Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands

Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands ...

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Alternative title Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands ... Author/Creator Davis, Jennifer; Africa Fund Contributor African National Congress Publisher Africa Fund Date 1992-09-09 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa, United States Coverage (temporal) 1990 - 1992 Source Africa Action Archive Rights By kind permission of Africa Action, incorporating the American Committee on Africa, The Africa Fund, and the Africa Policy Information Center. Description Memorandum. Stop Apartheid's Violence Campaign. Swanlaville. Sebokeng. F.W. de Klerk. ANC. African National Congress. Ciksei. George Bush. Bill Clinton. Hernus Kriel. Bantustan. Oupa Gqozo. State Department. Richard Boucher. Background to the Bisho Massacre. State of Emergency. Meetings banned. Military coup. Bantustan. Nelson Mandela. ANC Homes Attacked. Hit Squad Activities. SA Intelligence and Special Forces. Charles Sebe. Kat Leibenberg. Koevoet. Battalion 32. SADF. South Africa Defence Force. Format extent 6 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org 198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman

198 Broadway Now York, N.Y. 10038 0 (212) 962-1210 Tilden J. LeMeile, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director MEMORANDUM TO: Key Contacts FROM: Jennifer Davis, Executive Director DATE: September 9, 1992 Ciskei, Boipatong, Empangeni, Sharpeville, Meadowlands, Swanievilie, Sebokeng. in the "New South Africa" ofF.W. De Klerk, the list of atrocities goes on and on. You all know the statistics -nearly 8,000 people dead since the "reformist" De Klerk began his bloody reign of terror, with tens of thousands more wounded. driven from their homes, gripped by hopelessness and fear. For months the white minority regime, aided and abetted by a willing Western press, passed off this concerted attack on the freedom movement as "Black on Black Violence." Now, with hard evidence of government complicity in the violence mounting, ihe misinfoi mers are trying a new tactic-blaming the victim. Increasingly, it is the ANC which is being blamed for the massacre in Ciskei. The movement, so the argument goes, knew full well that Pretoria's bantustan surrogate, Oupa Gqozo, would turn his apartheid-armed, led and financed army on the marchers, and should have called off the protest. According to this distorted logic, Black persons daring to exercise their right of peaceful assembly and protest have only themselves to blame if soldiers under the command of a South African Defence Force Brigadier mow them down without warning with machine guns. The ANC, said apartheid police minister Hernus Kriel, "had fair warnirg," of the massacre, and was therefore at fault. State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher told reporters in Washington that, "those who prompted the demonstration should carefully reconsider future actions...that expose innocent supporters to violence." Yet Mr. Boucher offered no such advice to democracy protesters in the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia or Rumania. I urge you to contact both George Bush and Bill Clinton and urge therm to speak out publ-cly against the continuing slaughter in South Africa. Ask them to demand the immediate resignation of F.W. De Klerk and his white minority government, the dismantling of the bantustan system and installation of an interim government of national unity to guide South Africa to democracy. Ask them to do eveiything in their power to STOP APARTHEID'S VIOLENCE and support the people in their struggle for one-person, one-vote democracy in a unified non-racial, non-sexist South Africa. George Bush Bll Clinton 1030 15th Street N.W. Corner, Third and Louisiana Washington, DC 20005 Little Rock, AK 72201 FAX (202) 336-7954 FAX: (501) 372-2292 For more information contact The Africa Fund. Established by The American Committee on Africa, 1966 * Contributions are tax- deductible

