness and exploited circum- stances and connections to achieve it – though not even he could have dreamed the greatness he would attain. If we do not know much about the young George Washington, we know even less about his parents. His father, Augustine Washington, was born in 1694 to Lawrence Washington and Mildred Warner. In 1715 or 1716 he

001.indd1.indd 1 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM 2 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

married Jane Butler, who died unexpectedly on November 24, 1729 after bearing him three children: Lawrence, Augustine, Jr (or “Austin,” as he was known), and Jane. A year and a half later, in 1731, Augustine married Mary Ball, an orphan who brought middling property to the marriage. The value of Augustine ’ s land and investments put his growing family within the wealthiest 10% of Virginians, but they were in the second tier of the gentry, a level below the stately Lees, Byrds, and Fairfaxes. Augustine seems to have been an ambitious man, however, intent on moving up the socio-economic ladder. He served as a Justice of the Peace, sheriff, and church warden and sent Lawrence and Austin to the Appleby School in England to receive educations befitting gentlemen. He also acquired numerous properties throughout the region, including a plantation in Stafford County, 2,500 acres along the Potomac known as Little Hunting Creek, and a managing interest in an iron foundry built on his land. Mary Ball Washington, born in the winter of 1708–1709, was 23-years old when she married Augustine. After the deaths of both of her parents she had lived under the guardianship of George Eskridge, a highly-respected lawyer, landowner, and burgess. It appears that when she gave birth to her first child she chose to honor her guardian by naming her son after him. And so, on February 22, 1732 George Washington was born.1 At this time the Washingtons lived in Westmoreland County, Virginia at a farm known as Popes Creek. In 1735 Augustine relocated his growing family sixty miles northward to Little Hunting Creek and in 1738 they moved again, this time to a 260-acre plantation on the Rappahannock River across from the burgeoning town of Fredericksburg. By this time Mary had given birth to all six of her children: George, Elizabeth, Samuel, John Augustine, Charles, and Mildred, the latter dying soon after in 1740. The Washingtons lived comfortably at the new property, named Ferry Farm due to its proximity to the boat that took people across the Rappahannock. An inventory of their possessions lists curtained beds, silver spoons, napkins, tablecloths, and some 50 slaves, but the home ’ s primary value was its nearness to Fredericksburg, a growing town that offered tremendous investment opportunities for someone as ambitious as Augustine. Fredericksburg also gave young George his first glimpse of a real town and he likely took the ferry to explore all it had to offer. In 1738, Lawrence Washington returned from England and George met his half-brother for the first time. He was 20 or 21 (his exact date of birth is unknown), graceful and refined after years of thorough schooling. George was quite taken with his brother and admired and revered his pol- ish and worldliness. That reverence expanded in late 1740 when Lawrence was commissioned captain of a Virginia company being raised for the British army ’ s campaign in Cartagena. Britain was embroiled in a conflict with Spain – known as the War of Jenkins’ Ear – over trade in the Caribbean and launched this operation to obtain one of Spain ’ s principal ports. Though he

001.indd1.indd 2 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 3

did not actually participate in the battle, Lawrence sent home a detailed account of the fighting and made sure to emphasize that he had quickly learned to disregard the roar of the cannons. It is unclear whether Lawrence’ s adventure awakened a military spirit in the then nine-year old George, but it seems likely that his deep admiration for his brother would have inspired him to follow in his footsteps, wherever they led. In the spring of 1743 George was visiting his cousins in the Chotank district of the Potomac when he received word that his father was very ill. He returned home immediately, in time to see his father pass away on April 12. Augustine’ s death had a profound impact on George, though likely not due to any particular emotional closeness between the two. In the few years before his death, Augustine had been overseas, spending much time in England consulting with partners on his financial interests. Rather, Augustine’ s death directly affected George’ s education and created circum- stances that forced his childhood to come to a rapid end. Augustine ’ s hard work and investments allowed him to bequeath land to each of his six sons, but the bulk of the property went to the eldest. Lawrence received Little Hunting Creek, his father’ s interest in the foundry, town lots in Fredericksburg, and the largest share of slaves. By comparison, George received Ferry Farm – a property 1/5 the size of Little Hunting Creek and much less fertile – three lots in Fredericksburg, a half interest in an undeveloped tract in Stafford County (land so bad and unfertile that he never tried to develop it) and ten slaves. On its own, Ferry Farm would allow George to be a second-class planter, but not until he turned 21 and could inherit the property outright. For the time being all of George ’ s inheritance would remain under the control of his mother. And so would George. Even though Mary Washington’ s youth and property made her attractive to potential suitors, she never remarried. It is unclear why she did this, though one possibility is that she did not want to run the risk of a new husband distributing her family’ s property among his children and leaving hers without. Whatever her reasons, Mary’ s decision forced the 11-year old George, as the oldest male at Ferry Farm, to absorb the family burdens and assist his mother with the maintenance of the plantation. This new day-to-day duty, plus the family’ s newly diluted income, made it impossible for George to go overseas to receive a formal education like his eldest brothers had. Whatever education he would receive would be basic, disjointed, and sporadic. Historians and biographers have posited many different theories about the alternative and informal education young George received during this period. Some have stated that he was taught by one of Augustine’ s tenants, a man by the name of Mr. Hobby. Others have suggested that he attended Reverend James Marye ’ s school in Fredericksburg, but there is very little direct evidence to validate either of these statements. David Humphreys ’ Life of General Washington states that George was educated by a domestic tutor, but no further information is given (Zagarri (1991) 6). What is known

