Portuguese Journal of International Affairs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Portuguese Journal of International Affairs Portuguese 5 Journal of International Affairs SPRING/SUMMER 2011 Portuguese Journal of International Affairs João Domingues Design Portuguese Institute of International Relations João Gomes Porto Teresa Cardoso Bastos and Security (IPRIS) Laura C. Ferreira-Pereira Rua Vitorino Nemésio, 5 Luís Tomé Printing 1750-306 Lisboa Maria do Céu Pinto Europress PORTUGAL Maria Francisca Saraiva Email: [email protected] Miguel Monjardino ISSN Miguel Morgado 1647-4074 Editor Nuno Canas Mendes Paulo Gorjão Patrícia Ferreira Paula Duarte Lopes Editorial Board Pedro Seabra Ana Cristina Alves Susana Moreira Bruno Cardoso Reis Vasco Martins Francisco Proença Garcia Ivo Sobral Aims and scope Copyright and offprints Submissions will be dealt with promptly, and The Portuguese Journal of International Affairs It is a condition of publication in the Portugue- the editors will communicate a first decision to is a refereed journal specializing in the politics, se Journal of International Affairs that authors contributors within six weeks of submission. foreign policies and security-related issues of grant copyright to IPRIS. This ensures that re- Detailed notes follow: Portugal and its wider geostrategic area. quests from third parties to reproduce articles 1. The maximum length of articles, including The aims of the Portuguese Journal of Inter- are handled efficiently and consistently and will endnotes, is 4500 words. national Affairs are twofold: to bring readers also allow the article to be as widely dissemina- 2. Subheadings should be used to clarify and outstanding general scholarship and provide an ted as possible. In assigning copyright, authors divide the structure of the articles; if more outlet for scholars working on the international may use their own material in publications pro- than one level of subheadings is used, they relations of Portugal and its wider geostrategic vided that the Portuguese Journal of Internatio- must be clearly differentiated. Subheadings area. The journal will be circulated to all foreign nal Affairs is acknowledged as the original place should not be numbered. embassies in Portugal as well as to all Portu- of publication, and IPRIS is notified in writing 3. The author’s name, institutional affiliation, guese embassies abroad, hundreds of libraries, and in advance. In consideration for assignment and full contact details (postal, phone, fax, universities and think tanks around the world. of copyright, IPRIS will supply the author with and email) should be provided on a separate The Portuguese Journal of International Affairs a PDF file of the article and a hard copy of the sheet. will focus on: the relations between the Portu- Portuguese Journal of International Affairs. 4. Endnotes should be avoided, or kept to a mi- guese speaking countries; the relations betwe- nimum. Authors should pay particular atten- en the Portuguese speaking countries and the Subscriptions tion to the accuracy and correct presentation rest of the world; and general issues of politics, Please contact IPRIS at the above address for of endnotes. Examples: international relations and security that have further details. Books and monographs: Maria Raquel Frei- a bearing on one or more of the Portuguese re, Conflict and Security in the Former Soviet speaking countries. The journal will be open to Advertising Union: The Role of the Osce (Aldershot: Ash- all methodological approaches and schools of Advertising is welcomed. Contact IPRIS at the gate, 2003), p. 45. thought. Among the topics that fall within the above address for further details. Edited books: Alexandra Barahona de Bri- journal’s focus are: to, Carmen González-Enríquez and Paloma • Portugal’s economic diplomacy Article submission Aguilar (eds.), The Politics of Memory: Transi- • Transatlantic relations between the US and The Portuguese Journal of International Affairs tional Justice in Democratizing Societies (New Portugal invites original contributions meeting the York: Oxford University Press, 2001). • Angola’s regional role in Africa journal’s aims and scope. All papers will be Chapters in books: Manuel Ennes Ferreira, • Reform of the UN: Brazil and the Security subject to anonymous peer review, and will “China in Angola: Just a Passion for Oil?”, Council be evaluated on the basis of their creativity, in Christopher Alden, Daniel Large and Ri- • Brazil’s regional role quality of scholarship, and contribution to ad- cardo Soares de Oliveira (eds.), China Returns • Transition to democracy in Guinea-Bissau vancing the understanding of the international to Africa: A Rising Power and a Continent Em- • Mozambique and SADC relations of Portugal and its wider geostrategic brace (New York: Columbia University Press, • Community of Portuguese Speaking Coun- area. 2008), pp. 