'THE Tilden J. LeMelle, Chairman Jennifer Davis, Executive Director NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1992 Democracy vs. Dictator in Apartheid's 'Homeland By BILL KELLER Special to The New York Times BISHO, South Africa, Sept. 9 - The make-believe country of Ciskei has a shiny "international" airport capable of landing a Boeing 747, in case one ever attempts to visit this curious figment of apartheid. It has 846,000 inhabitants who were not consulted in 1981 when they were stripped of their South African citizenship and gerrymandered into one of 10 tribal homelands to protect white control of the wealthy remainder of the. country.. Ciskei has a foreign service with a single ambassadorial posting, to the only country that recognizes its sovereignty, South Africa. It has its capital here, a miniature pastel metropolis with a three-block downtown, a hotel-casino complex where South Africans can enjoy the blackjack tables forbidden a mile away in their own country, and high-walled' compounds where government ministers and business executives dwell in luxurious isolation from Ciskei's wretched poverty. It has its own development bank, its own army and its own diminutive military dictator, Brigadier Oupa J. Gqozo, who boils with rage -when he is ridiSculed as a puppet of South Africa. "I need some help to make the world realize that I am a very serious leader," Brigadier Gqozo pleaded during an interview last Friday. Three days later his army fired a seemingly interminable machine-gun fusillade at protesters marching on his capital, killing at least 28 and convincing many that if he. is not a serious leader, he is at least part of a serious problem. ' Having manufactured these mockstates, entrenched their rulers in positions of power and small-time luxury and employed them as surrogates to divide the black political opposition, South Africa now seeks to undo the experiment by reunifying its territory. South Africa is struggling to fit homelands like Ciskei, where at least 28 people were killed Monday, into the eventual post-apartheid order. But as the brigadier served bloody that the brigadier's position is wobbly. notice on Monday, there is explosive Following the Ciskei killings, the Afdisagreement about where these home- rican National Congress staged an unlands fit in the post-apartheid order. ' eventful march today against the tiny The African National Congress de- homeland of Qwa Qwa, which is about mands that homeland leaders it re- 200 miles south of Johannesburg, on the gards as inimical to democracy be northern border of Lesotho. replaced by impartial caretakers until More ominously, its leaders said elections can be held. The South Afri- they were contemplating action can Government insists it is "not in the against KwaZulu, the Zulu homeland business of replacing governments,", and the domain of the A.N.C.'s bitterest as a spokesman put it. I I and most powerful black political rival, The killings left Ciskei extremely' Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi. volatile. Police and soldiers conducted' door-to-door searches today, and were T said to be arresting and beating partic- The Clearest Border: ipants in Monday's march. In the Cis- Where the Poor Are keian townships southwest of Bisho, residents burned the homes of Ciskei soldiers. A visitor driving through the rolling It was no surprise that the congress pasture and voluptuous mountains of chose Ciskei for Monday's march, Ciskei finds no border posts to mark which was aimed explicitly at toppling the frequent passage across the "interBrigadier Gqozo. The region, where the national" border with South Africa. Xhosa and the British fought their fron- But the boundaries are easily detier wars in the 19th century, is one of duced from the standard of living. The the congress's most militant strong- cozy 19th-century English colonial holds, and there have been many signs towns, Queenstown, Fort Beaufort, Established by The American Committee on Africa, 1966 * Contributions are tax- deductible 198 Broadway * New York, N.Y. 10038 * (212) 962-1210

King William's Town, are in South Africa The sprawling townships and the barren rural settlements, Zwelitsha, Thornhill - those are in Ciskei. 