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Yitzhar – a Case Study Settler Violence As a Vehicle for Taking Over Palestinian Land with State and Military Backing
Yitzhar – A Case Study Settler violence as a vehicle for taking over Palestinian land with state and military backing August 2018 Yitzhar – A Case Study Settler violence as a vehicle for taking over Palestinian land with state and military backing Position paper, August 2018 Research and writing: Yonatan Kanonich Editing: Ziv Stahl Additional Editing: Lior Amihai, Miryam Wijler Legal advice: Atty. Michael Sfard, Atty. Ishai Shneidor Graphic design: Yuda Dery Studio English translation: Maya Johnston English editing: Shani Ganiel Yesh Din Public council: Adv. Abeer Baker, Hanna Barag, Dan Bavly, Prof. Naomi Chazan, Ruth Cheshin, Akiva Eldar, Prof. Rachel Elior, Dani Karavan, Adv. Yehudit Karp, Paul Kedar, Dr. Roy Peled, Prof. Uzy Smilansky, Joshua Sobol, Prof. Zeev Sternhell, Yair Rotlevy. Yesh Din Volunteers: Rachel Afek, Dahlia Amit, Maya Bailey, Hanna Barag, Michal Barak, Atty. Dr. Assnat Bartor, Osnat Ben-Shachar, Rochale Chayut, Beli Deutch, Dr. Yehudit Elkana, Rony Gilboa, Hana Gottlieb, Tami Gross, Chen Haklai, Dina Hecht, Niva Inbar, Daniel A. Kahn, Edna Kaldor, Nurit Karlin, Ruth Kedar, Lilach Klein Dolev, Dr. Joel Klemes, Bentzi Laor, Yoram Lehmann RIP, Judy Lots, Aryeh Magal, Sarah Marliss, Shmuel Nachmully RIP, Amir Pansky, Talia Pecker Berio, Nava Polak, Dr. Nura Resh, Yael Rokni, Maya Rothschild, Eddie Saar, Idit Schlesinger, Ilana Meki Shapira, Dr. Tzvia Shapira, Dr. Hadas Shintel, Ayala Sussmann, Sara Toledano. Yesh Din Staff: Firas Alami, Lior Amihai, Yudit Avidor, Maysoon Badawi, Hagai Benziman, Atty. Sophia Brodsky, Mourad Jadallah, Moneer Kadus, Yonatan Kanonich, Atty. Michal Pasovsky, Atty. Michael Sfard, Atty. Muhammed Shuqier, Ziv Stahl, Alex Vinokorov, Sharona Weiss, Miryam Wijler, Atty. Shlomy Zachary, Atty. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Settler Violence in the West Bank, Including East Jerusalem October 2013
Update on Settler Violence in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem October 2013 This update is issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) as coordinator of the Protection Cluster in the occupied Palestinian territory. It has been jointly prepared by members of the Protection Cluster Working Group in the West Bank, including JLAC, MDM-France, NRC, OCHA, PU-AMI, UNICEF, UNRWA and Yesh Din, and also draws upon information from FAO and the Food Security Sector. Violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinians and the property in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, remains a key issue of protection concern for the humanitarian community. This ad hoc update provides an overview of ongoing protection concerns related to settler violence, highlighting in particular the lack of law enforcement and accountability by Israeli authorities. 1. Introduction and legal framework Violence by Israeli settlers against Palestinians and their property is directly linked to the existence and expansion of illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Since 1967, Israel has established an estimated 150 settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, in addition to some 100 “outposts” erected by settlers in contravention of Israeli law.1 The expansion of settlements continues: during the first three months of 2013, the construction of 865 settlement housing units commenced in the West Bank, excluding East Jerusalem, marking a 355% increase compared to the last quarter of 2012.2 The estimated settler population in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem ranges between 500,000 and 650,000, and has almost tripled in the 20 years since the Oslo accords were signed in 1993.3 The establishment and expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, violate Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibits the transfer of parts of the Occupying Power’s own civilian population into territory it occupies. -
Hebron Governorate
Hebron Governorate: The Governorate of Hebron is located in the southern part of the West Bank. It is the largest Governorate in the West Bank in terms of size and population. Its area before the 1948 Nakba (disaster) was 2076 km2 while its current area is about 1060 km2. This means that Hebron has lost 51 % of its original size due to the events of Nakba. The population of the Governorate is now half million according to the estimates of the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (2005). The population density of the Governorate is 500 individuals per km2. Hebron Governorate ARAB STUDIES SOCIETY - Land Research Center (LRC) - Jerusalem , Halhul - Main Road 1 Tele / fax : 02 - 2217239, P.O.Box :35 Email: [email protected] URL : www.Ircj.org The number of Palestinian communities in the Governorate is 145, the largest of which is the city of Hebron. It