295-317. tries (CPLP) Papers should be submitted to: Articles in journals: Paulo Gorjão, “Japan’s • Timor Leste and ASEAN Foreign Policy and East Timor, 1975–2002” • EU and Cape Verde Paulo Gorjão (Asian Survey, Vol. 42, No. 5, September/Oc- • Macau after 1999 Editor, Portuguese Journal of International Affairs tober 2002), pp. 754-771. • China and the African Portuguese speaking Portuguese Institute of International Relations Articles in newspapers: Paulo Gorjão, “UN countries and Security (IPRIS) needs coherent strategy to exit from East • São Tomé and Príncipe and the Gulf of Guinea Rua Vitorino Nemésio, 5 Timor” (Jakarta Post, 19 May 2004), p. 25. • Maghreb and the EU energy security strategy 1750-306 Lisboa 5. Diagrams and tables should be avoided, or • BRIC’s: a new bloc? PORTUGAL kept to a minimum. • NATO and African Union Email: [email protected] Japan AND LUSOPHONE Africa: TEPID outcomes, greater OPPORTUNITIES? | PEDRO SEABRA 9 Japan and Lusophone Africa: tepid outcomes, greater opportunities? PEDRO SEABRA Affiliated Researcher, IPRIS As a continent, Africa has long held a preferential, if not controversial, focus on the international agenda. With varying degrees of commitment from the international community toward a region with a wide array of structural shortcomings, frequently disturbed by unrest, corruption and warfare, it is not unusual to witness multiple external actors vying to provide political, economic and technical assistance to the beleaguered continent. Among this group, one major power is frequently ignored in the public perception of international aid dynamics in Africa. Indeed, for all purposes, Japan is often unacknowledged amidst these aid efforts, which contributes to sustain an erroneous image of tenuous disengagement with the African continent. This apparent low profile, however, is at odds with the country’s own professed designs to expand its relationship with Africa, as evidenced by the successive Tokyo International Conferences on African Development (TICAD) in the last two decades, which have been used as a formal launching pad to accentuate Japanese influence among African countries, expand aid disbursements, and thus elevate Japan’s overall foreign policy profile. In this context, with three years on from TICAD IV, one possible case for an analysis of Japan’s standing towards Africa may lie with Portuguese-speaking African Countries (Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, or PALOP). Although these countries do not, by all means, provide the perfect representation of their own continent, they do reflect different realities, stages of development, levels of stability, availability of resources and economic opportunities. Hence, they can perhaps help to understand how effectively Japan has adapted its ‘African strategy’ to different contingencies emanating from local developments and how far Japan has inserted itself into these countries’ own international priorities and aid strategies as a valuable partner. This article will therefore examine the framework of Japan’s current engagement with the African continent and more specifically with Lusophone Africa, trying to understand how this relationship – or lack thereof – has evolved up to the present day. In order to establish the required context, we will look at the magnitude of Japan’s international aid commitments as well as its renewed interest in the development of the continent over 10 PORTUGUESE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | NUMBER 5 | SPRING/SUMMER 2011 recent years. Using the last decade as an indicative timeframe, we can then focus on the relationship between Japan and the Lusophone African countries, with a specific focus on aid receptiveness but also including other vectors such as political and economic relations with each other. Finally, conclusions will be drawn as for Japan’s actual insertion in these countries and the sustainability of its approach in the coming future, with implications for Japanese overall strategy in the rest of the continent. Japan and Africa: the road taken Contrary to a widespread perception that it has been largely a post-World War II phenomenon, Japan’s relations with the African continent can be unmistakably traced back further, in particular to the colonial period of the early 20th century. Indeed, “it is a myth to say that Japan had ‘clean hands’ in Africa” during the inter-war years.1 Although with an undeniably lower intensity than the remaining industrializing powers, Japan also took part in the so-called “scramble for Africa”, vying to secure a cheap and stable supply of raw materials – initially focusing on cotton – while taking advantage of the low level of development of several colonies which ended up constituting valuable markets for, among others, Japanese manufactured
Recommended publications
  • Japan's Relations with Africa, 1965-1980 a Case of Seikei Bunri?
