II Anthropology and psychiatry: the contemporary convergence

janis H. jenkins

EDITORS' INTRODUCTION Introduction ! Anthropology and psychiatry as disciplines appear to The convergence of anthropology and psychiatry is' have a considerable amount of common ground. Both one of the most productive zones of intellectual' are interested in human beings, the societies within activity in the history of ideas, bringing two disci-. which they live and their behaviours. A key starting plines to bear on a set of questions fundamental' difference between the two is anthropology's interest in to the definition of human being. The notion of ai., relativism, whereas psychiatry has been interested in uni­ comparative psychiatry dates back at least as far., versalism. Also, both anthropology and psychiatry have as Kraepelin. Psychiatrists since Freud have become 1 a long history of common interest in phenomenology fascinated with the experiential diversity of ethno·l and the qualitative dimensions of human experience, graphic data, and anthropologists such as Benedict j as well as a broader comparative and epidemiological 1 approach. and Devereux, struggling with the slippery boundary: jenkins illustrates the common ground by emphasizing between normal and abnormal, have had repeated '. that both disciplines contribute to the philosophical quest­ recourse to the data of psychiatry. Anthropologists~ ions of meaning and experience raised by cultural diversity such as Levi-Strauss and psychiatrists such as Frank1 in mental illness and healing. Both disciplines also contri­ have invoked an analogy between indigenous; bute to the practical problems of identifying and treating ritual healing and psychotherapy in their attempts~,, distress of patients from diverse ethnic and religious groups. to understand the efficacy of both genres of treat· J Psychiatry focuses on individual biography and pathology, ment. Both anthropologists and psychiatrists have : thereby giving it a unique relevance and transformation. struggled with the question of relativity in defining · Patient narratives thus become ofgreat interest to clinicians forms of psychopathology, in a debate ranging from ; and anthropologists. Development of specializations such as medical or clinical anthropology puts medicine in gen­ the demonstration that there are universal core · eral and psychiatry in particular under a magnifying glass. symptoms of some disorders to the identification Using Jungian psychology as an exemplar could lead to a of culture-bound syndromes that exist only under clearer identification of convergence between the two disci­ certain human conditions. Active collaborations have plines. The nexus between anthropology of emotion and been undertaken periodically since at least the the study of psychopathology identified in her own work time of Sullivan and Sapir. Although the expertise of. by Jenkins looks at normality and abnormality, feeling the two disciplines is divergent, both contribute to and emotion, variability of course and outcome, among the philosophical questions of meaning and experi­ others. She ends the chapter on an optimistic note, high­ ence raised by cultural diversity in mental illness lighting the fact that the convergence between these two and healing. Likewise, both contribute to the practi· disciplines remains a very fertile ground for generating cal problems of how best to treat the distress ideas and issues with the potential to stimulate both disciplines. of patients from diverse ethnic and religious groups,

Textbook of Cultural Psychiatry, Dinesh Bhugra and Kamaldeep Bhui (eds.). Published by Cambridge University Press ( Cambridge University Press 2007. Anthropology and psychiatry: the contemporary convergence 21

and how to conceive psychiatric disorder in succes­ that insanity was rare among primitive peoples and sive revisions of the DSM nosology. increased along with civilization and its increas­ My strategy in this chapter does not focus on ing levels of cognitive organization, demands for discriminating the contributions of the two fields, mental production, and occasions for mental excit­ but on outlining a series of topics common to their ation. This apparent observation was eventually contemporary mutual interest in the relation interpreted in racist neurobiological terms such between culture and mental illness/healing. In that the natives' brains were said to be more simple doing so I organize the material in such a way as and crude than those of civilized peoples. to call attention to conceptual contrasts that tran­ Bains (2005) examines the more recent history scend or lie outside the disciplinary distinction of transcultural psychiatry, pointing out that its between anthropology and psychiatry. How, for identity as a distinctive discipline dates from after example, is it different to examine the cultural fac­ World War II. A powerful voice from this postwar tors affecting the use of