has a built up area of 79.8 km2 (about 7.5 % of the total area of the Governorate). The Governorate of Hebron contains many religious, historical and archeological sites, the most important of which are: the Ibrahimi mosque, the Tel Arumaida area of ancient Hebron which started in the Bronze age – 3500 BC- the biblical site of Mamreh where Abraham pitched his tent and dug a well after his journey from Mesopotamia in 1850 BC, Al Ma’mudiay spring (probable baptismal site of Saint John the Baptist in the village of Taffuh), Saint Philip’s spring in Halhul where Saint Philip baptized the Ethiopian eunuch. Hebron Governorate Israeli Settlements in Hebron Governorate There are 22 Israeli settlements in Hebron Governorate with a built up area of 3.7 km2 (about 0.4% of the total area of Hebron Governorate) as illustrated by the attached map. -
Idhna City Profile
Idhna City Profile Prepared by The Applied Research Institute - Jerusalem Funded by Spanish Cooperation Azahar program March 2007 Palestinian Localities Study Hebron Governorate Table of Content Location and Physical Characteristics _________________________2 History___________________________________________________3 Demography and Population _________________________________4 Economy _________________________________________________5 Education ________________________________________________7 Health Status _____________________________________________9 Religious and Archaeological Sites ____________________________9 Institutions and Services ___________________________________10 Infrastructure and Natural Resources_________________________11 Agricultural Sector ________________________________________12 Impact of the Israeli Occupation ____________________________15 Development Plans and Projects _____________________________16 Locality Development Priorities and Needs_____________________16 1 Palestinian Localities Study Hebron Governorate Idhna City Profile Location and Physical Characteristics Idhna is a Palestinian city in Hebron Governorate located 15 km southwest of Hebron City in the southern part of the West Bank. Idhna is bordered by Tarqumiya city to the north, Taffuh village and Hebron city to the east, Al Kum villages to the south and the 1949 Armistice Line (the Green Line) to the west (See map 1). Map 1: Idhna location and borders According to Ministry of Local Authority classification, the municipal area of Idhna includes -
A/HRC/40/42 General Assembly
United Nations A/HRC/40/42 General Assembly Distr.: General 30 January 2019 Original: English Human Rights Council Fortieth session 25 February–22 March 2019 Agenda items 2 and 7 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan* Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary In the present report, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the expansion of the settlement enterprise of Israel and its negative impact on the human rights of Palestinians. The focus of the report is on the effects of settler violence on Palestinians’ access to land and freedom of movement. It also addresses issues relating to Israeli settlements in the occupied Syrian Golan. The report covers the period from 1 November 2017 to 31 October 2018. * The present report was submitted after the deadline in order to reflect the most recent information. GE.19-01426(E) A/HRC/40/42 I. Introduction 1. The present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to its resolution 37/36, provides an update on the implementation of that resolution from 1 November 2017 to 31 October 2018. It is based on monitoring and other information-gathering activities conducted by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and on information provided by other United Nations entities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Israeli and Palestinian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society in the occupied Syrian Golan. -
A LIFE EXPOSED Increase Control Over It
-Executive Summary- means to oppress and intimidate the Palestinian population and A LIFE EXPOSED increase control over it. Military invasions of Palestinian This report is the product of a joint project launched by Yesh Din, Physicians for Human Rights Israel (PHRI) and Breaking the Silence homes in the West Bank in 2018. It presents the practice of raiding Palestinian homes in the Most of us think of our home as a place of safety. As night falls, West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) and its impacts and offers we shut the door and gather inside with our family, safe in the an outline of the provisions within military legislation that regulate knowledge that we are protected from the outside world within and enable it. This legal outline provides the basis for an analysis of our walls. The knowledge that when our door is closed, no one home invasions in light of international law, which defines Israel’s can invade our private space without our permission enables obligations