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Chapter I Geostrategic and Geopolitical Considerations
Geostrategic and geopolitical Chapter I considerations regarding energy Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Abstract This chapter analyses the peace and conflict aspects of the concept of “energy security” its importance in the strategic architecture of the major nations, as well as the main geopolitical factors of the current energy panorama. Key words Energy Security, National Strategies, Energy Interests, Geopolitics of Energy. 45 Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Some considerations about the “energy security” concept Concept The concept of energy security has been present in publications for a cer- tain number of years, including the press and non-trade media, but it is apparently a recent one, or at least one that has not enjoyed the popular- ity of others such as road, workplace, social or even air security. However, it has taken on such importance nowadays that it deserves a specific section in the highest-level strategic documents of practically all of the nations in our environment, as will be seen in a later section. This is somewhat different from the form of security of other sectors that include the following in more generic terms: “well-being and progress of society”, “ensuring the life and prosperity of citizens” and other simi- lar expressions, with the exception of economic security. The latter, as a consequence of the long and deep recession that numerous nations, in- cluding Spain, have been suffering, has strongly emerged in more recent strategic thinking. Consequently, it is worth wondering the reason for this relevance and leading role of energy security in the concerns of the high- est authorities and institutions of the nations. -
Us Military Assistance to Saudi Arabia, 1942-1964
DANCE OF SWORDS: U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bruce R. Nardulli, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Allan R. Millett, Adviser Professor Peter L. Hahn _______________________ Adviser Professor David Stebenne History Graduate Program UMI Number: 3081949 ________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3081949 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ____________________________________________________________ ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The United States and Saudi Arabia have a long and complex history of security relations. These relations evolved under conditions in which both countries understood and valued the need for cooperation, but also were aware of its limits and the dangers of too close a partnership. U.S. security dealings with Saudi Arabia are an extreme, perhaps unique, case of how security ties unfolded under conditions in which sensitivities to those ties were always a central —oftentimes dominating—consideration. This was especially true in the most delicate area of military assistance. Distinct patterns of behavior by the two countries emerged as a result, patterns that continue to this day. This dissertation examines the first twenty years of the U.S.-Saudi military assistance relationship. It seeks to identify the principal factors responsible for how and why the military assistance process evolved as it did, focusing on the objectives and constraints of both U.S. -
Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War
Journal of Political Science Volume 29 Number 1 Article 5 November 2001 Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Domin, Gregory Paul (2001) "Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 29 : No. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol29/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Mercer University This paper argues that the conflict between nuclear na tionalist and nuclear internationalist discourses over atomic weapons policy was critical in the articulation of a new system of American power . The creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roosevelt's vision of a post war world order while confronting United States (and Soviet) policymakers with alternatives that, before the bomb's use, only a handful of individuals had contem plated. The bomb remade the world . My argument is that the atomic bomb did not cause the Cold War, but without it, the Cold War could not have occurred . INTRODUCTION he creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roose veltian vision of a postwar world order while confronting TUnited States (and Soviet) policymakers with a new set of alternatives that, prior to the bomb's use, only a bare handful of individuals among those privy to the secret of the Manhattan Project had even contemplated. -
Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1
8. Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1 James L Richardson Like JDB Miller, I have known Coral Bell for half a century, having met her in London in 1955-56—I an intending graduate student, she already an established scholar at Chatham House. Later our paths crossed quite frequently, but we were direct colleagues only for a few years in the 1980s, in the Department of International Relations at The Australian National University. Her contributions to international relations are multifaceted, but I shall focus on three of her books on American foreign policy and Cold War diplomacy— each of them a significant and timely input into the scholarly discussion of the burning issues of the day. (It is easily forgotten how intense were some of the concerns, and how fierce some of the debates, in those years). The books in question—Negotiation from Strength (1963), The Conventions of Crisis (1971) and The Diplomacy of Detente (1977)—influenced my understanding of the issues at the time, when I was working on closely related topics. Returning to them, one is not only reminded of old debates but also rewarded with new insights.2 Negotiation from Strength offers a sparkling commentary on the 1950s: the decade during which the Cold War in Europe hardened into a rigid confrontation between two heavily armed military blocs, seemingly in perpetuity. At first sight, the diplomatic formula which provides the book’s title offered little more than a device for indefinitely deferring unwanted negotiations, but Bell shows that, on the contrary, the varied uses of the formula can serve to illuminate the potentialities for a more imaginative Western diplomacy during those years, and the reasons why this was not attempted. -