psychopharmaceuticals period was Ernest Becker (1962, 2005), whose con­ and those affecting the use of alcohol and social cern with meaning resonates more than 40 years drugs? What is the consequence of adopting the later. The 1970s and 1980s saw a rapid development different perspectives implied by the study of psy­ and reformulation, in the midst of which a 'new chiatric treatment and psychiatric services? What cross-cultural psychiatry' emerged from a synthesis the difference in views of human variability that of interpretive approaches from anthropology and out the existence of culture-bound syndromes an increasingly sophisticated academic psychiatry those that recognize cultural variations in psy­ (Martins, 1969; Wittkower and Wintrob, 1969; disorders defined essentially in Western Wittkower and Dubrenil, 1970; Galdston, 1971; Kiev, terms? How much in common is there among 1972; Kennedy, 1974; Cox, 1977; Padilla and Padilla, .··· the perspectives of psychiatric anthropology, 1977; Miller, 1977; Estroff, 1978; Kleinman, 1977, (trans) cultural psychiatry, and ethnopsychiatry? Is 1980; Murphy, 1983, 1984). there a significant difference beyond that of magni­ Summarizing the decade of work since Kleinman's tude of trauma in the mental health of immigrants (1977) watershed definition of the revitalized inter­ that of refugees? disciplinary field, Littlewood (1990) contrasted the new cross-cultural psychiatry's anthropological emphasis on psychiatric epistemology and clinical practice to assess the universality of psychopath­ ology with the old cross-cultural psychiatry's rela­ variety of statements both synthetic and program­ tive emphasis on examining the applicability of have defined the convergence between psychoanalytic concepts to non-Western societies . •.tulltnJ~op,ol<>g and psychiatry since the early essay Writing in the same year Leff (1990) suggested Kraepelin on 'Comparative Psychiatry' in 1904. that the shift in focus and the new agenda for useful is the collection of seminal works investigation was a case of throwing the baby 1880 to 1971 edited by Littlewood and Dein out with the bathwater. Within several years which traces a repertoire of interests ranging Lewis-Fernandez and Kleinman (1995) hailed cross­ defining the normal and abnormal, the cultural psychiatry as a mature discipline address­ ,.,..,..~,us complex, family structure, magic and reli- ing the complexities of sociosomatics and clinically death, suicide, intoxicants, anxiety, symbolism, relevant cultural processes, while decrying the culture-bound syndromes. Raimundo et al. limited impact of the field with respect to cultural examines the historical precursors of cross­ validation of the DSM-IV, persistent misdiagnosis of psychiatry among nineteenth century minority patients, continued presence of racial bias whose work was predicated on the notion in treatment, and inattention to ethnic issues in 22 J. H. jenkins

medical ethics. This claim to maturity of the field focusing on the patient's understanding of illness has been reiterated by Lopez and Guarnaccia (2000, episodes, was introduced by Kleinman (1980) and 2005) with reference to the study of cultural psycho­ has inspired a substantial body of research, as weu pathology as the study of culture and the definition, as debate about the concept's use in clinical work experience, distribution, and course of psycho­ (Bhui et al., 2002, 2004, Dein, 2002). Foulks 0991) logical disorders. An important synthesis of the has addressed the underlying concepts of normar, discipline in textbook form has been contributed abnormal, and deviant against the conceptual by Helman (2000). background of social pathology, cultural relativism, The mutual relevance of anthropology and psy­ evolution and the biological basis of mental disor­ chiatry remains an important concern for scholars ders, heredity, and the distinction within DSM and clinicians in the field (Mihanovic et al., 2005; between Axis I and Axis II spectrum disorders. An Stix, 1996; Skultans and Cox, 2000). On the one evolutionary concept of mental disorder has been hand, Kleinman (1987, 1988) has highlighted the elaborated in terms of culture and context by . contribution of anthropology to cross-cultural psy­ Kirmayer and Young (1999). Paris (1994) argues chiatry with respect to issues such as translation, the that evolutionary social science is relevant for trans­ category fallacy in defining psychiatric disorder, and cultural psychiatry insofar as it is consistent with pathoplasticity/pathogenicity, emphasizing anthro­ a biopsychosocial model of etiology, and recog- . pology's attention to cultural validity in addition to nizes universals which underlie cultural variations reliability, and to the relevance of cultural analysis in psychopathology. Jovanovski (1995) suggests · to psychiatry's own taxonomies and methods. that the pathoplasticity of mental disorders across On the other hand, Kirmayer (2001) has reprised