001.indd1.indd 3 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM 4 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

for sure is that from the ages of 10 to 13 George completed exercises in geometry and trigonometry, calculated money conversions and interest, and copied poems and legal forms. Over 200 pages of these exercises and documents have survived and they very clearly indicate that young Washington’ s education was focused on learning the basic financial and agricultural understandings of a planter (see PGW, Colonial , 1: 1–4). Noticeably absent from those surviving documents are lessons in philosophy, languages like Latin and French, and books of classical and English literature, all of which were the hallmarks of an 18th-century gentleman’ s liberal education. We do not know how the 10–13-year old George felt about not receiving instruction in these areas. We do know how he felt later, however. In 1785 he referred to his education as “defective” and refused to write his memoirs because he believed he did not have the talent (PGW, Confederation , 3:148–151). Later, he turned down all invitations to France because he did not want to speak through an inter- preter. He felt intellectually inferior when in the company of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, James Madison, and many of the other founders. Whereas his peers had studied the arts and humanities and gone to college, he had scratched out texts and solved practical geometry problems. He had to work exceptionally hard to master his native language, let alone a second one. But his own sense of academic inadequacy inspired him to desire the best for his family. In a letter to Jonathan Boucher about the education of his step-son, John Parke Custis, Washington lamented the fact that Custis was “unacquainted with several of their classical authors … ignorant of Greek … knows nothing of French…little or nothing acquainted with arithmetic and totally ignorant of the mathematics,” of which, “nothing can be more essentially necessary to any person possessed of a large landed estate” (PGW, Colonial , 8: 495). Whatever the type and amount of schooling Washington experienced, he received it at a time when he was living at home with his mother. Much has been written about Mary Ball Washington, ranging from adoring presentations of her as the ideal republican mother to ruthless critiques of her as an unrelenting shrew. 19th-century hagiographers intent on idoliz- ing the woman who raised the father of the nation, created the former interpretation, one that 20th-century historians took great pains to destroy. They, in contrast, promoted the latter image, one based on Washington’ s frustrated letters and references to Mary from the 1780 s. Historians have recently refuted that interpretation as well, declaring that while George and his mother’ s relationship may have been strained in the later years of her life, it is unfair to also assume that it had always been like that (see Warren (1999) 5795–5796). This is not to suggest, however, that Mary Washington in the 1740 s was a passive and subdued woman who did what she was told. Instead, she was a 34-year old widow with five children, in charge of a plantation and a

001.indd1.indd 4 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 5

few dozen slaves. To ensure that Ferry Farm ran in working order she had to be stern, determined, and exacting; and under her guidance, young George learned firsthand what it was like to give orders and see to it that they were followed. The farm reports that the Washingtons demanded from their overseers are incredibly detailed and suggest that the farm was run with great precision and discipline. But the similar management styles and personalities that allowed Ferry Farm to succeed likely created tension between Mary and her son. George was, after all, entering his adolescence and undoubtedly preferred to explore the countryside and visit his brothers than to stay home with his mother and younger siblings. Upon inheriting the Little Hunting Creek property Lawrence renamed it Mount Vernon in honor of his admiral from the Cartagena campaign. The house was exciting, fancy, and bustling and not stifling, rough, and overly disciplined like Ferry Farm. George became a frequent visitor at Mount Vernon and Lawrence regaled him with stories from his brief stint as a soldier, making him an infinitely more welcome housemate than Mary (of whom, one of his cousins claimed, he was more afraid than his own parents) (Conkling (1858) 22). George still harbored a tremendous amount of respect and admiration for his brother who reciprocated through taking an active interest in seeing George succeed. In September 1746 Lawrence informed George that he wanted him to apply for an open position of midshipman aboard a royal ship currently anchored at Alexandria. Much later in his life Washington acknowledged that he had had little desire to go to sea, but that at the time he recognized his brother’ s authority and influence and resolved to fulfill his wish (Zagarri (1991) 7). As he was only 14, however, the final decision rested with Mary. Initially, she did not veto the proposal, but Robert Jackson, a Fredericksburg friend and neighbor of the Washingtons, believed that she was just waiting for someone to give her a good reason to reject it. “I find that one word against [George’ s] going has more weight than ten for it,” he wrote to Lawrence (PGW, Colonial , 1:54). Mary finally appealed to her older brother Joseph, a successful merchant and lawyer living in London, and got exactly what she wanted to hear. In his response dated May 19, 1747, Joseph quipped that if George were to join the navy he might as well be apprenticed to a common tinsmith. As a colonial and not a Briton, Joseph continued, George would be used “like a negro, or rather, like a dog” and he very bluntly added that “as for any considerable preferment … there are always too many grasping for it here, and he has none” (Warren (1999) 5808). Joseph’ s response was exactly what Mary was looking for. She decided against George becoming a sailor and the subject was never mentioned again. A few years earlier, in July 1743, Lawrence married Ann Fairfax, the daughter of Colonel William Fairfax and niece of Thomas, Lord Fairfax. The union made Mount Vernon all the more attractive to young George

001.indd1.indd 5 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM 6 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

