DOCSLIB.ORG

Chapter I Geostrategic and Geopolitical Considerations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Chapter I Geostrategic and Geopolitical Considerations Geostrategic and geopolitical Chapter I considerations regarding energy Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Abstract This chapter analyses the peace and conflict aspects of the concept of “energy security” its importance in the strategic architecture of the major nations, as well as the main geopolitical factors of the current energy panorama. Key words Energy Security, National Strategies, Energy Interests, Geopolitics of Energy. 45 Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Some considerations about the “energy security” concept Concept The concept of energy security has been present in publications for a cer- tain number of years, including the press and non-trade media, but it is apparently a recent one, or at least one that has not enjoyed the popular- ity of others such as road, workplace, social or even air security. However, it has taken on such importance nowadays that it deserves a specific section in the highest-level strategic documents of practically all of the nations in our environment, as will be seen in a later section. This is somewhat different from the form of security of other sectors that include the following in more generic terms: “well-being and progress of society”, “ensuring the life and prosperity of citizens” and other simi- lar expressions, with the exception of economic security. The latter, as a consequence of the long and deep recession that numerous nations, in- cluding Spain, have been suffering, has strongly emerged in more recent strategic thinking. Consequently, it is worth wondering the reason for this relevance and leading role of energy security in the concerns of the high- est authorities and institutions of the nations. The definition of the term “security” leads us to the quality“ or state of being reliable”1, which in turn is defined as: “Unlikely to disappear, be lost, be stolen, go down, unduly commence, or fail in any other way”2. We can deduce from this that in its most simple form of acceptance, but wholly in line with the purpose of this chapter, energy security in its na- tional dimension would be defined as the sufficient and continuous -sup ply of the energy necessary for carrying on the life and activities of the nation, both individual and collective. Hence, from the contrary viewpoint, energy security is attained by stopping the energy supply failing, being interrupted or having its contribution reduced below the minimum nec- essary levels. However, this basic concept –while it may be true- does not fully define the factors that are concurrent with a current concept of energy security, which is much more complex than that which has been stated before. In addition to this classic conception –focused on supply- it is necessary for there to be at least two extra crucial elements, as Andres says3. Both the environmental aspects relate to the extraction, transporting, processing and use of different energy products. This includes both the environmen- 1 María MOLINER, Dictionary of Use of Spanish, second edition, Gredos, Madrid, 1999 2 Ibid, author’s underlining 3 Richard B. ANDRES, Energy and Environmental Insecurity, JFQ – Issue 55, 4th Quarter, St. Louis, 2009 46 Geostrategic and geopolitical considerations… tal aspects relate to the extraction, transporting, processing and use of different energy products, and, in a very notable way, the sustainability of a nation’s energy architecture. This is understood as being the entirety of the installations, staff, organisation, procedures, financing and policies, business and public, that take part in the energy mesh. This comes about as the result of a concept that encompasses a huge diversity of the national capacities and even supranational ones. As this chapter will seek to show, this also has implications in the security and defence spheres. Attention and Concern Energy security is an earlier concern, which has already the reason for research in Spain on dates on which the economic take-off and the gen- eralised social mobility of the population had barely commenced. In ad- dition, in the context of conceiving national security and international re- lations that are very different from the current one, that vulnerability is fundamentally associated with the possible deficiencies associated with the country’s defence and security functions. In this respect, Guijarro4, a decade before the 1973 oil crisis, placed that uncertainty in a scenario of a possible total war with the Soviet block, as seemed natural at that time. But in essence the concept is now at least as valid as in a context of growing insecurity, even conflict, with respect to some of the most significant regions producing energy resources, chiefly, but not exclusively, hydrocarbons. But this issue manifestly goes way beyond the availability of enough fuel for the Armed Forces and the State Security Forces and Corps. This, on the other hand, is a fundamental factor that is usually overlooked in mod- ern analyses of the energy problem. In reality, it refers to practically all activities, at least in advanced societies. The direct relationship between coal and the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent movement to electricity and liquid fuels led Schmidt to consider, as early as 1936 that “energy is the fundamental pillar of the economy”5. Since then, the unstoppable increase in energy consumption per capita, mainly in the so-called First World, which numerous nations joined in with increasingly quickly, ended up by giving rise to certain so- cieties that were strongly “energy-poor”. Despite the diversification of 4 