7! Indian Ocean port of East London i0 South Africa's shipbuilding center. The neighboring slum of Mdant ;mne s _::iThe brigadier readily admits that in economic terms, his republic is anything but independent. South Africa underwrites the budget that pays for the 30,000-mrremrber civil service and its perks, including the black bulletproof Range Rover that the brigadier favors and the flee! of Mercedes preferred by his cabinet. Sduth Africa trained and equipped the army - assisted by such a large contingent I of Israelis that for a time the Pick 'n Pay supermarket in Bisho had a kosher section. "South Africans - many retired or seconded from the South African Go nv.1 ernment and military - still make up more than half the brigadier's cabinet I and the leadership of his military andintelligence services. The commander of the Ciskei Defense Force that fired its machine guns into the crowd on Monday, Brig. Marius Oelschig, is on loan from the South African Army. When a Town Dies, A Stereotype Is Left Almost inevitably, the homelands have tended to confirm ai the worst prejudices of white So,-'tb, Africans about black rule. Stripped by the mapmakers of their, assets, burdened with millions of irripoverished blacks forcib',y resettled from other areas and saddled in manyi cases with ruthless and corrupt rultrs, they have deteriorated into wretchec p verty and political frustration; hard. relieved by some spectacular scenery. "You do admire the place when you see it," said Jeanette Mahonga, ac-P knowledging the scenic mountains that F surround her hometown of Seymour in central Ciskei. "If you could just flavor it with a bit of life." Seymour, a farming center of about 18,000 people, is one place wheie blhc's regard South Africa with nostalgia. When "independence" was imposed in 1981, many whites fled, fearing the uncertainties of black rule. The tobacco farms that were the economic mainstay were sold cheap, locals say; either to absentee black landlords with the right connections or to subsistence farmers who use them to graze goats. The Kat River tobacco mill closed. Seymour today boasts one of South Africa's more wretched settlements of mud- brick huts and tin sheds. The primary school has a dirt floor and no electricity. The drinking water that flows to the few communal taps comes from a reservoir polluted by two ceme-. teries that lie submerged in the rainy season. Mrs. Mahonga, a member of the municipal council and a local leader of the African National CongresS. said the town gets even shorter shrift than other pockets of poverty because it isknown as strong A.N.C. country, and Brigadier Gqozo despises the congress. Although Seymour seems more sleepy than militant, the brigadier keeps a tight lid on the town. Last Thursday, when 70 residents gathered to hear a pep talk about the march on Bisho, 50 heavily armed troops gathered outside while their commander ordered the meeting dispersed. iil-:e the Ifga'l:att,n of the Africe'r Natioaai Ccr.gruss a, .9O, the homelands have acquired a tiew utility for h- vili a Go-rntmeit as YV.tical 'oils to the black liberation movement. The homelands - four of them "ininF" - have gradually taken sides, soine tilting to the A.N.C., others to the Govert men. Aicording to Gert Hugo, a former South African military intelligence officar who was brigadier'iqozo's iPtetligence adviser for a year, until July i 1991, Ciskei has long been a covert battleground in the white Government's "divide and rule" approach. The strategy, he said, was to manipuI late Ciskei as a bulwark against the African National Congress, especially i the neighboring "independent" homeland of Transkei. Transkei, the home of Nelson Mandela, the A.N.C. president, is ruled by a military dictai tor who has gone over to the congress. President F. W. de Klerk has insisted that the homeland leaders be at the negotiating table where the future poitical order is to be established. There Brigadier Gqozo, Chief Buthelezi and others have joined Mr. de Klerk in demanding a loose federation with strong regional governments. The homeland leaders hope to keep power after their territories are reincorporated, their provinces enriched by addition of prime South African territor). A Flawed Product Of Apartheid Like his domain, Brigadier Gqozo i3 a product of apartheid whc does not always conform reliably to the designer's intenticns. Raised in a .onservative region of the Orange Free State, he worked as a prison warden before enlisting in the South African Army. He resigned in 1981 to join the Ciskei army, servrng for a time as Ciskei's military attache in South Africa. "He's a farm boy who grew up under the discipline that what the white man says is law," said Steve Tshwete, a leader of he African National Congress who grew up in King William's Town and once considered Brigadier Gqozo a friend." Elevated to power in 1990 by military officers who overthrew the previous Ciskei leader, the corrupt and reviled Lennox Sebe, Brigadier Glozo at first courted the congress. The congress helped contain the