cultural contexts indicates that abnormality is Edward Sapir's argument that psychiatry's focus phenotypic rather than genotypic, but argues that on individual biography and pathology gives it a neuroses are more associated with culture while · unique relevance for anthropology's concern with psychoses with biology. cultural transmission, suggesting that recent work Jenkins (l99lb) has introduced the notion of polit­ focused on illness narratives help to position indi­ ical ethos to bridge analysis of the state construction viduals in a social world. Skultans (1991) examines of affect and the phenomenology of those affects in the uneasy alliance between anthropology and psy­ the mental-health sequelae of political violence expe­ chiatry historically and with respect to the way dif­ rienced by refugees. In other work Jenkins (l99la, ferences in orientation between the two disciplines 1994a,b, 1996) examines the nexus between the have led to conflicting ideas about the nature of anthropology of emotion and the study of psy­ cross-cultural research, particularly anthropologi­ chopathology with respect to distinctions between cal fieldwork. normal and pathological emotion, feeling and emotion, interpersonal and intrapsychic accounts of distress and disorder, variability of course and Theory, method and clinical relevance outcome, mind-body dualism, and the conceptual­ ization of psychopathology as biologically natural Occasional attempts have been made to establish a event or sociopolitically produced response. The conceptual and theoretical grounding specific to the concept of personality has been addressed by convergence of anthropology and psychiatry. One Lewis-Fernandez and Kleinman (1994), who show group of scholars has examined the value of Jungian with examples from Chinese and Puerto Rican socie­ psychology with its emphasis on imagination and ties how socially oriented indigenous interpersonal phenomenology for both clinical and research work models of personality and psychopathology can aug­ in cultural psychiatry (Abramovitch and Kirmayer, ment the cross-cultural validity of clinical for­ 2003). The key concept of explanatory models, mulations. Byron Good (1994) places meaning Anthropology and psychiatry: the contemporary convergence 23

squarely at the conceptual center of the conver­ have been made with focus-group methods in gence between anthropology and psychiatry, vvith order to enhance the contextual basis for making a hermeneutic critique of rationality that flows culturally sensitive interpretations (Ekblad and Into a celebration of experience. In the context of a Baarnhielm 2002). Rogier (1999) offers a methodo­ critical examination of how we interpret psychiatric logical critique of the procedural norms that lead S}111ptoms. Martinez-Hernaez (2000) elaborates the to cultural insensitivity in mental-health research, complementarity of psychiatric observation and highlighting the development of content validity anthropological understanding. based on experts' rational analysis of concepts, Equally important as the theoretical and philo­ linguistic translations that conform rigidly to the sophical bridge between disciplines of anthropo­ literal terms of standardized instruments, and the logy and psychiatry is the pragmatic bridge from uncritical transferring of concepts across cultures. the conceptual work to its clinical relevance. Alarcon The methodological contribution of cognitive neuro­ et al. (1999) describe five interrelated dimensions science is discussed by Henningsen and Kirmayer that specify the clinical relevance of culture as (2000), comparing the two orders of higher level (I) an interpretive/explanatory tool in understand­ explanation constituted by intentional vs. dynamical Ing psychopathology; (2) a pathogenic/pathoplastic systems theory and the subpersonal explanation of agent; (3) a diagnostic/nosological factor; (4) ather­ cognitive psychology and neurobiology. apeutic/protective element; (5) a service/manage­ From a comparative and anthropological stand­ ment instrument (see also Emsley et al., 2000). point, Jenkins and Karno (1992) have examined the Good and Good (1981) argue cogently for a cultural theoretical status of expressed emotion, one of hermeneutic model for understanding patient the most heavily used methodological constructs experience in clinical practice. Moldavsky (2003) in studies of major mental disorder. Starting from points out that contemporary transcultural psychi­ the WHO cross-cultural studies of schizophrenia, atry focuses more on the illness experience than the Hopper (1991) critically examines the validity of disease process, while distancing itself from the various aspects of methodological critique regis­ absolute relativism of antipsychiatry, focusing on tered by anthropologists against such large-scale clinical issues that aid clinicians in their primary psychiatric epidemiological studies, concluding that tnsk of