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Renaissance and Reformation, 1995 Silvestro da Prierio and the MICHAEL Pomponazzi Affair TAVUZZI Summary: The Italian Dominicanfriar Silvestro Mazzolini da Prierio (1456- 1527), known as Prierias, served as Master of the Sacred Palace during the pontificates ofLeo X, Adrian Viand Clement VIL He is chiefly rememberedfor his involvement in the cases of Luther and Reuchlin and an epistolary exchange with Erasmus. In this paper it is argued that he also played an important role in the Pomponazzi affair. Furthermore, Prierias ' intervention largely explains Bartolomeo Spina's own polemics against both Pomponazzi and Cajetan. The sequence of events which constituted the famous "Pomponazzi Affair" is well known. ^ On the 19th of December 1513, the fifth Lateran Council issued a decree condemning the Averroistic interpretation of Aristotle's De anima which had affirmed the unicity of the human intellect (both passive and active) and the mortality of the individual human soul. The decree also prescribed that thereafter even teachers of philosophy who dealt with the matter were bound to present and defend the traditional Christian doctrine. It was because of the latter proviso that Thomas de Vio Cajetan, at the time not yet a cardinal but attending the Council as Dominican Master General, voted against the decree. Cajetan believed that this ordination blurred the distinction between philosophy and theology and threatened the autonomy proper to the natural philosopher. In 1516 Pietro Pomponazzi, a professor of philosophy in the Faculty of Arts ofthe University ofBologna, published a treatise entitled De immortalitate animae. Pomponazzi claimed that the composition of this work was provoked Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme, XIX, 2 (1995) IAl 8 48 / Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme by the question of whether the position of saint Thomas on the immortality of the soul corresponded to that of Aristotle. This question seems to have been posed to him by one of his students, the Dominican friar Girolamo Natali da Ragusa. In his treatise Pomponazzi followed the position of Alexander of Aphrodisias and argued that the authentic teaching of Aristotle was that the individual human soul is of its essential nature mortal. Pomponazzi was immediately attacked for holding this position by several philosophers and theologians including Ambrogio Fiandino and Gaspare Contarini. He was attacked as well by Vincenzo Colzado da Vicenza, to mention just one of the several Dominicans who entered the fray in its early stages. Pomponazzi responded to these attacks by composing in 1 5 17 and publishing early in 1 5 1 a further tract entitled Apologia. At this point and possibly at the request of Leo X, the famous Agostino Nifo intervened and composed the de immortalitate animae lihellus. Pomponazzi sought to reply to Nifo' s attack by writing a third treatise, the Defensorium. On the 1 3th of June 1518 Leo X demanded a retraction from Pomponazzi, but nothing came of this because of a swift intervention in Pomponazzi' s favour by Cardinal Pietro Bembo. Nonetheless, when a little later Pomponazzi tried to publish the Defensorium the Inquisitor in Bologna refused permission since the work was not accompanied by the refutation of mortality required by the ordinations of the Fifth Lateran Council. But it seems that Pomponazzi was either unwilling or simply felt unable, if he were to remain coherent, to write such a refutation himself. Instead Pomponazzi chose to write a highly compli- mentary letter to Crisostomo lavelli da Casale, the regent master of the Dominican studium générale in Bologna, asking him to write an appropriate theological refutation of his position which could complement the text of the Defensorium and thereby render possible its publication. lavelli replied to Pomponazzi with a letter accepting the task, and in his Solutiones he published a concise, point by point refutation of Pomponazzi' s position. This arrange- ment seems to have satisfied Church authorities. Vovcv^on^zTÏ s Defensorium was published together with the Solutiones in 1519 and again in 1525. lavelli later published two further works in which he dealt with the matter of the immortality of the soul. In 1534, he published the Quaestiones in III De anima and in 1536 the Indeficientia animae humanae. In the second of these works lavelli gave an account of the entire affair, reproducing Pomponazzi' s letter to him and indeed recapitulating the entire Renaissance debate on the complex question of the immortality of the soul. He also examined the controversial interpretations of the Aristotelian text which had been proposed. Michael Tavuzzi / Silvestro da Prierio and the Pomponazzi Affair / 49 In both works lavelli did not hesitate to criticize Cajetan and to identify him as the ultimate source of the errors of Pomponazzi. lavelli pointed out that Cajetan had himself argued, in his commentary on Aristotle's De anima completed in 1509 