riotig loosed by the coup. The brigadier, in turn,- hired human rights lawyers to write a bill of rights, abolished. the tribal authorities whom President Sebe had used as an' Instrument. of -control and vowed to bring .Ciskei back into' South Africa. ' After a few months, the hDneymoon ended abruptly. Mr- Hugo, the brigadier's former intellIgence chief, said the South African military insinuated agents into the ruler's inner circle to turn him against the congress. "The way they did this was to fabricate threats against Gqozo's life," Mr. Hugo said in an interview, "They made him paranoid." Mr. Hugo, whose account is backed by other former intelligence officers, sail that the most audacious maneuver wv.s staging a phony coup attempt. He said South African agents lured Cisk.j's f)"rier security chief, Charles Sebe, back from exile in Transkei with a promise that mutinous army officers would ha.K' hirm the presidency. Mr. Sebe and a collaborator walked into the: Strap and were killed. The congress did its share to embitter r.e brigad ar, making a mistake the whita.. in Pretoria did not: they insulted his pride. After the brigadier dismissed striking civil servants, the A.N.C. organized rallies where he was denounced in scathing terms. Keith Mathee, a lawyer who served s Brigadier Gqozo's irst mtnister of justice, said the fuming brigadier forced his cabinet to sit through repeated screenings of a police videotape of one protest march where women bared their buttocks in derision. During an hour-long interview last Friday, the brigadier leapt repeatedly from his chair to pace his office, gesticulating in his passionate hatred of the African National Congress. At one point he broke into the high-stepping prance called the toyi-toyi, the ritual dance of political protest, as he described therk r insiilts. "They ar. filthy," he said. "They are terrible. They are thugs. And they are dangerous." "I'm not a small boy," he added, when asked about the plans to march on his capital. Ti'm going to show them that with me, no is no, as the leader of a country. If they don't believe it, they will see on Monday that I am not lintimidated." The Mystery Of Survival But even before the killings on Monday, the brigadier seemed to have little public support. Basle Oosthuysen, the 28-year-old leader of the brigadier's stcreave poli 'i:al party, the African Democratic Movement, concedes the brigadier',has "not much chance" of winning an election. "There can-only be two answers to the question of why Gqozo remains," said Mr. Mathee, the former minister. "One is that he is kept there by the de Klerk Government because he is very convenient in the fight against the A.N.C. The other is that he has nowhere to go. "Here is a man who in a normal country might be a major or colonel in I the army, making a bigger salary than do Klerk, with a mansion and his own army. In a new disposition, he might I well find himself put on trial for murder." Once in early 1991, the brigadier confirmed in; the interview, the South African Foreign Minister, Roelof F. Bdtha,.urged him to take a three-month "vacation." The brigadier, assuming he was being asked to step down, declined, and Mr. Botha did not insist. I "They cannot touch me," the brigadier said. "The minute they do that I will demonstrate to everyone who has been saying that I. am a puppet of them, that I am no puppet of them."

AFRICAN NATIONAL, CONGRFSS- Septerer 8 19.92 OFFICE OF 'THE SECRETARY GENERAL. BACKGROUND TO THE BISHO MASSACRE. The killings which took place in Bisho yesterday during an ANC-led protest action against the ride of the military diestate, .. Brigadier. Ouae. Gqozo, must be seeo1 against the background of increasil.g repression in the bantustan in recent: months. While the " massacre in Bisio is itself a ten ible tragedy, if 'een -gainst the background described below, it 14,; into a pattern ofthe h! oy history of Cis!k,.