    University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1985 Japan's relations with Africa, 1965-1980 a case of Seikei Bunri? Kweku Ampiah University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Ampiah, Kweku, "Japan's relations with Africa, 1965-1980 a case of Seikei Bunri?" (1985). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2531. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/2531 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. CANADIAN THESES ON MICROFICHE THESES CANADIENNES SUR MICROFICHE National Library of Canada Bibliothdque nationale du Canada ■4 Collections Development Branch Direction du ddveloppement des collections Canadian Theses on Service des theses canadiennes'' Microfiche Service ‘ sur microfiche Ottawa, Canada ■ - K1A0N4 ; NOTICE AVIS The quality of this microfiche is heavily dependent upon the La quality de cette microfiche depend grandement de la quality quality of the original thesis submitted for microfilming.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategies of China and Japan's Rivalry in Africa Anas Elochukwu
    Journal of Chinese and African Studies (JOCAS), Vol. 1, No. 1, 2020 Strategies of China and Japan’s Rivalry in Africa Anas Elochukwu Department of Chinese Studies Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Email: [email protected] Abstract Africa has been an arena for global power struggle during the past three hundred years. The struggle has passed three periods. The first period started with the Atlantic slave trade and only involved Western European powers who parcelled the continent up into spheres of influence /colonies after trading in African slaves for 400 years. The second period, which started after WW2 and involved non-Western European powers as well, was characterised by the Cold War struggle for spheres of influence on the continent. China and Japan were the only Asian powers involved in that struggle. The third/current period started after the Cold War ended and now includes new powers from Asia (for example, India and South Korea) and South America (for example, Brazil). The paper focuses on the third/current period, but only discusses two of the strategies China and Japan are using to project their influence on the continent, namely Africa +1 (which refers to the different fora through which certain powers today interact with African countries as a group) and peacebuilding. Belonging to rival ideological blocs during the Cold War, the two powers competed indirectly. However, since the end of the war they have competed directly in the so-called ‘the Second Scramble for Africa’. The decision to look at their ongoing rivalry was instigated by the coincident visits to the continent, in January 2014, of Wang Yi (Chinese foreign minister) and Shinzo Abe (the then Japanese prime minister).
    [Show full text]
  • 00166912.Pdf
    Kobe University Repository : Kernel タイトル Japan's Middle East Policy : Impact of the Oil Crises Title 著者 Kimura, Juzo Author(s) 掲載誌・巻号・ページ Kobe University law review,19:17-37 Citation 刊行日 1985 Issue date 資源タイプ Departmental Bulletin Paper / 紀要論文 Resource Type 版区分 publisher Resource Version 権利 Rights DOI JaLCDOI 10.24546/00166912 URL http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/handle_kernel/00166912 PDF issue: 2021-10-05 Japan's Middle East Policy: Impact of the Oil Crises Shuzo Kimura Importance of the Middle East to Japan One of the characteristics in the Japanese trade structure is that it depends a great deal upon the developing countries both for exports and imports. According to the customs clearance statistics by the Ministry of Finance, the amount of imports to Japan reached U.S. $131.9 billion in 1982, of which imports from the developing countries accounted for $76.1 billion or 57.7% of the total. Of the $138.8 billion of total exports, $62.4 billion were exports to the developing countries, comprising 45.0%. The OECD trade statistics for the same year show that other advanced industrialized countries rely to a far less extent on the developing countries: in the case of West Germany, for example, 21.9% of its imports come from the developing countries and 22.8% of its exports go to them; of Great Britain, 19.7% of its imports and 28.0% of its exports; and of France, 28.2% of its imports and 31.3% of its exports.(l) In a breakdown by region, the Middle East supplies about half of Japan's imports from all the developing countries or 49.6%, followed by 39.4% from Asia, 8.2% from Latin America and 4.5% from Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond TICAD Diplomacy: Japan's Africa Policy and African Title Initiatives in Conflict Response