HI 2108 Reading List
For students of HI 2106 – Themes in modern American history and HI 2018 – American History: A survey READING LISTS General Reading: 1607-1991 Single or two-volume overviews of American history are big business in the American academic world. They are generally reliable, careful and bland. An exception is Bernard Bailyn et al, The Great Republic: a history of the American people which brings together thoughtful and provocative essays from some of America’s top historians, for example David Herbert Donald and Gordon Wood. This two-volume set is recommended for purchase (and it will shortly be available in the library). Other useful works are George Tindall, America: a Narrative History, Eric Foner, Give me Liberty and P.S. Boyer et al, The Enduring Vision all of which are comprehensive, accessible up to date and contain very valuable bibliographies. Among the more acceptable shorter alternatives are M.A. Jones, The Limits of Liberty and Carl Degler, Out of our Past. Hugh Brogan, The Penguin history of the United States is entertaining and mildly idiosyncratic. A recent highly provocative single- volume interpretative essay on American history which places war at the centre of the nation’s development is Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton, The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500-2000 All of the above are available in paperback and one should be purchased. Anthologies of major articles or extracts from important books are also a big commercial enterprise in U.S. publishing. By far the most useful and up-to-date is the series Major problems in American History published by D.C. -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
Geostrategy in Practice 2021
CEO Imperative Series Critical answers and actions to reframe your future Geostrategy in Practice 2021 A survey of global executives reveals more proactive political risk management enables companies to pursue bolder strategies Table of contents2 | Geostrategy in Practice 2021 Executive summary 4 Political risk management is in flux 5 Political risks are rising but risk identification systems are not fit for purpose 7 The significant materiality of political risk necessitates better impact assessments 11 Political risk management is disconnected from enterprise risk management 15 Strategy and transactions are heavily influenced by political risk analysis 17 Political risk governance is crucial but often overlooked 20 Investing in a balanced political risk management approach 24 Putting geostrategy into practice 28 About the survey 30 contents Geostrategy in Practice 2021 | 3 Executive summary Executives may be discounting the likelihood of some political risks. About half of global executives expect political risk to be higher in the coming year, with geopolitics being the highest area of concern (see About the survey on page 30). This follows similar results in our 2020 survey. But most companies’ approach to risk identification is reactive and relies primarily on enterprise-level processes, which may expose them to regulatory or societal risk surprises. In fact, more than 90% of global executives say that their company has been affected by unexpected political risks in the past 12 months. Political risks will continue to have impact across the enterprise. Executives expect the largest political risk impact on companies’ growth and investment, operations and supply chain, and revenue in the coming year. -
Bilateral Summit Diplomacy in Western European and Transatlantic Relations, 1956–63
02_EHQ 31/3 articles 3/7/01 10:13 am Page 427 Jeffrey G. Giauque Bilateral Summit Diplomacy in Western European and Transatlantic Relations, 1956–63 During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, innovations in transportation and communication facilitated the revival of an old diplomatic tool: summit meetings and personal contacts between heads of state and government. Meetings of sovereigns go back centuries, but with the development of the modern state system and diplomatic practice from the fifteenth century, meet- ings of leaders had become less important in relations between states. Resident ambassadors and foreign-ministry professionals took on the central roles in diplomacy. However, this practice began to break down in turn during the nineteenth century. Reliable rail travel made it convenient for European leaders to meet on occasion, and some, including Napoleon III, made regular use of the practice. The telegraph and telephone also facilitated greater diplomatic centralization. Prior to these inventions, it could take weeks or months for ambassadors to receive new instructions from their governments. As a result, they had considerable autonomy and policy-making authority as they responded to developments in foreign capitals. However, the development of rapid means of communication gradually reduced many ambassadors from policy-makers to symbolic representatives of their countries and transmitters of messages. All of these changes were consolidated after the First World War when Woodrow Wilson’s ‘new diplomacy’ called all existing diplomatic practice into question while Wilson and other govern- ment leaders travelled to Paris to negotiate the peace settlement personally. Wilsonian diplomacy posited that public meetings of government leaders were a more democratic means of diplomacy European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
CHAPTER 1 SPECIAL AGENTS, SPECIAL THREATS: Creating the Office of the Chief Special Agent, 1914-1933