as it made him a welcome guest at the Fairfaxes ’ nearby estate, Belvoir. Located four miles downstream from Mount Vernon, Belvoir, with its stately brick facade, two floors, nine rooms, and outbuildings, was the pinnacle of life among the Virginia gentry. George spent a great deal of time at the estate over the next few years and witnessed firsthand the prestige and privilege of elite landowners. He was by no means poor, but he did not live on the same level as the Fairfaxes. With his second-tier upbringing and informal education, George did not quite fit into Belvoir ’ s elite image – but that did not deter or embarrass him. He was very much his father ’ s son and as he entered his adolescence began to demonstrate a prominent streak of ambition and drive that inspired him to hone his rugged and informally educated self into a refined and polished gentleman. One of the easiest changes George could make was to upgrade his appearance. In 1748 he drafted a diary entry entitled “Memorandum of What Clothes I Carry into Fairfax” and listed the necessary items for his upcoming visit to Belvoir. Shortly afterward he drafted another memo, this one giving very specific instructions about a new frock coat he wanted made. It was “not to have more than one fold in the Skirt and the top to be made just to turn in and three Button Holes” (PGW, Colonial , 1:46). George took steps to look the part, but he also needed to act it. At least five years earlier he had, as part of a writing exercise, copied out the “Rules … of Civility & Decent Behaviour in Company and Conversation,” a book of etiquette that origi- nated with French Jesuits in the sixteenth century. While it does not seem that he consciously sought to heed the rules when he first wrote them out, it is possible that he referred to them at this time. The rules outlined such crucial aspects to gentility as dress, posture, manner, and attitude. They spoke to a level of refinement that George had not experienced as a boy running around Ferry Farm, but that he would need if he wanted to continue visiting Belvoir. Polishing his manners and presenting a respectable figure was also significant to George as he began to take an interest in women. Sometime in 1749 or 1750 he wrote to his cousin Robin that while there was a “very agreeable Young Lady” at Belvoir, her presence “revives my former Passion for your Low Land Beauty.” It is unclear who this girl or what the nature of her relationship with George was, but it is certain is that she left a profound impact on him. In the same letter he wrote that the only way to end his heartache was “by burying that chast and troublesome Passion in the grave of oblivion or etarnall forgetfuless” (PGW, Colonial , 1: 41). Despite his heartache over the “Low Land Beauty,” (PGW, Colonial , 1:41) however, the “agreable” lady at Belvoir certainly intrigued George and he mentioned her in two further letters. It is likely that this young woman was Mary Cary, the sister of Sarah “Sally” Cary Fairfax (PGW, Colonial , 1:43). George probably first met the sisters in December 1748 before Sally’ s marriage to George William Fairfax, son of Colonel William Fairfax. Sally was a beautiful and vivacious 18-year old, just two years older than George.

001.indd1.indd 6 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:406:25:40 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 7

They exchanged a number of letters throughout the 1750 s that reveal that George was quite taken with her – much more so than her sister – but historians agree that despite Sally ’ s playful return of the flirtation, George probably never acted upon his feelings. The Fairfaxes offered George much more than the dream of wealth, prestige, and gentility, however. They offered patronage and connections and the means through which that dream could be achieved. Lawrence reaped the benefits of marrying into the family, gaining a seat in the House of Burgesses, accumulating much land, and becoming Adjutant General of the Virginia militia. He encouraged George to take advantage of the marriage as well. Colonel Fairfax saw great potential in him and even participated in Lawrence’ s plan to have George join the navy. William had served in the navy and with the infantry in Spain and like Lawrence, it is possible that he later inspired George to pursue a career in the military. At this time, though, the Colonel inspired George to become a prominent landowner. All he had to do was look at the Colonel, the five million acres he managed for his cousin, Thomas, Lord Fairfax, and the opulence of Belvoir to know that land was the means to great wealth and esteem. George took his first step on the road to distinction by becoming a surveyor. It was the most logical choice. Socially, surveying was a respectable profession for young potential landowners. Practically, it would allow him to make a good deal of money in a short amount of time and enable him to scout the best lands ahead of everyone else. In addition, his father’ s old tools were locked in a shed behind Ferry Farm, so he would not have to buy new instruments. Surveying was also a profession that suited his skills. Surviving documents suggest that he was meticulous and exacting, good at math, and had some level of instruction in the craft (see PGW, Colonial , 1:1–4; and Chase (1998) 163–169). He conducted at least three practice surveys at Mount Vernon, the most remarkable of which is strikingly laid atop a compass rose and completed two weeks after his sixteenth birthday. In early 1748 George began a brief apprenticeship with James Genn, the surveyor for Prince William County. Around this time George first introduced himself to the great Proprietor, Thomas, Lord Fairfax, who had crossed the Atlantic to view his land holdings. As the Proprietor was staying at Belvoir, George could not resist the opportunity to meet someone from the British peerage. Additionally, George had to have thought that a favora- ble impression on someone as invested in land speculation as the Proprietor could be advantageous to his burgeoning career as a surveyor. He was right. Shortly afterward, Thomas, Lord Fairfax, commissioned Genn to lead a surveying expedition to the South Branch of the Potomac. George William Fairfax, the dashing and well-educated son of Colonel Fairfax – and husband of Sally – would serve as the Proprietor’ s representative. At 23 he was seven years George’ s senior, but the two young men had struck up a friendship and George was invited along on the expedition.

001.indd1.indd 7 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM 8 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

George could not refuse the offer, which would provide him with surveying experience at the hands of the Fairfaxes, and take him farther from home than he had ever ventured before. It also offered the tall and rugged 16-year old the possibility of adventure on the frontier. George kept a diary during the journey, and early on related a story that empha- sized his inexperience with the outdoors. As he was preparing for bed one night he removed his clothes and climbed into his cot, only to find that it consisted of no more than straw and a threadbare blanket, covered in bugs and vermin. He jumped out of the bed and put his clothes back on, resolving to sleep in the “open Air” whenever a proper bed was unavailable. George ruefully acknowledged that he was not “so good a Woodsman as the rest of my Company” (PGW, Diaries , 1:9). One week later the expedition encountered a party of Indians returning from a battle. This was likely the largest group of Indians George had ever seen, and he subsequently wrote a lengthy description of the war dance they performed after sharing the surveyors ’ alcohol. Throughout the next three weeks George described crossing rivers on horseback, sleeping in a tent while rain and wind howled around him, dining without tablecloths or utensils, and having to improvise when provisions ran out. By April 9 he and George William Fairfax had left the expedition, and they returned to their respective homes on April 13 (PGW, Diaries , 1:13–23). It is unclear why they left, though it is possible that the novelty of living in the wilderness had worn off and they were both anxious to return to the bountiful food, clean beds, and roofs at Mount Vernon and Belvoir. In 1749 George assisted surveyors as they laid out the new city of “Belhaven,” later to be known as Alexandria. Lawrence was one of the city ’ s trustees and likely played a role in getting him the job. Similarly, that July, George was appointed the surveyor of Culpeper County. At 17 years old he was the youngest official surveyor in Virginia history and he had Colonel Fairfax to thank. As a member of the governor ’ s council, the colonel had likely recommended George for the position. As the county surveyor, George could work as he pleased and spent most of his time con- ducting surveys for the Fairfaxes who, along with Lawrence, had engaged in a new speculative endeavor called the “Ohio Company.” They had received a land grant of 500,000 acres from the king and hoped to return a profit by attracting settlers and building a fort and Indian trading post. The venture allowed George to return to the frontier, only this time as a fully qualified surveyor. The family’ s involvement in the Ohio Company also introduced George to the business of land investment and ownership, and in October 1750 he made his first significant land purchase: 1,500 acres on Bullskin Creek in the Shenandoah Valley. He also tried to sell two of the three Fredericksburg lots he had inherited from his father, but to no avail. George recognized and appreciated the impact the Fairfaxes had on his life and encouraged his siblings to get to know them, just as Lawrence had