    Beyond TICAD Diplomacy: Japan's Africa Policy and African Title Initiatives in Conflict Response Author(s) OCHIAI, Takehiko Citation African Study Monographs (2001), 22(1): 37-52 Issue Date 2001-05 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/68201 Right Type Journal Article Textversion publisher Kyoto University 22-1/2 03.4.8 3:58 PM ページ37 African Study Monographs, 22(1): 37-52, May 2001 37 BEYOND TICAD DIPLOMACY: JAPAN’S AFRICAN POLICY AND AFRICAN INITIATIVES IN CONFLICT RESPONSE Takehiko OCHIAI Part-time Lecturer of African Studies, Tokai University ABSTRACT One of the significance of the Second Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD II) in 1998 was its expression of great concern in conflicts undermining Africa’s efforts to pursue sustainable development. TICAD II also affirmed nec- essary strong commitment among countries to strengthen African structures and capacities for conflict response. This paper examines Japan’s foreign policy in supporting the efforts of African regional and subregional organisations for conflict prevention, management and res- olution, with the focus on its relationship with the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The author proposes Japan to go beyond the diplomacy of economic cooperation and adopt a security-oriented approach to support African initiatives in conflict response. Key Words: TICAD; Conflict; Japan; Diplomacy; OAU; ECOWAS. INTRODUCTION In October 1998, the Second Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD II) was held under the joint auspices of Japan, the United Nations (UN) and Global Coalition for Africa. The Conference was attended by 80 countries (51 African, 11 Asian, 18 North American and European), 22 non- governmental organisations (NGOs), and 40 international organisations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of US Extended Nuclear Deterrence Over Japan: a Study of Invisible Deterrence Between 1945 and 1970
    The University Of Reading The Development of US Extended Nuclear Deterrence over Japan: A Study of Invisible Deterrence between 1945 and 1970 Hiroshi Nakatani PhD, Politics Department of Politics and International Relations February 2019 Declaration of Original Authorship Declaration: I confirm that this is my own work and the use of all materials from other sources has been properly and fully acknowledged Hiroshi Nakatani 1 This thesis is dedicated to the late Colonel Matuo Keiichi for his service to Japan. 2 Acknowledgments Throughout my PhD life, many people and institutions have thoughtfully supported and encouraged my work. It is probably most appropriate to begin by acknowledging the School of Politics, International Relations and Economics, University of Reading for its financial assistance for three years. I am also extremely indebted to the Lyndon Johnson Library, the British Association for Japanese Studies and Reading Travel Research Grants for providing me with research grants, which enabled me to travel and research abroad. Without their generous financial support, this research project would not have been possible. I would also like to express my appreciation to my supervisors. I have been fortunate to have three supervisors. It was my greatest honour to work under Professor Beatrice Heuser, for whom I came to Reading. She has taught me many invaluable things which otherwise I could have never learned. She has taught me how to conduct great research and treat your students in particular. As a matter of fact, finding a greater supervisor than her can be more difficult to finish a PhD. I would also like to thank Professor Alan Cromartie for his supervision and patience.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Brief Vol
    Policy Brief Vol. 13, Issue 09 | July/August Africa-Japan Relations in the Context of Global Peace and Security: The Need for a Well-Tailored Policy Yonas Tariku Executive Summary The seventh Tokyo International Conference on Africa’s Development (TICAD VII) will be held in Yokohama, Japan from August 28 to 30, 2019. Two of the three specific agendas of the conference will directly and indirectly focus on issues of peace and security. In light of TICAD VII, therefore, it is high time to revisit Africa-Japan relations focusing on the peace and security agenda. In the last decade alone Japan has established its first-ever overseas military base in an African state, it has deployed hundreds of troops in South Sudan as part of the UN Mission in South Sudan from 2012-2017, and it has also taken part in the multilateral counter-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia. Regardless of the above, Japan’s contribution to international peace and security is so far primarily oriented in a non- military direction, although the 2015 Legislation for Peace and Security aims to broaden Japan’s engagement in other areas of international peace and security from which it has traditionally shied away from. This policy brief highlights the changes and continuities in Japan’s engagement in Africa’s peace and security. It argues that it is important for African counterparts to understand Japan’s peculiar approach to international peace and security; one that is shaped by constitutional restrictions, entrenched domestic norms and public opinions. Hence, this policy brief calls for concrete and well- tailored African policies towards Japan.