L. GUIJARRO Y AGERO, Movilización de recursos económicos a favor de la Defensa Na- cional –Mobilisation of economic resources in favour of National Defence, Gráficas Yagües, Madrid, 1963 5 Walther SCHMIDT, Geografía Económica-Economic Geography, p.17, Labor Publishing House, Barcelona, 1936 47 Francisco José Berenguer Hernández useful types of energy, these were to find an answer in the need to be provided with an entire security architecture based around it. This scale of the problem has been maintained and has even increased one decade after another in Spain as well, until culminating in the Nation- al Security Strategy, which devotes one specific section to what it calls “Energy Vulnerability”6. This is significantly featured in the chapter devot- ed to the risks and threats to national security. Validity of the concept In spite of the complexity of the generalised security concept of energy security in the modern day and that has been considered above to be soundly established, what is true that it is essential to make some re- flections on this. These basically consist of questioning the validity of a concept which, paradoxically, appears to be unquestionable in most of the literature concerning strategy in recent years, as will be seen later on. It is effectively considered that the term “security”, in the way it is accept- ed in this text, is in fact constituted in the form of an unalienable right of societies or nations. Guaranteeing that this form of security that is com- promised, threatened or openly assaulted could subsequently become a public asset to be defended, even within the scope of recognition of a just war, uses the classic terminology in the words of Francisco de Vitoria7. Alternatively, there is the more modern right to the legitimate use of force set out in the United Nations Charter. But this right, which could easily be considered to be inviolable as regards Human or Food Safety, could this equally be extended to Energy Security? The answer to my question is negative. Article 55 of the Charter frames the purpose of promoting “higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development”8. These con- ditions are fully applicable to energy availability as Esparraguera and Molina9 rightly establish in asserting that the expansion of the economy directly depends on the availability of sufficient and secure energy. How- ever, article 51 limits the use of force to legitimate defence against an 6 Presidency of the Government, National Security Strategy, a shared project – National Security Strategy, a shared project, Government of Spain, Madrid, 2013 7 Antonio TRUYOL SERRA, Los Principios del Derecho Público – The Principles of Public Law, in Francisco de Vitoria, Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, Madrid, 1946 8 United Nations Organisation, United Nations Charter, web page http://www.un.org/ es/documents/charter/index.shtml, consulted on October, 2013 9 José Luis ESPARRAGUERA MARTÍNEZ and Javier MOLINA FAJARDO, El futuro de la energía en España y su problemática –The future of energy in Spain and its problems, Stud- ies of the Institute of Economic Development, Madrid, 1970 48 Geostrategic and geopolitical considerations… armed attack10; in any event this must take place “against territorial integ- rity or the political Independence of any State”, as set out in the essential article 211. In conclusion, it is possible to ensure that energy security as a concept does not attain the utmost degree of recognition and protection that the international community endows, but that the consideration of this is framed within the scope of the strategic interests of nations and, hence, in the field of possible competition and negotiation. This, which does not seem to relate to the tangible reality of the national interests, is probably due to the energy security concept being coined in a context of abundance, in which the necessities of relatively limited num- ber of developed nations with large energy consumers,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • On Strategy: a Primer Edited by Nathan K. Finney
    Cover design by Dale E. Cordes, Army University Press On Strategy: A Primer Edited by Nathan K. Finney Combat Studies Institute Press Fort Leavenworth, Kansas An imprint of The Army University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Finney, Nathan K., editor. | U.S. Army Combined Arms Cen- ter, issuing body. Title: On strategy : a primer / edited by Nathan K. Finney. Other titles: On strategy (U.S. Army Combined Arms Center) Description: Fort Leavenworth, Kansas : Combat Studies Institute Press, US Army Combined Arms Center, 2020. | “An imprint of The Army University Press.” | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2020020512 (print) | LCCN 2020020513 (ebook) | ISBN 9781940804811 (paperback) | ISBN 9781940804811 (Adobe PDF) Subjects: LCSH: Strategy. | Strategy--History. Classification: LCC U162 .O5 2020 (print) | LCC U162 (ebook) | DDC 355.02--dc23 | SUDOC D 110.2:ST 8. LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020020512. LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020020513. 2020 Combat Studies Institute Press publications cover a wide variety of military topics. The views ex- pressed in this CSI Press publication are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the Depart- ment of the Army or the Department of Defense. A full list of digital CSI Press publications is available at https://www.armyu- press.army.mil/Books/combat-studies-institute. The seal of the Combat Studies Institute authenticates this document as an of- ficial publication of the CSI Press. It is prohibited to use the CSI’s official seal on any republication without the express written permission of the director. Editors Diane R.