001.indd1.indd 8 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 9

encouraged him. In 1755 he wrote to his younger brother, John Augustine, that he was pleased to hear that he had begun to visit Belvoir. He advised him to visit often, as the Fairfaxes had the power to be very helpful to “us young beginner ’ s” (PGW, Colonial , 1:289). “To that Family I am under many obligation < s > particularly to the old Gentleman,” George wrote (PGW, Colonial , 1:290). The gentleman was no doubt Colonel Fairfax. But George, so keenly aware of the importance of knowing powerful people, was not satisfied receiving the patronage of the Fairfaxes alone and actively expanded his circle of benefactors. On November 4, 1752 he entered the newly established Fredericksburg Masonic Lodge. He joined as one of five apprentices and within the year rose to the position of Master Mason. Much has been written about this affiliation, but it appears that he joined the fraternity for the connections and prestige it offered. The brotherhood provided an opportunity for the ambitious 20-year old to rub shoulders with the most prominent men in Fredericksburg, if not northern Virginia. In 1749, just as George was beginning to earn his own money and blossom into independent adulthood, Lawrence contracted tuberculosis. His illness was so severe that he had to relinquish his seat in the House of Burgesses, and George would have to dedicate a considerable amount of his time to caring for him. In the summer of 1750 the brothers visited the therapeutic springs in Berkeley, West Virginia and while the baths ultimately made no improvement on Lawrence ’ s condition, George was able to conduct a few surveys in the region and earn a little money on the side. Then, on September 28, 1751, in the midst of the fall surveying season, the brothers set sail for Barbados with the hope that the tropical air would solve Lawrence’ s cough. George kept a diary of the 37-day passage, making note of the winds, the ship ’ s course, and passing merchant vessels. He also wrote about the island, marveling at the foliage and fruit, noting what ships passed by, and commenting on the island’ s fort and drilling soldiers. He attended a production of “George Barnwell, a Tragedy,” very possibly his first experience with theater, and was entertained by the island’ s dignitaries – all the while Lawrence followed his island doctor’ s orders and stayed indoors. Two weeks after he arrived, however, George contracted smallpox and had to put his exploring aside for three weeks while he recovered. The disease would leave pockmarks on his nose but ultimately would have the overwhelmingly positive impact of making him immune. Smallpox would assail the Continental Army in 1775 and 1776 but would thankfully spare the Commander in Chief. His experience with the disease and subsequent immunity may have inspired his advocacy of the inoculation of all Continental troops – one of Washington ’ s most crucial and significant orders during the Revolutionary War. Leaving his brother to continue with his treatment, George set sail for Virginia on December 21, 1751. After an initial bout with seasickness he

001.indd1.indd 9 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM 10 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

dined with the captain on Christmas Day and made ground a month later on January 26, 1751. This would be the last ocean voyage he would ever take. Immediately upon his return he hired a horse and rode to Williamsburg to present himself to Governor Robert Dinwiddie. After the meeting George included Dinwiddie on his ever-growing list of benefactors, and the governor would prove to be a powerful advocate for George in the next few years. Upon his return home, George continued surveying and bought more land, pushing his holdings to over 2,000 acres. But he had to stop once again when he contracted pleurisy. The sickness also interrupted another one of George ’ s ventures: courtship. On May 20, 1752 he wrote to William Fauntleroy, explaining that as soon as he recovered his strength he would again wait on his daughter, “Miss Betcy,” in the hope that she would change her mind about his proposal (PGW, Colonial , 1:49). No response has ever been found and it is possible that, despite the patronage of the Fairfaxes and his ambition and drive, the Fauntleroys rebuffed George ’ s advances because he wasn’ t wealthy or prestigious enough. Lawrence died on July 26, 1752, and George’ s fortunes changed forever. He served as the executor of Lawrence ’ s estate and inherited three parcels of land in Fredericksburg. Lawrence left the 2,100-acre Mount Vernon property to his infant daughter, but stipulated that George would inherit it, along with his other Fairfax county properties, should she die without an heir and George outlive his widow, Ann. Within the next two years Ann remarried and her daughter died, allowing George to rent Mount Vernon until he could inherit it in full upon Ann’ s death in 1761. Land was not the only thing George looked to inherit. At the time of his death, Lawrence was serving as the Adjutant General for the Virginia militia. Despite his complete lack of military experience, George actively sought his brother’ s vacant position and as one historian has suggested, demon- strated a sense of entitlement and ambition that was “completely in the Fairfax tradition” (Flexner (1965–72:1–2). Furthermore, George may also have seen the position as a way to launch a career in the military and fulfill a lingering martial interest inspired through his interactions with Lawrence and Colonel Fairfax. Despite his lack of proper qualifications he was ultimately successful and received one of four new adjutancies carved out of Lawrence ’ s old position. But George remained unsatisfied. He had received the adjutancy of the southern district of Virginia, the least prestigious out of the four sections. He had his eye instead on the adjutancy of the Northern Neck and was so preoccupied with obtaining it that he likely did not fulfill any of his duties in the southern district. Rather, he spent his time appealing to his benefactors and pleading his case to the man who was the likely candidate to receive the Northern Neck adjutancy, William Fitzhugh. A veteran of Cartagena heralding from one of Virginia’ s most prominent families, Fitzhugh was a fitting choice for the appointment, but that did not deter young George from relentlessly pursuing it.