    [Show full text]
  • To “Principled”: Japan's Foreign Policy Stance Toward Africa
    This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php From “Reactive” to “Principled”: Japan’s Foreign Policy Stance toward Africa* Mitsugi Endo I. Introduction The 2012 edition of the Diplomatic Bluebook notes that Africa (sub-Saharan Africa in this essay) is a region of mounting importance to Japanese diplomacy, and cites three points of reasons for that perspec- tive. First, proactive efforts to find solutions to the assorted challenges facing Africa are naturally an obligation of responsible countries and something that will earn those countries heightened trust within the international community. Second, Japan has yearned for stronger economic ties with Africa, a huge market with vast natural resources, a growing population, and the potential for sustainable and powerful economic growth. And third, cooperation by the countries of Africa will be essential to progress in deal- ing with a range of issues of global scale, including UN Security Council reforms and climate change. The first categorical mention of “principles” of diplomacy toward Africa in a diplomatic bluebook that listed these three points (with the
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria and Japan: a Historical Analysis of Forty-Six Years of Peaceful Relations, 1960-2006
    Nigeria and Japan: A Historical Analysis of Forty-Six Years of Peaceful Relations, 1960-2006 Adewole Ayodeji Adeleke Osun State University Osogbo Abstract Colonial Nigeria-Japan relations were essentially economic. This was unarguably designed to satisfy the economic well-being of the British colonial government. However after Nigeria‟s independence other some cultural and political dimensions were added to Nigeria-Japan relations. This paper focuses on the historical development of Nigeria‟s relations with Japan during the first forty-six years of Nigeria‟s independence. The paper contends that Nigeria being a less-developed nation has a number of lessons to learn from Japan in her quest for development. Introduction International Relations is a „highly emotionalized form of diplomatic history‟ (Leach and Abdul: 1970:1). It is an aspect of history that deals with the human activities in which persons from more than one nation, individually and in groups interact. It is concerned with the totality of relations among states, nations and nation states in the international system. It covers all aspects of life- cultural, economic and political. The importance of relations among nations has stimulated my interest in the study of relations between Nigeria, a developing nation and Japan, an industrialized country. A school of thought believes that Nigeria‟s external relations tend to emphasize on politics to the neglect of the all important economic issues. This school of thought is of the view that the importance and the centrality of economic growth in national development cannot be ignored in Nigeria‟s relations with other countries of the world (Olusanya and Akindele: 1986).
    [Show full text]
  • Africa and the North: Between Globalization and Marginalization / Edited by Ulf Engel and Gorm Rye Olsen
    Africa and the North This volume discusses Africa’s place in the international system, examining the way in which the Westphalian system, in light of the impact of global- ization and transnational networks, continues to play a major role in the structuring of Africa’s international relations. The book provides a solid empirical analysis of key global players in Africa – France, the UK, the US, Japan, Germany, the EU and the UN – and of their policies towards the region. In the context of the ‘war against terrorism’, African political stability has become a consideration of increasing import- ance. By analysing the relevance of the states in the North, this book challenges the conventional wisdom in recent international relations thinking. It applies the concept of an ‘international policy community’ to bridge the gap between the ‘domestic’ and the ‘international’, explaining why Africa retains a role in global politics out of any proportion to its economic weight. Africa and the North will interest students and scholars of international relations and African politics. Ulf Engel is Associate Professor of African Politics at the Institute of African Studies, University of Leipzig. Gorm Rye Olsen is Head of the Department of European Studies at the Danish Institute for International Studies in Copenhagen. The New International Relations Edited by Barry Buzan London School of Economics and Richard Little University of Bristol The field of international relations has changed dramatically in recent years. This new series will cover the major issues that have emerged and reflect the latest academic thinking in this particular dynamic area. International Law, Rights and Politics Development in Eastern Europe and the CIS Rein Mullerson The Logic of Internationalism Coercion and accommodation Kjell Goldmann Russia and the Idea of Europe A study in identity and international relations Iver B.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan and China in Africa: Allies, Partners Or Adversaries?1 Seifudein Adem, Phd
