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Anti-Semitism and Zionism Author(S): Anita Shapira Reviewed Work(S): Source: Modern Judaism, Vol Anti-Semitism and Zionism Author(s): Anita Shapira Reviewed work(s): Source: Modern Judaism, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Oct., 1995), pp. 215-232 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1396227 . Accessed: 01/10/2012 13:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Modern Judaism. http://www.jstor.org Anita Shapira ANTI-SEMITISM AND ZIONISM "Anti-Semitismbegat Herzl, Herzl begat the Jewish state, the Jewish state begat 'Zionism,' and Zionism -the Congress." In that terse sarcastic for- mulation, Ahad Ha-Am compressed the basic essentials of Herzl's teach- ings.1 Nathan Birnbaum observed: "A Zionism that has no better foundation than anti-Semitism is doomed to failure, its fate sealed right from the very start."2And even Micah Joseph Berdyezewski, who was os- tensibly inspired by other intellectual sources, declared: "In my view, there is no more supine form of submission than when an entire people bases its very being on the attitudes that others have toward it!"3 These quotes from the writings of Zionist thinkers serve to highlight the difficulty that was perceived by the pristine Jewish national move- ment in predicating its identity on a negative principle-namely, the ha- tred of the Jewish people. The desire for a positive and creative pole which could function as the anchor of a newJewish national identity was reflected in the search for intrinsic properties that might provide the Zionist cause with the magic and attraction of other national move- ments in Europe. Those movements had set out on the tortuous path to political independence by combing their past for serviceable models of genuine national culture and historical uniqueness. This quest ulti- mately gave rise to Hebrew secular culture and the rich intellectual upsurge that accompanied Zionist practical creative political activity. However, it is doubtful whether the approach adopted by some Zionist thinkers in dismissing the role of anti-Semitism as a formative factor in the Jewish national movement, as in the quotations above, was based on sound grounds. From today's vantage, we are in a better position to ex- amine and assess the intricate web of reciprocal relations between anti- Semitism and the development of the Zionist movement and arrive at a more balanced and accurate picture. It is common knowledge that a prominent number of Zionists in the formative phase of the movement, in particular Herzl himself, had ini- tially come to Zionism out of despair over assimilation as a collective solution for the survival of the Jewish people in Europe. That despera- tion was fueled by the emergence of the anti-Semitic movement. In Her- zl's view, it was anti-Semitism which had given the Zionist idea a raison d'etre-both from the Jewish perspective, and that of non-Jews. Mount- ModernJudaism 15 (1995): 215-232 ? 1995 by TheJohns Hopkins University Press 216 Anita Shapira ing anti-Semitism compelled Jews to confront the fact that they were a people in and for themselves. It impelled non-Jews to recognize that Eu- ropean society was experiencing a dissonance between conscious liberal aspirations and the covert desires of the masses. Those masses secretly wished to remove from their midst all those they considered to be an "alien body." This formed the basis of a mutual interest in finding a solution to the Jewish problem. Herzl defined anti-Semitism as the steam that was driving the engine of change, a propellant that would transform the Zionist idea from the private fancy of a tiny contingent of dreamers and idlers into a political force capable of restructuring the existence of the Jewish people.4 It goes without saying that the roots of the Zionist idea ran deep, nourished by thousands of years of Jewish history. But the transition from the state of a "potential" to "actual"force came about in specific response to the phenomenon of aggravated anti-Semitism, as Jews became increasingly disillusioned about the prospects for assimilat- ing into European society. This view of the interaction between anti-Semitism and Zionism now is a generally accepted conception: Jewish national consciousness was repeatedly honed and sharpened by the confrontation with modern anti-Semitism. It is hard to imagine any mass immigration to Palestine before or after the establishment of the state in which the motive of anti- Semitism did not play a decisive role. In the competitive interplay be- tween the gravitational "pull" of Eretz Yisrael and the "push" from the Diaspora, the latter vector proved stronger. This does not imply that the force of attraction was non-existent, but over the last 100 years, the factor of diasporic push appears to