-Ji since Gqozo assu:r.ed power in a military cPup in M arch i 99*. Immediately after his aso.Hrnpt-ln otf power, a move which has now been expozed as being clearly enginrered in South African military intelligence circles, there followed a; very brief "honeymoon" period between progressive forces and the new, rpgime of Br.gadier Oupa Gqo.7o. However, the same fories who - pleced Gqozo in charge quicdy intervened to put an end to this "dalliance" with the ANC. Under the influence of various railitary "adviers" from:South Africa, Gqozo, qui.lAy m.ved into .z hostile position vis-a-vis the ANC and its stoMcta.x, in tl.c regan. STATE OF EMERGENC\. Matters came tc a head irt Octolier last year with a State of Emergency undcr which -thousands of ANC supporters were detained. The. ititervention of the ANC President Nelson Mandela led to the lifting of the State of Emergency. However, a de facto state of emergency continued in the region with Ciskei using various security lavs to arrest ANC members and dis:.pt ,.NC meetings etc. Together with the activity of' vigi;ante-type groupings in support of Gqozo, there were soon many areas of Ciskei which became no-go a'eas for the* A.-NC. To. this Cay, t, ANC.and other politica! part.s like the SACP -are no' granted any kind of access to the staie radio. Radio Ciskei. The Ciskei administration has also roteiey relused to deal wil tDe Daily Dpatch newspape,. and i:.,many cases has.banned Zchool n,,pi!s from reading tie newspaper .ecause of its alieged ANC slant'. MEETINGS BANNED One of the more notorious pieces of legislation which the Ciskei government still uses to declare ANC meetings unlawful, is Section 43 of the..National Security Act. In termS of t',hs piece of le~is~a~ioti any gathering ma4 fi declared lllegalrby a magistrate. The application ot' this Act is so uniform, as to declare ary ANC nieeting in the territory of Ciskei illegal, amounting'to M f* effect.ve bahning of the ANC itself in Ciskei. Agreemeat was-rre ahed in- March 992 with both the Ciskei and SA governmer:is that thi s pi -otiegs.atoiw.uld be amendepd so .a. to allow-free political acti&itysin Ciskei. This agr ene:n :ias er. zrheeded by the Ciskei regime !nstead events since theri have'seen a -tu, h to thie w;crke, such that a Iow-inensi ty vit- is ncw/beinrg 'conducted.akainst the ANC. in the region -- with the apparent v0implianc or approval c,'t"he'SA g,,erment ittelf: . I The .s'st few'weeks ii partcular, have seen a d-a iati'i :ease in the'ldvels of repression it the eaion. -For instance; itris repOTied' that police and. sod';ers, often in fsckthrsran, feaing b~lacl~i'v: :arry out regular assaults on crSidents in the townships Some 'of these assaiil: F..:e lrti ;larly b.utld, In sone caes1* one person .has been assaulted for several hours by unknown assailants who burst into houses demanding to know if residents are member of the ANC. ANC HOMES ATTACKED Homes of various. ANC members have come under attack, including tpe homes of senior national and regional leadership. In one instance 27 bul!ets were fired at.the home of one of the members of the- egional leadership. Duringthis same period, a student at Fort Hare University was killed on campus by members of the Ciskei Pefence Force. In another instance a hand grenade was thrown at the home of an. ANC branch secretary. His five-year old child was killed, and several others injured. This was the fifth such bombing in this particular village. Children were also severely assaulted by members of the Ciskei police in another i;nstance. whe,.i police arrived at the home of an ANC member. They re~ised to accept charges of assault after the incident. In most cases, Ciskei security forces are accOmpanijed by members of the African Democratic Movement (ADM), ,fqrmed by Brigadier Gqozo himself and which continues to organise with the support and infrastructure of the Ciskei administration. HIT SQUAD ACTIVITIES Various information has also come to light of the training of several quasi-military and hit-squad groupings in the region. Residents of various areas, such.as in the Komga area, in SA territory have reported the presence of Zulu-speaking and other non-Xhosa speaking people staying in camps in the vicinity. When enquiries were made to the authorities, these people were removed from the area. In the Seymour area of Ciskei, residents confronted a criminal gang telling themselves Amadara. Gang members indicated to the ANC that they had been approached by unknown persons to form this gang to carry out attacks on the A NC. SA MILITARY INTELLIGENCE AND SPECIAL FORCES in August last year, a covert military unit, known as. International Researchers. was un overed and Ciskei announced its disbandmrent after the intervention of General Kat Liebenberg from the-SADF. This unit, which had strong links to SA Military, ingelligefice -has been linked to the killing Of Charles Sebe and Onward Guzana which is currently the.subject of a court case in Bisho. However the disbandment of this unit, did