as the occupying power in the West Bank and helps the peace of mind and comfort we feel at home. expose how this practice brazenly violates these legal provisions. Palestinians living under occupation in the West Bank, however, are constantly vulnerable to arbitrary invasion of their homes by Israeli security forces and the severe, resulting harm. Invasions by the Israeli military into Palestinian homes in the West Bank are an inseparable part of life under the occupation and the system of control over the Palestinian population. Among the variety of practices that characterize Israel’s military control over the West Bank, the harm caused by home invasions is particularly testimonies collected by Yesh Din from Palestinian men 158and women who experienced such invasions. -
Israeli Backers of the Two-State Solution Should Support the Levy Report
Israeli Backers of the Two-State Solution Should Support the Levy Report by Dr. Max Singer BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 204, April 28, 2013 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Israeli advocates of the two-state solution should support the findings of the Levy Commission, which affirms Israel’s right to settle in the West Bank. Israel will thus be viewed as giving up its own territory in any future agreement. Israeli citizens should not deny their country’s rights in order to strengthen the argument for removing settlements. Opponents of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and supporters of a two- state solution should support the Levy Commission’s affirmation of Israel’s rights in the territories. The Commission concluded that “Israelis have the legal right to settle in Judea and Samaria and the establishment of a settlement cannot, in and of itself, be considered illegal.” It did not say, however, that the settlements should stay where they are. The objection made to many or all of the settlements is that they are thought to interfere with peace negotiations and/or block a two-state solution. These arguments are just as strong if the settlements are considered legal as they are if they are thought to be illegal; the question of legality is separate from that of prudence about Israel’s settlement policy. The Levy Commission didn’t claim that its findings about the legal status of settlements and Israel’s claims to Judea and Samaria meant that Israel should keep the settlements, nor did it reject the idea of transferring the bulk of Judea and Samaria to a Palestinian state. -
Developing a Community Safety Plan for Hebron
Developing a Community Safety Plan for Hebron a centre for security, development and the rule of law Human Rights & Democracy Media Center “Shams” Hebron Governorate Developing a Community Safety Plan for Hebron a centre for security, development and the rule of law About DCAF Editorial Board The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Fareed A’mer Armed Forces (DCAF) promotes good governance Roland Friedrich and reform of the security sector. The Centre Peter Homel conducts research on good practices, encourages Fatima Itawi the development of appropriate norms at the Ibrahim Jaradat national and international levels, makes policy Regula Kaufmann recommendations and provides in-country advice Arnold Luethold and assistance programmes. DCAF’s partners Nicolas Masson include governments, parliaments, civil society, Omar Rahhal international organisations and the core security Haitham Al-Sharif and justice providers such as police, judiciary, Mayada Zeidani intelligence agencies, border security services and the military. Design and Layout DCAF has worked in the Palestinian Territories Wael Dwaik since 2005. It assists a wide range of Palestinian actors such as ministries, the Palestinian Legislative Council, civil society organisations Translation support and the media in their efforts to make Palestinian Yassin Al-Sayyed security sector governance democratic, transparent and accountable. Publisher About SHAMS Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) The Human Rights & Democracy Media Center Rue de Chantepoulet 11 (SHAMS) is an independent, non-profit, non- P.O. Box 1360 governmental organisation. It was established 1211 Geneva 1 in 2003 in Ramallah, Palestine, by a group of Switzerland Palestinian academics, teachers, journalists, lawyers and human rights activists. -
Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories
REPORT ON ISRAELI SETTLEMENT IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES A Bimonthly Publication of the Foundation for Middle East Peace Volume 22 Number 5 September-October 2012 THE NEXT PRESIDENT AND THE ILLUSION OF DELUXE OCCUPATION By Geoffrey Aronson amount to hundreds of billions of shek- Today, policymakers and the els if they were to be applied to the West As the end of the first term of the ad- public alike have surrendered Bank, you could say that the mission has ministration of President Barack Obama in the face of dysfunctional been accomplished.” approaches, expectations of a successful domestic politics and the pas- This breakdown in Washington’s American effort to end Israel’s occupa- diplomatic effort is unprecedented. Jef- sions that drive the conflict. tion of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, frey Feltman, a former assistant secretary and the Gaza Strip that greeted the They are bored with its grind- of state for Near Eastern affairs, and president in January 2009 have evapo- ing hopelessness, distracted by currently UN undersecretary for political rated. This is the dismal legacy that the more hopeful and dra- affairs, acknowledged the diplomatic the next American administration will matic narratives of the Arab retreat of the international community confront. Spring, strangely complacent at an August 22 briefing before the The president’s selection soon after about the strategic costs to be Security Council, noting that “in the his election in 2008 of former senator paid by all for failure to end short term the international community George Mitchell as special envoy and the occupation and settle- may not be in a position to succeed in the articulate and forceful focus on the ment, and all but resigned to helping the parties bridge their political need for a “freeze” in Israeli settlement the victory of the settlers. -
De Facto and De Jure Annexation: a Relevant Distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a Case Study
FREE UNIVERSITY OF BRUSSELS European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation A.Y. 2018/2019 De facto and de jure annexation: a relevant distinction in International Law? Israel and Area C: a case study Author: Eugenia de Lacalle Supervisor: François Dubuisson ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, our warmest thanks go to our thesis supervisor, François Dubuisson. A big part of this piece of work is the fruit of his advice and vast knowledge on both the conflict and International Law, and we certainly would not have been able to carry it out without his help. It has been an amazing experience to work with him, and we have learned more through having conversations with him than by spending hours doing research. We would like to deeply thank as well all those experts and professors that received an e-mail from a stranger and accepted to share their time, knowledge and opinions on such a controversial topic. They have provided a big part of the foundation of this research, all the while contributing to shape our perspectives and deepen our insight of the conflict. A list of these outstanding professionals can be found in Annex 1. Finally, we would also like to thank the Spanish NGO “Youth, Wake-Up!” for opening our eyes to the Israeli-Palestinian reality and sparkling our passion on the subject. At a more technical level, the necessary field research for this dissertation would have not been possible without its provision of accommodation during the whole month of June 2019. 1 ABSTRACT Since the occupation of the Arab territories in 1967, Israel has been carrying out policies of de facto annexation, notably through the establishment of settlements and the construction of the Separation Wall. -
PDF | 2.75 MB | Chapter 4: the Spatial Dimensions of Poverty
CHAPTER 4 4. The Spatial Dimensions of Poverty in the West Bank: Geography or Checkpoints? “Where is Spain? Before the checkpoint, or after the checkpoint?”41 Based on a series of maps using geo-referenced data, this chapter presents a powerful visual depiction of spatial disparities in economic outcomes in the West Bank, in the unique context of man- made internal barriers to mobility in addition to external movement restrictions. In this context, the analysis validates our findings on the determinants of poverty: areas characterized by high rates of poverty also tend to be areas with severe mobility restrictions, poor access to markets, high rates of unemployment, a dominance of low-wage sectors, and a reliance on increasingly scarce employment opportunities in Israel. The West Bank defies the stylized facts of economic geography: the economic heart of the West Bank, Ramallah, is a mid-sized city while its most populous city, Hebron, is its poorest. Hebron also faces harsh restrictions in mobility, within the city, the governorate and in its limited access to the rest of the West Bank. Internal mobility restrictions in the form of checkpoints have far-reaching economic implications: the presence of checkpoints is associated with higher transaction costs and uncertainty that manifest in increases in price differentials and unemployment rates. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt to measure the size of the distortions brought on by the internal checkpoints, which is found to be comparable to the transaction costs incurred when crossing the U.S.- Canada border. The „immobile‟ agricultural sector is particularly vulnerable.