alleviating suffering. DiNicola (1985 part I, there is a natural alliance between clinicians alerted part II) has offered a synthesis between family to cultural factors affecting course and outcome, therapy and transcultural psychiatry, and Castillo and ethnographers attuned to cultural beliefs, 0997) elaborates a client-centered approach to work patterns, kin-based support, uses of public culture and mental illness. Okpaku (1998) has space, and indigenous understandings of affliction. offered a global compendium of case studies and Uehara et al. (2002) suggest that ethnographic clinical experience to provide practicing clinicians understanding in the assessment of Asian-American With a basic foundation of culturally informed psy­ mental health would benefit particularly from chiatry. Ponce (1998) advocates a value orientations use of semantic network analysis and common­ · m~del of culture for use in clinical practice, the sense-reasoning analysis . . rattonale and internal logic of which is predicated on the concepts of paradigm and epistemology. · Guamaccia (2003) has outlined methodological Shared research agendas advances that will likely help define research in cross-cultural psychiatry in the early twenty-first The research agenda for this hybrid field continues century. Hollan (1997) advocates person-centered to be defined and redefined. At the current moment ~hnography as a method ideally compatible with the field has been given a certain degree of coher­ .. e goals of cross-cultural psychiatry. Experiments ence and consistency by a collective mobilization 24 J. H. jenkins

to address the strengths and weaknesses of the strong presence in the research arena as a attempt to integrate cultural factors into the profes­ feature in the journal Culture, Medicine, sional psychiatric nosology institutionalized in the Psychiatry, which for more than a decade has DSM-IV. Good (1992) has made a cogent argument lished cultural formulations in the form of

mediating between cultural relativists who consider articles of value to both clinicians and Prrlnn.-­ the DSM nosology as culture-bound and ethno­ phers. Novins et al. (1997) take a step toward centric, and universalists who understand the the DSM-IV outline to develop comprehensive nosology to reflect invariant characterstics of psy­ cultural formulations for children and adolescents, chopathology, pointing out that the psychiatric critically reviewing the use of the outline in the nosology is a valuable ready-made comparative context of preparing cultural formulations of four· framework while at the same time being vulnerable American Indian 6-13-year olds. Sethi et al. (2003) to cross-cultural critique by demonstration of vari­ suggest that the cultural formulation can be useful ability in psychiatric syndromes. A substantial body for bridging the gap between understandings of of experts collaborated in the effort to incorporate form and content in the understanding of psychiat- · cultural issues into DSM-IV. Eventually included ric signs and symptoms. were an introductory cultural statement, cultural The traditional North American conceptualiza­ considerations for the use of diagnostic categories, tion of ethnopsychiatry focuses on the study of a glossary of culture-bound syndromes and idioms indigenous forms of healing understood as analo- .· of distress, and an outline for a cultural formulation gous to what in Western terms is broadly defined as of diagnoses in individual cases (Mezzich et al., 1999). psychotherapy (Kiev 1964; Frank and Frank 1991). In the aftermath these same experts collaborated in Renewing and updating this agenda, cultural variants an analysis and critique of what was propo­ of healing and therapeutic process emphasizing sed in comparison to what was excluded (Mezzich modulations in bodily experience, transformation et al. 1996; Kirmayer, 1997). As of this writing, atten­ of self, aesthetics, and religion have been contrib­ tion is already being focused on the challenge uted by Csordas (1994, 2002), Desjarlais (1992), of further enhancing the role of culture in DSM-V Mullings (1984), Laderman (1991). and Roseman (Alarcon et al., 2002). Meanwhile, the ongoing devel­ (1991). At the same time, the distinction between opment and testing of psychiatric categories in ethnopsychiatry as traditional, religious, or indige­ the lOth Revision of the International Classifica­ nous healing and Western biomedical psychiatry as tion of Diseases has drawn sustained attention of a cosmopolitan and scientific clinical enterprise has Sartorius (1988, 1991) and colleagues (Sartorius et al., broken down insofar as professional psychiatries 1993, 1995). from many countries have been subjected to analy­ An important tool for furthering the integration sis as ethnopsychiatries (Fabrega 1993; Hughes of culture into DSM-IV has been its inclusion of an 1996). This was already evident in Kleinman's outline for cultural formulation (Lewis-Fernandez (1980) juxtaposition of Taiwanese psychiatry and and Diaz, 2002). The cultural formulation is perhaps shamanism in his seminal examination of depres­ the most concrete expression of the contemporary sion and neurasthenia in Taiwan. It was made convergence of anthropology and psychiatry. It is emphatic in the collection of papers edited by also at the same time a clinical tool in that it is a Gaines (1992) giving equal weight to the cultural comprehensive summation of cultural factors in construction of both folk and professional psychia­ an individual case, and an ethnographic document tries. Sartorius and Jablensky (1990) have compared · in which cultural context and themes are elaborated diagnostic traditions and the classification of psy­ from a person-centered standpoint. It is unclear chiatric disorders in French, Russian, American, the extent to which the cultural formulation is curr­ British, German, Scandinavian, Spanish and Third ently being used in clinical practice, but it has a World psychiatric traditions. Anthropology and psychiatry: the contemporary convergence 25

A variety of approaches, more or less cultural, of this change to developing community-based have been taken to the analysis of professional psy­ care, understanding indigenous healing, and chiatry. Al-Sabaie (1989) has examined the situation nation-building. in Saudi Arabia, and Angermeyer et al. (2005) have In counterpoint to this trend toward analytically compared the situation in the Slovak Republic, indigenizing professional psychiatry are observa­ Russia, and Germany. In the United States, tions about international intercommunication and Luhrmann (2000) documents a watershed moment globalization as processes affecting institutional in contemporary psychiatry as cultural meanings psychiatry (Belkin and Fricchione 2005). Kirmayer and social forces move the entire field from a clinical and Minas (2000) observe that globalization has culture in which psychoanalysis was prominent influenced psychiatry through socioeconomic to one in which biological psychiatry and neuro­ effects on the prevalence and course of mental psychiatry are dominant. Significant works in disorders, changing notions of ethnocultural ident­ clinical ethnography in the United States include ity, and the production of psychiatric knowledge. Angrosino's (1998) study of a home for the mentally Crises in the global world system in the context retarded, Estroff's (1981, 1982) study of an out­ of development create a truly global challenge and patient psychiatric facility, and Desjarlais' (1997, an urgency in understanding links between culture 1999) work on a shelter for the homeless mentally and mental disorders (Kleinman and Cohen 1997). Ill; Biehl (2005) has contributed an examination of Fernando (2002, 2003) argues that global psychiatric nn asylum for the socially abandoned mentally ill in imperialism and individual racial/cultural insensit­ Brazil. A volume edited by Meadows and Singh ivity must be surmounted in order to achieve legit­ (2001) examines mental health in Australia, though imately universal concepts of mental health. In It pays little attention to cultural psychiatry and this domain, theoretical and clinical appear espe­ cnre for indigenous and migrant groups. Barrett cially clearly as sides of the same coin. For example, (1996) does a close analysis of how psychiatrists in thinking about the effects of racism in psychiatry is Australia construct schizophrenia through social parallel to viewing psychiatry as an arena in which Interaction and discursive practices. to analyze and understand racism (Bhugra and Bhui An early discussion of ethnopsychiatry in Africa 2002). In a postmodern, postcolonial, and creolizing by Margetts (1968) emphasizes the importance of world, argues Miyaji (2002), attention must be given Investigating topics such as conceptions of normality to clinicians' shifting identities and fluid cultures, as nnd abnormality, magic and religion, social hierar- well as to positionality in both local and global . chy, life-cycle rituals, symbolism, demonology, power dynamics. secret societies, death and burial customs, politics, Cultural competence has proliferated as a catch­ suicide and cannibalism. More recently, the state word in parallel with a shift in focus from "treat­ of psychiatry in Africa has been discussed by ment" development and efficacy to "service" •. Uechukwu (1991), who observes that colonial era provision and delivery (Cunningham et al., 2002). notions about the rarity of major mental disorder Distinctive clinical training has been developed in In Africa have been disproven, leading to changes dozens of residency programs in the United States the health-care system, with particular mention of (Jeffress 1968), such as one for residents treating Aro village system which integrates indigenous Hispanic patients and emphasizing the availability a- Western psychiatric care. Swartz (1996, 1998) of