001.indd1.indd 1010 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 11

Fitzhugh had recently married Ann Frisby Rousby of Maryland and moved to her family ’ s estate in Calvert County, Maryland. This move cast doubt over whether or not he would receive the Northern Neck appointment, and George sought to position himself as the logical next choice should he not. Fitzhugh proposed that he accept the appointment on the promise that he would build and sometimes reside at a new home in Virginia, but in a letter to Governor Dinwiddie George suggested that the Governor err on the side of caution and instead appoint a current and reliable Virginia resident – himself. Rather than try to compensate for his inexperience, he displayed ambition and self-confidence that bordered on arrogance by promoting himself as the best candidate: “I am sensible my best endeavours will not be wanting, and doubt not, but by a constant application to fit myself for the Office, coud I presume Your Honour had not in view a more deserving Person I flatter myself I should meet with the approbation of the Gentlemen of the Council” (PGW, Colonial , 1: 50). Fitzhugh ultimately prevailed, but not for long. On February 12, 1753 George wrote to William Nelson, the president of the governor’ s council, applying once more for the adjutancy of the Northern Neck. Fitzhugh was out, though no documentation exists to suggest why or how (PGW, Colonial , 1: 55). George succeeded on his second try, and as the Adjutant of the Northern Neck became Major George Washington. His primary duty was to train the county militia officers who would then train their companies, but this meant that the inexperienced young officer had to learn drill first. That was only just the beginning, however. Whether he had sought the adjutancy out of a sense of entitlement or a genuine interest in military affairs, the timing of his appointment, on the eve of the French and Indian War, quickly thrust him headfirst into military tactics and strategy. Under the auspices of the Ohio Company, the British laid claim to the Ohio valley. Problematically, the French did as well. Tensions over the land had been simmering for years, but came to a head when the diplomats who crafted the treaty that ended the War of Austrian Succession were unable to create an agreement over territorial matters. The French reacted by sending forces south from Canada and building two forts near the mouth of Lake Erie. Fearing that the French would continue to move south and gain control over the Ohio River, the valuable land around it, and the lucrative fur trade, Governor Dinwiddie sought to intervene. As an investor in the Ohio Company he also had a very personal financial reason to ensure the land remained in British control. He thereafter lobbied London for permission to erect a series of forts in the Ohio country and received approval from the King in August 1753. The King’ s orders also required the governor to send an envoy to the French to deliver an ultimatum: leave or be driven off by force. Seeing an opportunity for honor and military advancement, the likes of which no Virginian of his generation had yet achieved, George set off for Williamsburg

001.indd1.indd 1111 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM 12 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

at once and volunteered to lead the expedition. Once again he applied for something that he was not qualified for. While it is true that he had some knowledge of the Ohio country from his surveying days, he had no diplomatic or political experience, had only been the Adjutant of the Northern Neck district for a few months, and, perhaps most importantly, had never been in battle. But that did not deter him. Years later he wrote to his brother that he volunteered because he did not think that anyone else would (PGW, Colonial , 1:351–353). Whether that was true or not, Dinwiddie and his council accepted George’ s offer and he set off for his journey the same day. What followed was an opportunity for young George to return once more to the wilderness, not as a surveyor but as a major in the Virginia militia. His interactions with Indians were no longer intrigued observations of a fascinated youth, but of diplomatic partnerships and negotiations. And the intelligence and reports he brought back to Dinwiddie and his council would soon send him back to the wilderness, a return that would set into motion the first major war on the American continent. From the little information that we have it appears that in many ways George Washington was a normal young man of the age. He rode around on horseback; confidently, but unsuccessfully, courted women; and played whist and loo with his siblings. But on the whole, he was not a typical young man. There was far more to him than that. By his 22nd birthday he owned over 4,000 acres of land, had served as a county surveyor, was employed as adjutant of the Northern Neck, and was quickly making a name for himself among the Virginia elite. He would not have achieved these things if he had not been positively affected by events beyond his control and been introduced to the Fairfax family, but these beneficial cir- cumstances were compounded and enhanced by his own desires for greatness. George harbored a tremendous sense of ambition and determination for personal social and economic advancement that truly set him apart from his peers. In the Fairfaxes he saw what he wanted to achieve and set out to attain it. By all accounts he surpassed even his own expectations. As a young man, however, George Washington was by no means perfect. To excel in his ambitious course of self-improvement, he demanded a great deal from himself. He was his biggest critic, but he was unable to handle criticism from others and developed a defensiveness that manifested itself in rudeness, arrogance, and ingratitude. By 22, he had worked too hard and was too close to reaching the levels of success and wealth he had desired for so long to see it all slip away at the hand of a negative report or missed pro- motion. So when his early military career was frustratingly plagued by failure and loss, he reacted instinctively to defend himself. In a 1755 letter to his brother Austin he angrily recounted the military fiascos he had encountered in the previous two years: “I then was appointed with trifling Pay to conduct an handfull of Men to the Ohio. What did I get by this? Why, after putting myself to a considerable expence in equipping and providing Necessarys