    [Show full text]
  • Geostrategy and Canadian Defence: from C.P. Stacey to a Twenty-First Century Arctic Threat Assessment
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 1 Studies Geostrategy and Canadian Defence: From C.P. Stacey to a Twenty-First Century Arctic Threat Assessment Ryan Dean and P. Whitney Lackenbauer1 “If some countries have too much history, we have too much geography.” -- Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, 1936 Geostrategy is the study of the importance of geography to strategy and military operations. Strategist Bernard Loo explains that “it is the influence of geography on tactical and operational elements of the strategic calculus that underpins, albeit subliminally, strategic calculations about the feasibility of the use of military force because the geographical conditions will influence policy-makers’ and strategic 1 An early version of some sections of this article appeared as “Geostrategical Approaches,” a research report for Defence Research and Development Canada (DRDC) project on the Assessment of Threats Against Canada submitted in 2015. We are grateful to the coordinators of that project, as well as to reviewers who provided feedback that has strengthened this article. Final research and writing was completed pursuant to a Department of National Defence MINDS Collaborative Network grant supporting the North American and Arctic Defence and Security Network (NAADSN). ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2019 ISSN : 1488-559X JOURNAL OF MILITARY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES planners’ perceptions of strategic vulnerabilities or opportunities.”2 By extension, the geographical size and location of a country are key determinants
    [Show full text]
  • Yuri M. Zhukov As of Aug 25, 2020
    Yuri M. Zhukov as of Aug 25, 2020 Contact Department of Political Science Information University of Michigan e-mail: [email protected] 5700 Haven Hall, Ann Arbor MI 48109-1045 www: sites.lsa.umich.edu/zhukov Research Substantive: civil conflict (causes, dynamics, consequences), interstate conflict, political Interests communication, historical legacies, military effectiveness, state repression, Russia Methodological: applied statistics, formal theory, spatial/network analysis, text analysis Education Ph.D., Harvard University, Cambridge, MA (Government) 2014 M.A., Georgetown University, Washington, DC (National Security Studies) 2007 A.B., Brown University, Providence, RI (International Relations) 2003 Academic Employment University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI Department of Political Science Associate Professor 2020 { Assistant Professor 2014 { 2020 Institute for Social Research, Center for Political Studies Faculty Associate 2014 { Center for Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies Faculty Associate 2014 { Peer-Reviewed 22. \Mass Repression and Political Loyalty: Evidence from Stalin's `Terror by Hunger'" Journal [with Arturas Rozenas], American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (2019): Articles 569-583. 21. \Introducing xSub: A New Portal for Cross-National Data on Sub-National Violence" [with Christian Davenport and Nadiya Kostyuk], Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 4: 604-614. 20. \Until the Bitter End? The Diffusion of Surrender Across Battles" [with Todd Lehmann], International Organization 73, no. 1 (2019): 133-169. 19. \Media Ownership and News Coverage of International Conflict” [with Matthew Baum], Political Communication 31, no. 1 (2019): 36-53. 18. \Invisible Digital Front: Can Cyber Operations Shape Battlefield Events?" [with Nadiya Kostyuk], Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 2 (2019): 317-347. • Press: Washington Post / Monkey Cage.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War
    Journal of Political Science Volume 29 Number 1 Article 5 November 2001 Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Domin, Gregory Paul (2001) "Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 29 : No. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol29/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Mercer University This paper argues that the conflict between nuclear na­ tionalist and nuclear internationalist discourses over atomic weapons policy was critical in the articulation of a new system of American power . The creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roosevelt's vision of a post­ war world order while confronting United States (and Soviet) policymakers with alternatives that, before the bomb's use, only a handful of individuals had contem­ plated. The bomb remade the world . My argument is that the atomic bomb did not cause the Cold War, but without it, the Cold War could not have occurred . INTRODUCTION he creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roose­ veltian vision of a postwar world order while confronting TUnited States (and Soviet) policymakers with a new set of alternatives that, prior to the bomb's use, only a bare handful of individuals among those privy to the secret of the Manhattan Project had even contemplated.