cultural experts in supervision, skills in cultural ·d ..ll!lUurunes the changing notion of culture in South formulation of psychiatric distress, and culturally psychiatry, from a de-emphasis of difference distinct family dynamics (Garza-Trevino et al., 1997). n, to avoid the use of relativism as a justification Yager et al. (1989) describe training programs in rd oppression to an interest in diversity with a post­ transcultural psychiatry for medical students, resi­ society, and the potential contribution dents, and fellows at UCLA. Rousseau et al. (1995) show that psychiatry residents' perceptions of 2003). Significantly more attention should be paid transcultural practice vary in relation to their own to the consequences of distinguishing studies cultural origin rather than with respect to their oriented by the therapeutic discourse of "treat­ degree of exposure to patients from different cultures ment" (Tseng and Streltzer, 2001; Seeley, 2000) and or their training in cultural psychiatry. International studies oriented by the economic discourse of videoconferencing has been introduced to the train­ "services" (Kirmayer et al. 2003) in mental-health ing of medical students in transcultural psychiatry, in care, particularly since the discourse on services one case linking Sweden, Australia, and the United has grown increasingly dominant in the arena of States (Ekblad et al., 2004). Beyond the training of research and funding. Finally, although my concern ·'·-·-~;,,n~ involve clinicians, insofar as social and cultural factors can has been with the convergence between anthro­ General's report impact treatment modalities and outcomes, man­ pology and psychiatry, some acknowledgment must ethnicity," a aged and rationed healthcare must take this into be made of a third discipline that operates in the research prio account to ensure the availability of cost-effective sphere of mental illness and psychiatric disorder. We must note treatment within an integrated system of services to Psychiatric epidemiology makes an important contri­ . the convergence patients of all cultural and economic backgrounds bution regardless of the fact that epidemiology · try. Although tht

(Moffic and Kinzie, 1996). shares neither the methodological disposition nor the greatest part of 1 An extensive review of empirical work on the per­ intellectual temperament that renders the dialogue cular cultural s ennial topic of cultural variability in psychopatho­ between anthropology and psychiatry so natural. cultural commu logy would require at least as much space as I have These issues do not exhaust the evolving research the literature in devoted to general theoretical, methodological, agenda that continues to take shape in the conver­ . ethical issues il topical, and clinical considerations. I mention here gence of anthropology and psychiatry. The under­ across cultures only the most comprehensive and definitive edited lying comparative approach of this field has led Okasha, Arboled collections as a pointer toward three critical issues: to the recognition of variations in the practice of wise, despite ii' on culture-bound syndromes see the volume by cultural psychiatry itself across national boundaries meaning and ex Simons and Hughes (1985); on depression see the (Alarcon and Ruiz, 1995). Freeman (1997) has consideration of volume by Kleinman and Good (1985); and on described the French school of ethnopsychiatric gender differenc schizophrenia see the volume by Jenkins and treatment for immigrant families oriented by the neither is the rol Barrett (2004). The relation of culture to trauma, psychoanalyst Tobie Nathan. Somewhat different addressed (Mun violence, and memory has been taken up in a series approaches are associated with the British school In the final : of critical works by Antze and Lambek (1996), headed by Roland Littlewood and colleagues, and anthropology ar Bracken (2002), Breslau (2000), Robben and Suarez­ the North American groups at Montreal including fertile ground f, Orozco (2000), Young (1995), Kinzie (2001a,b), and Laurence Kirmayer, Gilles Bibeau, Ellen Carin, and the potential tc Rousseau (1995). Related to the literature on Allan Young. And at Boston including Arthur With respect to trauma, the experience of geographical dislocation Kleinman, Byron Good, and Mary-Jo Good. Useful political CCOnOI has become of increasing concern as researchers studies could be made comparing these schools' ence, the naturl' and clinicians address the mental health of immi­ intellectual orientations. Likewise, serious compar­ npy, this hybrid grants and refugees (Bhugra, 2000; Boehnlein and ison of the treatment strategies adopted in clinics the question of Kinzie, 1995; Ingleby, 2005, Hodes 2002; Hollifield specializing in the treatment of different ethnic nnd healthy or' et al., 2002; Kinzie, 200la,b; Azima and Grizenko, groups would be of considerable value. 1996; Kirmayer, 2002; Lustig et al., 2004). The cultural analysis of psychopharmacology References both from the standpoint of subjective experience Concluding considerations and global political economy is attracting increasing Abrarnovitch, H. attention (Lakoff, 2005; Petryna, Lakoff and Despite the critical importance of culture to under­ of Jungian Kleinman, 2006; Jenkins, 2005; Healy, 2002; Metzl, standing psychopathology, in the United States Transmlwm/1 Anthropology and psychiatry: the contemporary convergence 27