001.indd1.indd 1212 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM THE YOUTH OF GEORGE WASHINGTON 13

for the Campaigne – I went out, was soundly beaten, lost them all – came in, and had my Commission taken from me” (PGW, Colonial , 1:352). Throughout the French and Indian War he quibbled over pay and policy to ensure he received the compensation he believed he deserved; resigned his commission as colonel of the Virginia Regiment rather than take a reduction in rank, pay, and, in his mind, honor; repeatedly threatened to resign other commissions when he felt dishonored; and wrote self-exonerating letters that blamed everyone but himself for the British army’ s failures. He had counted Governor Dinwiddie as a friend and benefactor for some time and yet in 1756 and 1757 he disparaged Dinwiddie in letters to both his political enemy and political superior (see PGW, Colonial , 3:323–333, 4: 79–93). In 1758 he wrote a series of letters criticizing General John Forbes’ handling of the expedition that bears his name. When one of these letters fell into Forbes’ hands he wrote that George’ s behavior was a “shame” and “no ways like a Soldier” (Sayen (1999) 25). In both instances George must have believed that he would be rewarded by bringing the failures of other men to light and revealing how he would have done things differently to achieve better results.2 George ’ s behavior during this period is perhaps best described by what one historian termed his “juvenile bravado” (Chernow (2010) 41). He was a driven young man who had achieved a great deal in a short amount of time, and was clearly over-confident and cocky as a result. But he would not stay that way. While his youthful drive and ambition set him on the path to his future military command, prestige, and wealth, those traits faded once he achieved the goals he had set as a fascinated visitor to Belvoir, and the ambitious, slightly arrogant, and entitled George Washington of 1754 gave way to the fulfilled and venerable George Washington of 1774 and beyond.

NOTES 1. This date is in accordance with the Gregorian calendar, the dating method that replaced the Julian calendar in 1752. Under the Julian calendar (or “Old Style,” as it is commonly referred), George’ s birthday was February 11, 1731. 2. For an excellent in-depth discussion of Washington’ s less than admirable moments, see Sayen , William Guthrie (Winter 1999 ), “George Washington’ s ‘Unmannerly’ Behavior: The Clash between Civility and Honor", The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 107 : 5 – 36 .

LIST OF FURTHER READINGS Abbot , W. W. “An Uncommon Awareness of Self: The Papers of George Washington” Prologue: Quarterly of the National Archives, Spring 1989 . Bruggeman, Seth C. Here, George Washington Was Born: Memory, Material Culture, and the Public History of a National Monument . Athens : University of Georgia Press, 2008 .

001.indd1.indd 1313 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM 14 JESSICA E. BRUNELLE

Ellis , Joseph . His Excellency: George Washington. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004 . Henriques, Peter R. Realistic Visionary: A Portrait of George Washington . Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006 . Longmore , Paul K. The Invention of George Washington . Berkeley : University of California Press, 1988 . Neely , Sylvia . “Mason Locke Weems’ s Life of George Washington and the Myth of Braddock’ s Defeat.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 107 , no. 1 (Winter 1999 ). Sayen , William Guthrie . “ George Washington’ s ‘Unmannerly’ Behavior: The Clash between Civility and Honor.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 107 , no. 1 (Winter 1999 ).

001.indd1.indd 1414 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:416:25:41 PMPM Chapter Two

THE UNLIKELY SUCCESS OF A PROVINCIAL SURVEYOR: GEORGE WASHINGTON FINDS FAME IN THE AMERICAN FRONTIER, 1749–1754

Jason E. Farr

In a eulogy given on February 4, 1800, George Blake exalted George Washington’ s possession of “power without ambition, glory without arrogance, fame without infatuation” (Eulogies and Orations on the Life and Death of General George Washington , (1800), 103). People who had gained so much political or military power usually did not give it up voluntarily. As president of the new United States, Washington intentionally embodied the republican ideal of enlightened public service, especially when he left the presidency after only two terms. Despite his later renown as a statesman, however, most accounts of George Washington ’ s life begin with his military campaigns during the Seven Years War. But in a world of patronage and privilege, how could a middling-class provincial Virginian have become the larger-than-life historical figure we know today? Washington benefited from the patronage of leading land barons, but it was his youthful ambition as a surveyor, messenger, and quasi-diplomat in the American frontier that laid the foundation for his unlikely rise to power. Land was a source of wealth and power in British America as well as in the early republic. Major land barons like Richard Henderson in North Carolina and Kentucky; Henry Laurens in South Carolina; and Richard Henry Lee in Virginia gained political power during the colonial and revolutionary eras because of their vast land holdings. The practice of conflating land with power had a long tradition in the Americas, beginning with absentee land-lords like Lord Fairfax, who claimed vast tracts of land in western Virginia and the Ohio Valley, but resided in metropolitan England.

002.indd2.indd 1515 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:506:25:50 PMPM 16 JASON E. FARR

Opportunities therefore existed for provincial Americans to develop working relationships with the privileged classes by helping them manage land claims. It was in this context that George Washington, a young provincial Virginian without much inherited patronage, chose surveying as a career. Surveying was a respectable profession in colonial America, but for George Washington, it was the genesis of his unlikely rise to power. Washington’ s work as a surveyor gave him an extensive knowledge of western land and frontier culture, which made him the right man to forge Anglo-American colonization beyond the coastal and piedmont regions, and into the vast western frontier. The survival of Britain’ s North American colonies depended on controlling frontier territories. Years later, sustaining American independence in the form of a federal union would require the cooperation, and incorporation, of western territories. George Washington proved instrumental in both respects. An expansive western territory was one of the major differences between metropolitan Britain and its provincial American colonies. Frederick Jackson Turner’ s famous “frontier thesis” suggested that an obsession with an imagined line of western settlement shaped the course of early American history. Turner, and a generation of subsequent historians, understood the frontier as more than a geographic space. The psychological perils of settling an unknown wilderness had a profound influence on the development of a provincial American consciousness. Whereas Anglo- Americans may have feared the “otherness” of the west’ s indigenous people, they also mythologized the frontier as a providential entitlement, wherein they would spread the blessings of liberty and western civilization (Slotkin (1973) 18). Of course, the frontier also comprised a seemingly tangible physical space, even though historians still debate its actual location. Besides the perpetually changing boundaries constituting the frontier, scholars also disagree about semantics. Some speak of a frontier in the broadest sense, as in the outer edges of settlement, or even “civilized” society. Others refer to the area as backcountry, as in the back parts of a more specific colony or region. It is true that the location and factors constituting a “frontier” changed over time, but for British North America, a consistent distinction was the relative distance between so-called metropolitan centers and provincial peripheries. By the middle to late eighteenth century places in eastern North America developed many of the characteristics of metropolitan Britain, such as more sophisticated governing assemblies, concentrated wealth, education, and social hierarchy. As the colonies developed their own sort of metropolitan centers in places like Williamsburg, Charleston, Philadelphia, and Boston, the periph- ery was pushed further and further west. Considering the relative proximity of any place to these new provincial centers is perhaps the best way to identify the American frontier in any given context. In many ways, the