not mean The -nd of South African involement. .. It. was the personnel of IR who are said to have convinced Gqozo thattie ANC was his main enemy in Ciskei and the biggest threat to his iegime'.One (if the social forces used by IR and the Ciskei state is the instittion 0f'headmen. These adjuncts of the discredited system of tribal chieftanship, have been corraled by the Ciskei security forces. Various-headimen have reported receiving arms and money fionithes eucrity forces to act against the ANC. Headmen have also-acted in concert with the ADM and police-at village level in many cases,.it has become diffficult to distinguish between police, headn~en and ADM, such is the level of co-operation -- all aided and abetted by the administration in Bisho." Mbre recently, it has come to light that various training bases are being established in.the region. People are lured t.6 the area underthe guise of offers of employment. Hwever, on arrival, ANC suppotr(ers are separated from the rest and toldto return home. Whilst'in the bases, such members witnessed others receiving lessons in fireirinsand targetprattce. In theii briefing;epi-e" are told" that they are going to be trained to act agaiast'kNC activists. KOEVOET - BATIALION 32 Members of notorious units of the SADF anl SAP likit K6evjet and Batta!ions 31 ar, 32 have also been ideruified in the regidir:.In many cases Portuguese.-speakin, black soldiers haVe been preent at various roadbloc s, tsoth v, Ithin SA and Ciskei itselfh lh'ere-,Fe a'sb reports'that a deal is being struck, to ineg:ate membersifrotn these units into tie Ciskei security K~rci,. it has been a lorg-standiig demand by-the ANC In'the region,; that memnbers of ie SADF, and, .in.particuiar of Military intelligence, be removed from the area. SADF - MILITARY INTELLIGENCE-PERSONNEL A brief overview of thowe itvolved, will give an indication of the extent of SA iiitary and: police involvement in: the territory. -- Chif,, of' the SADF, Brigadier Marius Oelschig, was -seconded from the *SADI in Mdy 1991. I-k is one of Gq07o's ch-ief advisers, taking over this role from another former -hember of South African military intelligence, Anton Niewoudt. Oelschig was formerly in Army intelligence in the in the SADF. it was regarded as highly unusual that an ,fficer, whose'bckground Was7 purely in intelligence and Tad never-heid a .singl command post, should be hand picked J.y the SA government to assume command of the Ciskei Defence Force. -- Second .n Command of the CDF is Cooniel Dirk van der Bank, who vas also i'nitaliy seconu'ed by the SADF. -- Head of CDF Military intelligence is Ockert Swanepobi. .Bodii he and h's deputy, Chris Nei. came froina -Special Forces 'baCkground in the SADIF S'wiep-el is sai6 to have- c( re from 'Battalior 32 whief No wa's the main int;i ,gaier ofe Swapo guerrillas dt ring the Namibian %ar of Independerce. -- Another key figure in the Ciskei security network is Basic Oostnuysen, 'a- tiig seCrezay geneaa:" of the Af ican Democrai Movement. It i.: 00sthuysen. who a.:,nongst- others, 'is said to'have per,,aded Gqozo of the need fbr i riovrement such as tne ADM to oppose :ie ANC. Oostnuysen lids since beer, publically linked to various SADF MI covet opeirations -inthe region He ;headed the "Dyna.mic Teatciiag" operatio, ohich tas since been exposed as a front for the SADF. -- Lastly, but not certainly no: least, there is the:ubiquitous* figure of Major General I J Viktor, formerly of tle'SA Security Police, and now Commissioner of Police in Ciskei. His appointment to this post was taken as a sitraregic, decision aiong:the lines of a similar.decision to move an individual'such as Gehieral Ja. Buchner to head the Kwa Zuflu Pb1ice.. South Africa's invlvement in the. da.-to-day&- running ofghe Ciskei administration -is spearheaded thi-ugh ,indi',idua!s such. as those Aamed above. Their involvement,: in-particular, in the operation of !he security forces in.Ciskei, has long been exposed. This involvement extends bey ond the material, and logistical, support without which the Ciskei "security force, uld not exist. Their" Involvement extends to the stra:tegic directin. o vbe security' forces ir Ciskei itself.It is quit' clear, that individuals s .,-h as those named above, with maniy others -as yef unknown, -are directing deeloqieifs in Ciskei, especially the es.ala.ion of violence . a deliberate attemptto bolster theundemo,'ratic Ciskei regime and lo weaken the ANC and. i.,s .allies..