    [Show full text]
  • The Select Methods of Investigations in Geostrategy and Geopolitics
    Political Geography Studies in Central and Eastern Europe Oradea - Gdansk, 2000, pag. 23 - 30 THE SELECT METHODS OF INVESTIGATIONS IN GEOSTRATEGY AND GEOPOLITICS Jan WENDT* ABSTRACT: After the years of silence and after avoidance of geopolitical researches and its subdisciplines, a renascence of his knowledge has come out. In the latest past years, we can notice a conspicuous increase of interest in nearly all kinds of researches, which are made by political geographers including people who deal with geostrategical and geopolitical problems. When we talk about Poland we must say that the increased interest is a result of breaking a kind of taboo - taboo, which refereed to the works of this sphere. Firstly, that the works were connected with the Third Reich polities and propaganda, and secondly, because of the easy way of censorship explanation, very common while making controversial studies in Poland during communistic times. The past ten years were abounding in accidents connected with boarder's changes and changes of geopolitical and geostrategical circumstances. Also, this is a period of time when the USSR fell into pieces, the European Community came into being, the process of globalisation has been progressing, and equally, a strong separatist and national movements have been developing not only in Europe. So, it's natural that interest in those problems has been native. Leaving back the classical fields of political geography, for instance: electoral geography or ecopolitic, we can surly state, we are just victims of a dynamic investigate development. The development refers to the rest geopolitical ranges - geostrategy and geopolitics, in particular. Because of that fount, it seems to be useful to tide up some notions connected with there disciplines and indicate the basic exploring methods of the occurrences shown in geostrategical and geopolitical works.
    [Show full text]
  • Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1
    8. Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1 James L Richardson Like JDB Miller, I have known Coral Bell for half a century, having met her in London in 1955-56—I an intending graduate student, she already an established scholar at Chatham House. Later our paths crossed quite frequently, but we were direct colleagues only for a few years in the 1980s, in the Department of International Relations at The Australian National University. Her contributions to international relations are multifaceted, but I shall focus on three of her books on American foreign policy and Cold War diplomacy— each of them a significant and timely input into the scholarly discussion of the burning issues of the day. (It is easily forgotten how intense were some of the concerns, and how fierce some of the debates, in those years). The books in question—Negotiation from Strength (1963), The Conventions of Crisis (1971) and The Diplomacy of Detente (1977)—influenced my understanding of the issues at the time, when I was working on closely related topics. Returning to them, one is not only reminded of old debates but also rewarded with new insights.2 Negotiation from Strength offers a sparkling commentary on the 1950s: the decade during which the Cold War in Europe hardened into a rigid confrontation between two heavily armed military blocs, seemingly in perpetuity. At first sight, the diplomatic formula which provides the book’s title offered little more than a device for indefinitely deferring unwanted negotiations, but Bell shows that, on the contrary, the varied uses of the formula can serve to illuminate the potentialities for a more imaginative Western diplomacy during those years, and the reasons why this was not attempted.
    [Show full text]
  • Importance of Military Studies Module - I Military Studies
    Importance of Military Studies Module - I Military Studies 1 Note IMPORTANCE OF MILITARY STUDIES Military Studies is also known by various names like defence and strategic studies, military science, war and national security studies, war and strategic studies etc. Military Studies is currently taught only in a handful of colleges / universities in India. This raises two questions. One, what is the importance of Military studies? Two, why should you as young students study this subject? As you would have studied in history mankind always suffered from wars but never gave up the need to fight wars. In the modern world, the need to wage wars has changed and the methods of fighting too have changed. The importance of having strong armed forces and the need to protect the people against various threats is a constant feature of our life. Knowledge of military security, how armed forces are organised to fight a war and what is the art of warfare are questions, which get answered by studying military studies. By learning about the military, the Government and the armed forces the people become more awakened and can handle situations better. The military study helps the leaders to understand the importance of Armed Forces in defending our motherland. Objectives After studying this lesson, you will be able to: • explain the meaning and importance of military studies; • describe the curriculum of military studies for soldiers and • emphasise the need for studying military studies. 1. 1 Introduction to Military Studies Military studies from ancient times, deals with all subjects pertaining to the military and how soldiers and kings are trained in the art of fighting.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations an Emerging Entente Cordiale
    FEATURE Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations An Emerging Entente Cordiale FEROZ HASSAN KHAN ince the famous American raid in 2011 that killed Osama bin Laden and given the US exceptional favor to India’s nuclear ambitions, Islamabad has gradually moved away from the United States, deepened Pakistan’s relations Swith China, and sought rapprochement with Russia. While Pakistan’s strategic relations with China have been developing for more than five decades, Islamabad’s relations with Moscow are new, evolving for less than a decade. Russia has always preferred India to Pakistan and shied away from any proactive role in conflict reso- lution between India and Pakistan. Additionally, Russia has been unsure of Paki- stan’s future and its strategic direction. In South Asia, Moscow seems to balance Russia’s interests proportionate to the strategic importance and economic advan- tage that each nation offers. Pakistan is a relatively small power undergoing internal and economic perils. It cannot match India’s power potential and offer the same scope of political, strategic, and economic influence that India wields in its rela- tions with major powers. Yet, Pakistan is a very important piece in the emerging geopolitical chessboard in Eurasia. Notwithstanding the handicap of perpetual asymmetry vis- à- vis India, Pakistan leverages its geophysical location, strong mili- tary with advancing nuclear capability, and considerable influence in the Islamic world in its conduct of international relations. In the past, Pakistan and Russia could not develop close ties because neither country fully trusted the other. However, given the mutual benefits to building relations, as discussed in this article, both countries are trying to move forward past lingering mistrust.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
    The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet.