    1 WORKING PAPER No 2 Japan and China in Africa: Allies, Partners or Adversaries?1 Seifudein Adem, PhD Frankfurt am Main, June 2018 2017/2018 AFRASO Research Fellow ISSN 2365-9831 Goethe University Frankfurt AFRASO WORKING PAPERS Africa’s Asian Options – an interdisciplinary and transregional collaborative research project at Goethe University Frankfurt of ZIAF (Center for Interdisciplinary African Studies) and IZO (Interdisciplinary Centre for East Asian Studies) General Editors: Prof. Uta Ruppert and Prof. Frank Schulze-Engler, Dr. Ruth Achenbach and Dr. Jan Beek How to cite this paper: Seifudein Adem, PhD (2018): Japan and China in Africa: Allies, Partners or Adversaries? In: AFRASO Working Papers, No 2 Imprint: AFRASO Goethe-Universität Juridicum, Postfach 21 Senckenberganlage 31 60325 Frankfurt Tel.: +49 (0)69 798-25410 Fax: +49 (0)69 798-25411 [email protected] www.afraso.org 1 This paper is based on a public lecture given on January 18, 2018 by Seifudein Adem as the 2017/2018 Africa’s Asian Options Fellow at Goethe University Frankfurt, Germany. It also draws on his previous works. 3 Introduction Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi made overlapping visits to Africa in January 2014. The visits took place, perhaps also not accidentally, on the heels of a steadily deteriorating relationship between the two countries. At times the visits themselves descended into a verbal combat over who has Africa’s best interest at heart. In May 2014, Mr. Li Keqiang, China’s Premier, too, was in Africa. In December 2015, China’s President Xi Jinping arrived in Johannesburg, South Africa, for consultations with Africa’s leaders about Africa’s economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • Whpr19741119-004
    Biographical Information Royalty and Government Officials of Japan The Emperor and Empress His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Hirohito, was born in Tokyo on .J", April 29, 1901, and studied at the Peers' School and at a special institute established for his education. Following a journey to European countries for six months, he became Prince Regent in 1921 and married in 1924. Upon the demise of Emperor Taisho in 1926, His Majesty succeeded to the Throne. The formal accession took place in 1928. His Majesty is well known as a devoted student of marine biology and has published books on his discovery of new species. Her Majesty the Empress, Nagako, was born in Tokyo. on March 6, 1903, as the first daughter of the late Prince Kuni. She studied at the Peers' ,School for Girls before her marriage. Her Majesty is very fond of music and painting in the Japanese style and is considered an accomplished artist in both fields, She also enjoys composing poems and writing calligraphy• Following the war, Their Majesties traveled often and extensively throughou.t the country to meet the people and encourage them in their efforts to rehabilitate the nation. Today, their concern is directed to the nation's social and economic development and they frequently attend numerous events such as Tree-F>lanting Ceremonies held every spring and the National Sports Festival held every autumn. They also take a deep interest in cultural, social and educational affairs, often inspecting facilities as well as attending exhibitions and concerts to express their support of these activities.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Warwick Institutional Repository
    University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/4369 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. THE DYNAMICS OF TRIANGULAR INTRA-ALLIANCE POLII S: Political Interventions of the United States and Japan Towards South Korea in Regime Transition 1979-1980 by SUN-WON PARK A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Studies DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS AND INTERNARTIONAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK January 2000 CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES vii ACKNLOWLDEMENTS viii DECLARATION x ABSTRACT xi ACRONYMS xii A NOTE ON TEXT xiii Ch. 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 THE PURPOSE AND SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH 1 1.2 THE METHODOLOGY 3 1.2.1 A Macro-Historical Perspective 3 1.2.2 US Sources 4 1.2.3 Japanese Sources 5 1.2.4 South Korean Sources 7 1.3 THE STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS 7 PART ONE THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND A HISTORICAL 13 OVERVIEW Ch. 2 THE ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK: INTRA-ALLIANCE POLITICS AND POLITICAL INTERVENTION 14 INTORDUCTION 14 2.1 A SYSTEMIC APPROACH TOWARDS AN ALLIANCE MODEL 15 2.2 THE TRIANGULAR ALLIANCE SECURITY SYSTEM (TASS) 19 2.3 THE SOURCES OF FLUIDITY OF ALLIANCE RELATIONS 23 2.3.1 The Endogenous Factors: Gaps in National Power and Strategies 23 2.3.2 The Exogenous Factor: Direct and Immediate Challenge 28 2.4 THE FUNDAMENTAL BASIS OF THE TASS AND "DISSIMILAR- i INTEGRATIVE" TYPE INTERACTION 30 2.5 THE ALLIANCE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES OF THE US AND JAPAN ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA 34 2.5.1 The Political Intervention 34 2.5.2 The US Flexible Status Quo 37 2.5.3 The Japanese Rigid Status Quo 40 CONCLUSION 44 Ch.
    [Show full text]