002.indd2.indd 1616 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:506:25:50 PMPM THE UNLIKELY SUCCESS OF A PROVINCIAL SURVEYOR 17

creation of new peripheries and their subsequent absorption by the metropole represents one of the grand narratives of early American history. Metropolitan absorption of the frontier changed more than the political and geographic landscape of early North America; this process also shaped the individuals engaged in settling the west. The prospect of land ownership enticed large numbers of settlers to cross the Atlantic – even as indentured servants – in hopes of one day holding clear title to their own land. At the same time, others invested or speculated in land in order to increase their existing wealth and power. Still, land claims were legitimate only to the extent of one’ s enforcement capacity. Ambiguous boundaries and conflicting claims were common, which rendered surveyors incredibly important to the success of a land speculator. The frontier therefore became a proving ground for emerging provincials like George Washington. Securing and settling the frontier demanded a rugged disposi- tion, as well as some diplomatic skill. Successfully reconciling the conflicting land claims among Native-Americans and confronting the French presence offered aspiring provincials an opportunity for social and political advancement. Perhaps no other American capitalized on this promise more than George Washington. The chartered and proprietary grants making up the colony of Virginia created a confusing network of overlapping and competing land claims. One particularly contested area included the nearly five million acres of land between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers, as well as the Shenandoah Valley and Appalachian frontier. This vast tract of land was part of the so-called Fairfax Grant, which was awarded to those loyal to the King during the English Civil War. Fairfax and his supporters set up their own land office, where they issued grants that were often at odds with those issued by the provincial land office in Williamsburg. In 1649, during the Cromwellian interlude, Charles II granted much of this same land between the Potomac and Rappahannock Rivers, or the entire Northern Neck, to Lord Culpeper, a loyal supporter who ultimately served as Virginia’ s governor from 1677 to 1683. Culpeper’ s grant allowed him to award smaller tracts to other supporters, making him an important figure in Virginia. Of course, assuring a clear legal title was nearly impossible, but the land claims still helped a fledgling monarch and prospecting provincials sustain some degree of loyalty from their subjects. While the English Civil War had complicated Virginia’ s already ambiguous land claims, the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 did little to help the situation. Hoping to clarify the confusion, Charles renewed Lord Culpeper’ s grant for twenty-one years, and in 1672 gave him authority to grant tracts and collect revenues from his land. One of Culpeper ’ s grants, made in 1674, awarded 5,000 acres to George Washington ’ s great-grandfather, John Washington. Culpeper was useful for metropolitan officials interested in maintaining order in the provinces, and many benefited from his land

002.indd2.indd 1717 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:506:25:50 PMPM 18 JASON E. FARR

grants. Still, other claimants never fully recognized his monopoly on land in the Northern Neck and Shenandoah Valley. Lord Culpeper ’ s daughter Catherine inherited her father’ s proprietor- ship following his death in 1689. She married Lord Thomas Fairfax soon after. Although the Culpeper and Fairfax families were on opposing sides of the English Civil War, by this time they had largely resolved their differences. While these absentee metropolitan landlords had reconciled, the same cannot be said of their relationship with some of Virginia ’ s provincial governing council. The Fairfax family’ s private land claims overlapped with lands claimed by members of the Virginia Council. Facing increased opposition, Lord Fairfax came to Virginia 1736 to defend his claims in the Northern Neck. In 1738 Lord Fairfax sent his cousin William, a customs collector in Massachusetts, to oversee the nearly five-million- acre proprietary. In hopes of settling the dispute, the Privy Council in London ordered each claimant to conduct surveys of the land in ques- tion. With the help of his surveyor, John Warner, Fairfax ultimately won this so-called “battle of the maps” in 1745. With legitimized claims to Virginia ’ s Northern Neck, the Fairfaxes became one of the colony ’ s wealthiest and most powerful families. Young George Washington’ s access to the Fairfax family estate was critical in his own rise to power (Fischer and Kelly (2000) 85–86). George Washington’ s family background did not presage his eventual prominence. Washington was born from his father Augustine Washington’ s second marriage to Mary Ball Washington. Augustine was a relatively prosperous tobacco planter and slave-owner but not necessarily part of Virginia’ s landed elite. Although the Washingtons were a respectable family, their social position would have been somewhere between “middling” and gentile. Considering his two older half-brothers from Augustine ’ s first marriage to Jane Butler as well as four full brothers and sisters, George had seemingly little prospect in a patriarchal society with a tradition of primogeniture. Augustine Washington’ s death in April 1743 would presumably have limited his youngest son’ s opportunities even further by leaving him without a strong paternal figure. Washington’ s early papers barely mention his father. Instead, his half- brother Lawrence seems to have occupied a fatherly role for the young George Washington. Lawrence Washington embodied many of the characteristics contributing to George Washington ’ s future success. Virginia Governor William Gooch gave Lawrence a commission as captain in a colonial regiment to fight in the West Indies during the War of Jenkins’ Ear in 1740. Lawrence witnessed fighting in the siege of Cartagena, as well as in campaigns in Cuba and Panama, and this military service helped Lawrence secure an appointment as Adjutant (commander) of Virginia’ s militia. For young George Washington, it appeared that military service was a way to gain honor and upward social mobility.