    [Show full text]
  • Current Geostrategy in the South Caucasus Report Drafted by Dr
    Current Geostrategy in the South Caucasus Report drafted by dr. Marcel de Haas Published December 15, 2006, the Power and Interest News Report (PINR): http://www.pinr.com In recent months, relations between Georgia and Russia have deteriorated. The clash between these two states is only a symptom of the broader strategic positioning of the West and Russia in and around the South Caucasus. In this scenario, at regional and global levels, countries and organizations are involved in a struggle for power and energy security. Considering these two issues, what is the current situation in the South Caucasus and what can be expected in the future? Affecting the region are the political‐military and security policies of the actors involved. These actors include Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, and their "frozen" conflicts of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno‐Karabakh. Additionally, the leverage of regional powers, such as Turkey and Iran, and of global powers, such as the United States, Russia and China, is part of the power configuration in the region. In addition to countries, international organizations are also involved in this game. At the regional level, there is the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (B.S.E.C.), the Black Sea Force (BLACKSEAFOR) the Caspian Sea Force (CASFOR), the cooperation between Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova (G.U.A.M.) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (C.S.T.O.) within the Commonwealth of Independent States (C.I.S.). At the global level, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.) and the European Union also exercise political weight in the South Caucasus.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistani Nuclear Doctrine and the Dangers of Strategic Myopia
    PAKISTANI NUCLEAR DOCTRINE AND THE DANGERS OF STRATEGIC MYOPIA Timothy D. Hoyt The formal introduction of nuclear weapons into South Asian regional security raises important questions about the stability of the region. As two traditionally hostile states induct nuclear weapons and so- phisticated delivery systems into their militaries, what will keep them from utilizing these new weapons for coercion or warfare? Proliferation “opti- mists” argue that states will be deterred from destabilizing actions by the inherent mismatch in costs and benefits or risks and potential gains from challenging a nuclear-armed adversary.1 Proliferation “pessimists” point to the dangers of the spread of nuclear weapons; the myriad of things that can go wrong once nuclear weapons are introduced into an already heated con- flict situation; and the lack of careful thought and planning that might go into the development, deployment, and use of nuclear forces.2 Timothy D. Hoyt is Visiting Assistant Professor for the Security Stud- ies Program, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., and Professor of Strategy in the College of Continuing Education, a nonresident program of the U.S. Naval War College, Newport, Rhode Island. The conclusions expressed here are the author’s own and do not reflect the opin- ions of the Naval War College or any other official organization. Asian Survey, 41:6, pp. 956–977. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste. 303, Berkeley, CA 94704–1223.
    [Show full text]
  • Deciphering Cyberpower: Strategic Purpose in Peace And
    Deciphering Cyberpower Strategic Purpose in Peace and War John B. Sheldon What is the strategic purpose of cyberpower? All too many works on cyberspace and cyberpower are focused on the technical, tactical, and operational aspects of operating in the cyber domain. These are undoubtedly important topics, but very few address the strategic purpose of cyberpower for the ends of policy. Understanding its strategic purpose is important if policy makers, senior commanders, and strategists are to make informed judgments about its use. Cyberpower does indeed have strategic purpose relevant to achieving policy objectives. This strategic purpose revolves around the ability in peace and war to manipulate perceptions of the strategic environment to one’s advantage while at the same time degrading the ability of an adversary to comprehend that same environment. While it is proper to pay attention to the technological, tactical, and operational implications, challenges, and opportunities of cyberspace, this article concerns itself with its use—“the ability to use cyberspace to create advantages and influence events in all the operational environments and across the instruments of power”—for achieving the policy objectives of the nation.1 Transforming the effects of cyberpower into policy objectives is the art and science of strategy, defined as “managing context for continuing advantage according to policy” (emphasis in original).2 The definition pro- vides the overall strategic impetus for the use of cyberpower. To fully under- stand the power of cyber, one must acknowledge the character of cyber- power and cyberspace. The linkage between strategic context, strategy, and The author wishes to thank Derek Reveron, Naval War College; Col Harold J.
    [Show full text]