and published in 1510, that Aristotle had not taught the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. *** lavelli was not the first to link Pomponazzi and Cajetan and to impute to Cajetan the responsibility for the supposed errors of Pomponazzi. This had already been done openly by another Dominican, Bartolomeo Spina da Pisa. His attack on both Cajetan and Pomponazzi took the form ofthree tracts written during the second half of 1 5 1 8 : the PropugnaculumAristotelis de immortalitate animae contra Thomam Caietanum, a critique of Cajetan' s conmientary on Aristotle's De anima; the Tutela veritatis de immortalitatis animae contra Petrum Pomponatium mantuanus, directed against Pomponazzi' s De immortalitate animae; and the Flagellum in Apologiam Paretti, a response to Pomponazzi' s Apo/og/a.^ What motivated Spina' s attack against both Cajetan and Pomponazzi? Scholars who have dealt with this question have hitherto answered it in terms of vague references to either Spina's conservative and reactionary tempera- ment or his aggressive and mischievous personality. Gilson, while not propos- ing an alternative explanation, has added a word of caution: "Nous sommes trop loin des événements pour juger en connaissance de cause."^ Spina himself justified his attack by vaunting his love for truth and expressing a concern for those who were likely to be harmed by the pernicious theses advocated by his two antagonists. He also protested his extreme reluctance at attacking Cajetan whom he had praised less than a year earlier in the preface to his 1517 edition of Cajetan' s commentary on Aquinas' Summa Theologiae, Ila-IIae. Spina's attack against Cajetan provoked an immediate reaction from his religious superiors. Though written in 1518, Spina's three tracts were only finally printed on the 10th of September 1519. A little less than two months later, on the 24th of October 1519, Francesco Silvestri da Ferrara, who was then Vicar General of the Observant Congregation of Lombardy of which Spina was a member, sharply reprimanded him for having written against Cajetan and for having published his tracts without first obtaining his permission. The copies of Spina's publication were confiscated."* 50 / Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme But it was not Spina's argument against Cajetan that Spina's superior found objectionable. After all, Francesco Silvestri himself had criticized the position of Cajetan in his Commentaria on aquinas' Summa contra Gentiles published only In 1524, but already completed by 1517. But he had done so in a courteous manner, never naming Cajetan and employing the conventional formula "nonnulli Thomistae."^ It was the personal and bellicose nature of Spina's attack on cajetan that Francesco Silvestri seems to have deemed offensive. Nonetheless, even in the short run, the incident did no harm whatsoever to Spina's further career. He continued as conventual lector in the convent of San Domenico in Modena and as vicar of the Inquisitor in Modena and Ferrara, Antonio Beccari da Ferrara. Not long afterwards he was appointed bachelor of the Sentences for the academic years 1524-1525 and 1525-1526 in the Dominican studium générale in Bologna. In the academic years 1530-1531 and 1532=1533, he served as regent master while spending the intervening year as assistant to the Dominican Master General Paolo Butigella. Later he held the titular office of Provincial of the Holy Land, and from 1536 he filled the chair of theology in via Thomae in the University of Padua. In 1545 he was appointed Master of the Sacred Palace by Paul IE. At the time of his death in 1546 Spina enjoyed a considerable reputation as a theologian and was one of the major personages of the opening session of the Council of Trent. But Spina's spectacular later career must not make us lose sight of his modest status when he first launched his polemics against Cajetan and Pomponazzi in 1 5 1 8 . At the time Spina held only the minor post of conventual lector in the convent of San Domenico di Castello in Venice and did not even have a university degree in theology. He was not a particularly significant person nor could he have possibly believed that he could directly attack Cajetan with impunity on the basis of his own standing. In addition, despite Francesco Silvestri' s immediate intervention Spina's further advancement was in no way impeded. With these circumstances in mind, one can only be perplexed. Can the audacity of Spina's attack against Cajetan be explained solely by vague references to his "conservatism," or to his aggressive person- ality, or even to the noble reasons which he himself explicitly adduces? Could it be that when Spina attacked Cajetan in 1518 he did so without hesitation because he was in fact acting on behalf of a more powerful person who, at least for the sake of decorum, could scarcely attack a cardinal openly? I suggest that the answer to this question is to be found in a passage of the Flagellum.
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