CHAPTER 1 SPECIAL AGENTS, SPECIAL THREATS: Creating the Office of the Chief Special Agent, 1914-1933 CHAPTER 1 8 SPECIAL AGENTS, SPECIAL THREATS Creating the Office of the Chief Special Agent, 1914-1933 World War I created a diplomatic security crisis for the United States. Under Secretary of State Joseph C. Grew afterwards would describe the era before the war as “diplomatic serenity – a fool’s paradise.” In retrospect, Grew’s observation indicates more the degree to which World War I altered how U.S. officials perceived diplomatic security than the actual state of pre-war security.1 During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Department had developed an effective set of security measures; however, those measures were developed during a long era of trans-Atlantic peace (there had been no major multi-national wars since Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo in 1814). Moreover, those measures were developed for a nation that was a regional power, not a world power exercising influence in multiple parts of the world. World War I fundamentally altered international politics, global economics, and diplomatic relations and thrust the United States onto the world stage as a key world power. Consequently, U.S. policymakers and diplomats developed a profound sense of insecurity regarding the content of U.S. Government information. The sharp contrast between the pre- and post-World War I eras led U.S. diplomats like Grew to cast the pre-war era in near-idyllic, carefree terms, when in fact the Department had developed several diplomatic security measures to counter acknowledged threats. -
Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe György Tóth University of Stirling
Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics Volume 13 Issue 1 DOI 10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0002 Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: The Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe György Tóth University of Stirling Abstract This article examines the use of the memorialization of Reagan in transatlantic relations – specifically in the commemorations of the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in 2011 in Central and Eastern Europe. Extrapolating from the case of Hungary, the article argues that because of the contemporary political status of its drivers and its oblique message, the Reagan Centennial’s campaign in Central Europe can be called “shadow” memorial diplomacy, which in 2011 used the former president’s memory to articulate and strengthen a model of U.S. leadership and foreign policy parallel to and ready to replace those of the then Obama administration. This study can serve as an international extension of previous scholarship on the politics of the memory of Ronald Reagan within the United States, as well as a case study of the use of memory in international relations. Keywords diplomacy; Ronald Reagan; memorialization; transatlantic relations Introduction Despite the great volume of scholarship written about the 40th president of the United States, few scholars have concentrated exclusively on the memorialization of Ronald Reagan. Policy-focused studies have tended to evaluate Ronald Reagan’s legacy as president (Schaller 2011; Heclo 2008). Other scholars have measured the rhetoric about Reagan as a symbol of U.S. conservative ideology and policy by comparing it with the president’s actual record in politics and policy (Longley et al. 2007). -
Retirement Planning Shortfalls the First Female Fso the Diplomat's Ethical
PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION JULY-AUGUST 2013 THE DIPLOMAT’S ETHICAL GROUNDING RETIREMENT PLANNING SHORTFALLS THE FIRST FEMALE FSO FOREIGN July-August 2013 SERVICE Volume 90, No. 7-8 FOCUS ON PROFESSIONAL ETHICS AFSA NEWS Presenting the 2013 AFSA Merit Ethics for the Professional Diplomat / 22 Award Winners / 49 A code of ethics is essential to give diplomatic practitioners guidance State VP: On Becoming Foreign with respect to personal, as well as official, boundaries. Service Policymakers / 50 Here are some components of such a code. Retiree VP: Déjà Vu All Over BY EDWARD MARKS Again / 51 2013-2015 Governing Board The Role of Dissent in National Security, Election Results/ 51 AFSA and Santa Fe Retirees Law and Conscience / 27 Sponsor Symposium / 52 One of three officers to resign from the Foreign Service a decade ago Book Notes: Living Longer, in protest of the Iraq War revisits the ethical implications of that decision. Stronger and Happier / 53 BY ANN WRIGHT 2013 AFSA Awards Winners / 53 AFSA Best Essay Winner: Some My Resignation in Retrospect / 32 Nails, Some Tape / 56 Those of us in the Foreign Service must keep our moral and professional compass PMA Funds AFSA calibrated to that point where integrity and love of country declare, “No further.” Scholarship / 56 BY JOHN BRADY KIESLING 2013 George F. Kennan Award Winner / 57 Sponsors: Supporting New Some Thoughts on Dissent / 36 Arrivals from the Get-Go / 58 All government employees should be free to speak their minds as openly FSYF 2013 Contest and Award as possible without endangering national security—a term regrettably Winners / 59 all too often used as an excuse to shut them up. -
An Historical Study of the Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Yugoslavia from 1943 Until 1949
N PS ARCHIVE 1966 GREIWE, W. Wi 1 1 iam H. Greiwe AN HISTORICAL STUDY OF THE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND YUGOSLAVIA FROM 1943 UNTIL 1949. Thesi s G763 - mtttfVKNQXUBRAIW WAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MPWTWIEV CA 93943-5101 AN HISTORICAL STUDY OF THE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND YUGOSLAVIA FROM 1943 UNTIL 1949 by William H. Greiwe u Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS LIBRARY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIF. 93940 AN ABSTRACT of AN HISTORICAL STUDY OF THE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN~ the united SflUTi53 AriD *j&>&itotk from 1343 Until l949 by William H. Greiwe Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS September, 1966 The American University Washington, D. C. ABSTRACT The thesis traces the diplomatic history of U. S.- Yugoslav relations from the first United States interest in the Tito-Mihailovic crisis during World War II, until the United States agreed to contribute economic aid to Yugo- slavia in 1949. The periods covered include the gradual movement of Yugoslavia from British sphere to American sphere through American involvement in the Tito-Subasi6 Agreement, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, and the Yalta agreements. Following the end of World War II, diplomatic rela- tions cooled because of the Mihailovic and Stepinac trials, the loss of two American aircraft over Yugoslavia, and the Trieste clashes.