002.indd2.indd 1818 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:516:25:51 PMPM THE UNLIKELY SUCCESS OF A PROVINCIAL SURVEYOR 19

Lawrence provided his younger half-brother with access to the political and social world of Virginia’ s landed elite. In July 1743, just three months after their father’ s death, Lawrence married Anne Fairfax, daughter of William Fairfax of Belvoir, Va., and cousin of Lord Thomas Fairfax. After his father’ s death, George Washington lived with cousins at Augustine’ s boy- hood home at Chotank, in modern-day King George County, Virginia, but by 1748, he was spending most of his time with his half-brother Lawrence and the Fairfax family at their Belvoir estate along the Potomac River. Life at Belvoir offered George Washington access to the sort of patronage generally reserved for the wealthiest and most well connected families. Aspiring young provincials would never participate in genteel society without some sort of patron. Even if “middling” provincials like George Washington were granted access to the exclusive world of Virginia’ s landed elite, they still had to earn their place. Washington seized his opportunity and garnered respect from his work as a surveyor. Since land was a source of wealth and prestige, controlling one ’ s land claims was very important. Those with knowledge of America ’ s vast western frontier were useful to Virginia’ s landed elite, and it was through surveying that the powerful and influential Fairfax family embraced the young George Washington. Surveying was a respectable profession in colonial Virginia. In some cases surveyors were considered the social equals of lawyers, clergymen, or military officers (Hughes (1979)). Surveyors willing to endure the dangers and discomforts of frontier life were particularly well suited to earn financial and political fortune. Considering they had some control over the distribution of property, frontier surveyors were particularly influential (Chase (1998) 161). Although George Washington was not born into the Virginia gentry, surveying large tracts of western land for Fairfax positioned him among the colony’ s landed elite. Still, Washington would have to capitalize on his opportunity. Through surveying, Washington learned about Indian diplo- macy, land speculation, and the rugged self-reliance necessary to survive in the backcountry. These foundational skills helped George Washington ascend the ranks of provincial American. Sketches in George Washington’ s schoolbooks indicate that he was learning the basic surveying skills when he was just thirteen years old. These early notebooks contain at least ten hypothetical exercises to determine boundary lines, acreage, as well drawing and dividing tracts of land to scale (PGW, Colonial , 1:1–4). Washington’ s training grew more sophisticated over the years as he began learning from more technical books like William Leybourn ’ s The Compleat Surveyor and John Love ’ s Geodasia; or, The Art of Surveying and Measuring of Land Made Easie . Still, for the young Washington, these established textbooks offered only the basic skills necessary for a successful surveying career in the vast American frontier. Washington also gained valuable hands-on experience working with surveyors employed by the Fairfax family. Working alongside more experienced

002.indd2.indd 1919 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:516:25:51 PMPM 20 JASON E. FARR

surveyors helped Washington learn the nuances and techniques required in mapping America’ s frontier landscape. In the early spring of 1748, at the age of sixteen, Washington joined a team of surveyors that Lord Fairfax hired to map tracts of land along the South Branch of the Potomac River, in the western portion of his proprietary. During this expedition, Washington served as an apprentice under James Genn, the chief surveyor of Prince William County. Surveying in North America required a unique skill set and specialized knowledge of unfamiliar geography and people. Unlike the “four-pole chain” method described by John Love in Geodaesia , most colonial surveyors used a so-called “two-pole chain” or “traverse surveying” method, in which a tract ’ s boundary lines were followed while sighting lines from each corner and then measuring the length with a chain. A surveyor’ s chain was made up of iron links that were 7.92 inches long. A two-pole chain had fifty links, whereas a four-pole chain had one hundred links. Virginians favored the two-pole chain because it was easier to use in a wooded landscape. Washington purchased a two-foot Gunter scale-rule from a distant cousin in September 1747, suggesting he was well on his way to becoming a professional surveyor (Chase (1998) 164). A Gunter rule simplified the trigonometry required in marking the boundaries of a survey, and was an essential instrument for any serious surveyor. In March of 1748, George William Fairfax (son of William Fairfax) asked Washington to accompany him on a surveying expedition through Virginia’ s Northern Neck and Shenandoah Valley. Washington kept detailed notes about the surveys he conducted during this trip, as well as some general reflections about the landscape he encountered. This record, titled, A Journal of my Journey over the Mountains , offers the best glimpse into this formative period early in Washington ’ s life; including some rather candid admissions of an aspiring young provincial trying to find his place among the landed elite in the burgeoning British Empire (Fitzpatrick (1975) 34–35; PGW, Diaries , 1:6–23). Washington’ s relative youth and his gentile aspirations were not particularly suited for the rugged conditions of the frontier. One of his earliest observations described those living in the west as an “uncooth… parcel of Barbarians” (PGW, Colonial , 1:44). He also recognized his relative unpreparedness for frontier conditions, suggesting he was “not as good a woodsman as the rest of my company” (PGW, Diaries , 1:9) In another instance, Washington expressed his frustration about having to sleep in what he complained was “nothing but a little straw matted together without sheets or anything else” (PGW, Diaries , 1:10). Yet despite his own self-doubt, as well as the legitimate challenges of frontier life, Washington distinguished himself as a surveyor of western land. Becoming a professional surveyor forced Washington to endure the Hobbesian world of the American frontier, but also marked a transition

002.indd2.indd 2020 22/22/2012/22/2012 6:25:516:25:51 PMPM