the i\'ational Institute of Mental Health has not Addlakha, R. (2005). Ethical quandaries in anthropological emphasized the funding of ethnographic studies of fieldwork in psychiatric settings. Indian ]oumal of mental health C\1anson, 1997). This may be due in Medical Ethics, 2(2). 55-56. part to the difficulty of conducting such studies, and Alarcon, R. D. and Ruiz, P. (1995). Theory and practice of In part to the lack of orientation of anthropologists cultural psychiatry in the United States and abroad. 14, to NI~1H as a research funding source. Additional American Psychiatric Press Review of Psychiatry, 599-626. insight can be gained from Manson's (2003) exami­ Alarcon, R. D., Westermeyer, J., Foulks, E. F. et al. (1999). nation of the epistemological and disciplinary Clinical relevance of contemporary cultural psychiatry. tensions involved in generating the 2001 Surgeon Journal ofNervous and Mental Disease, 187(8), 465-471. General's report on "Mental health: culture, race, Alarcon, R. D., Bell, C. C. Kirimayer, L. J., Lin, K. M., Ustun, B. und ethnicity," a document evoked as a touchstone and Wisner, K. (2002). Beyond the funhouse mirrors: for research priorities in this area. Research agenda on culture and psychiatric diagnosis. We must note that there are gaps and silences in In A Research Agenda for DSM- V, ed. D. J. Kupfer, the convergence between anthropology and psychia­ M. B. First, and D.A. Regier. Washington DC: American try. Although the field is implicitly comparative, the Psychiatric Press, Inc, pp. 219-281. greatest part of the literature concentrates on parti­ AI-Sabaie, A. (1989). Psychiatry in Saudi Arabia: cultural cular cultural settings. Although issues of cross­ perspectives. Transcultural Psychiatric Research Review, cultural communication are implicit in virtually all 26(4), 245-262. Angermeyer, M. C., Breier, P., Dietrich, S. et a/. (2005). the literature in this field, explicit consideration of Public attitudes toward psychiatric treatment. An inter­ ethical issues in fieldwork in psychiatric settings national comparison. Society for Psychiatry Psychiatry across cultures are rarely raised (Addlakha, 2005; and Epidemiology, 40(11), 855-864. Okasha, Arboleda-Florez, and Sartorius, 2000). Like­ Angrosino, M. V. (1998). Opportunity House: Ethnographic wise, despite implicit concern with differences in Stories of Mental Retardation. Walnut Creek, CA: meaning and experience across cultures, the explicit AltaMira Press. consideration of how these differences intersect with Antze, P. and Lambek, M. (eds.) (1996). Tense Past: Cultural gender differences across cultures is rarely seen, and Essays in Trauma and Memory. New York: Routledge. neither is the role of culture in child psychiatry often Azima, F. and Grizenko, N. (eds.) (1996). Immigrant and addressed (Munir and Beardslee, 2001; Timini, 2002). Refugee Children and Their Families: The Role ofCulture In the final analysis, the convergence between in Assessment and Treatment. Connecticut, International University Press. anthropology and psychiatry remains en exceedingly Bains, J. (2005). Race, culture and psychiatry: a history fertile ground for generating ideas and issues with of transcultural psychiatry. History of Psychiatry, 16(62 the potential to stimulate both parent disciplines. Pt 2), 139-154. With respect to theory and clinical practice, global Barrett, R.. (1996). The Psychiatric Team and the Social political economy and intimate subjective experi­ Definition of Schizophrenia: An Anthropological Study ence, the nature of pathology and the process of ther­ of Person and Illness. Cambridge: Cambridge University apy, this hybrid field is a critical locus for addressing Press. the question of what it means to be human, whole Becker, E. (1962). The Birth and Death of Meaning, A and healthy or suffering and afflicted. Perspective in Psychiatry and Anthropology. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Becker, E. (2005). 'Social science and psychiatry (1963).' The Ernest Becker Reader D. Liechty. Seattle, Ernest Becker Foundation in association with the University of Washington Press. tch, H. and Kirmayer, L. J. (2003). The relevance of Jun · Belkin, G. S. and Fricchione, G. L. (2005). Internationalism gmn psychology for cultural psychiatry. and the future of academic psychiatry. Academic Transcultural Psychiatry, 40(2), 155-163. Psychiatry, 29(3), 240-243. 28 J. H. Jenkins

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