have been a more powerful motive force. This fact often prompted anti-Zionists to contend that Zionists were actually encouraging anti-Semitism; they rejoiced in its continued inten- sification, since Jew-hatred validated the Zionist cause, confirming the solution it proposed to Jewish distress. To substantiate that claim, anti- Zionists produced evidence to show that in order to rescue Jews, promi- nent Zionist leaders had been prepared to accept assistance even from anti-Semites. Thus, Herzl was denounced for his ties with Plehve, who was believed to have instigated the pogrom in Kishinev in 1903; Jabotinksy was derided for his contacts with Slawinsky, a minister in the pogrom-drenched regime of Petlyura in the Ukraine. Arlosoroff was criticized for his part in the transfer agreement signed with the Nazi regime, and the Revisionists for their links with the anti-Semitic Beck government in Poland. These charges, which also sparked internal clashes within the Zionist camp itself, were raised more strongly and fre- quently in the wake of the Holocaust; they were also exacerbated in re- action to certain occurrences in Arab states allegedly inspired by the Anti-Semitism and Zionism 217 Israeli secret service. The dramatic, emotionally loaded nature of such accusations assured they would have a substantial public echo. Yet it should be emphasized that in the final analysis, although these pur- ported "contacts with anti-Semites" formed a component in the domi- nant ideology, they were basically marginal to the mainstream of Zionist experience. The complicated knot of reciprocal relations between the Jewish national movement and anti-Semitism goes far beyond this specific question regarding the various ways through which the Zionist move- ment presumably exploited the anti-Semitic antipode in order to ad- vance what it regarded as the national interest. The overt contacts and other activity mentioned is virtually self-explanatory, and has been a topic of open discussion since the beginning of this century. But there were other more submerged, less visible forms of interaction, and these pose quite complex methodological questions. The encounter between anti-Semitism and the Jewish people in the second half of the 19th century took place in the open vistas of Euro- pean civilization. That aspect sets this encounter apart from earlier Jew- ish confrontations with Jew-hatred. The exposure of Jewish society to anti-Semitism was part of the process of opening up to the modern world. As long as Jews continued to live in the closed world of the ghetto, the psychological impact of Jew-hatred on them was minimal. The ghetto Jew did not regard the Gentile as a discussion partner-his views carried little weight; his world did not represent a model to emu- late or a yardstick for self-assessment. The vituperative criticism of Jew- ish society, customs, physical characteristics and mentality, and even the stereotypical images of the Jew rife outside the ghetto walls, did not pen- etrate into the self-enclosed world of the Jewish quarter. However, by the end of the 19th century, a new situation had arisen: in those areas of Europe where Jews were exposed to modern influence and inroads, they were also vulnerable to criticism stemming from the non-Jewish society in whose midst they lived. Modern or even quasi- modern Jews-i.e., those who recognized the importance of secular knowledge and the need to find a modus vivendi in the non-Jewish world-were no longer immune to Gentile criticism ofJewish traits and customs. Intense, angry feelings of insult, resentment and rage in re- sponse to the humiliations heaped upon them by the Gentile moulded the Jewish psyche and their picture of the world. Concurrently, a ten- dency crystallized among Jews to adopt and internalizea portion of that vitriolic critique. As a general rule, modernized Jews liked to attribute the sins which anti-Semites accused Jews of to their more tradition- minded fellowJews still unaware of the many positive things the Western world had to offer. One could see this, for example, in the attitude among already modernized German Jews toward their compatriots ar- 218 Anita Shapira riving from Eastern Europe-Ostjuden who still spoke Yiddish, wore tra- ditional Jewish garb, were loud and did not take sufficient pains to ad- here to the code of conduct generally accepted among the Central European petty bourgeoisie. Such attitudes were also evident in Zionism, which served as one of the mediating movements between Jews and the modern world. The Zionists wished to transform the existential situation of the Jews as a mi- nority scattered among the world's nations by creating a territorial base in Palestine, changing Jewish socioeconomic structures and sparking a cultural renaissance.
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