China's Example for Meles' Ethiopia
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Industrial Policy in Ethiopia
Industrial policy in Ethiopia Tilman Altenburg Bonn 2010 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 Altenburg, Tilman: Industrial policy in Ethiopia / Tilman Altenburg. – Bonn : DIE, 2010. − (Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ; 2/2010) ISBN 978-3-88985-477-3 Tilman Altenburg, Economic Geographer, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) E-Mail: [email protected] © Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik gGmbH Tulpenfeld 6, 53113 Bonn ℡ +49 (0)228 94927-0 +49 (0)228 94927-130 E-Mail: [email protected] http://www.die-gdi.de Contents Abbreviations Summary 1 Introduction 3 1 Initial conditions and challenges for industrial policy 5 1.1 Socio-economic situation 5 1.2 Historical and political background 6 1.3 Enterprise structure 9 1.4 State-business relations 12 2 Industrial policy: Ideology and practice 14 2.1 The Ethiopian government’s overall development perspective 14 2.2 Ethiopia’s industrial development strategy: A critical review 17 2.3 Policy formulation and implementation in practice 20 3 Case studies 22 3.1 The leather and leather products industry 22 3.2 The emerging cut flower industry 24 3.3 Lessons from the case studies 27 4 Conclusions 29 Bibliography 33 Abbreviations ADLI Agricultural Demand-Led Industrialisation BMZ Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development) EFFORT Endowment Fund for Rehabilitation of Tigray EHPEA Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and Exporters -
Programmatic Theses of the Communist Organization CONTENT
Programmatic Theses of the Communist Organization CONTENT 3 The Flame of Communism Burns On! 4 Our Worldview 5 Class society 7 The State 8 Imperialism 10 Fascism and anti-fascism 12 Proletarian internationalism 14 Proletarian women’s movement 15 The communist party 17 Socialism and Communism 20 The revolutionary strategy 22 Revolutionary Practice 24 The Fight against Opportunism and Revisionism 28 Closing Words 2 The Flame of Communism Burns On! It has been a full century since the October Revolution ushered in the first suc- cessful socialist revolution and changed the world, costing imperialism its first great defeat. Under Lenin‘s leadership in 1917, the actions of the Bolsheviks beca- The Flame of Communism Burns On! me a spark that spread like wildfire, heralding in a new epoch of revolution. Our Worldview The victory of the counter-revolution of 1989/90, the destruction of socialism, and the worldwide solidification of capitalism cost the workers movement and Class society communism greatly. Communist parties, once proud and influential - anchored in the masses and accepted as their revolutionary leadership – disappeared into The State the shadows of history. Our organizations were demolished, they lost their mass influence, they assimilated into the system under the influence of revisionism or Imperialism dissolved. A revolutionary spark as powerful as that of the October Revolution seems far from reach today. Fascism and anti-fascism Still we say: the flame of communism burns on! The ruling status quo is today Proletarian internationalism just as unbearable as it was then. Capitalism produces unimaginable wealth for the few and poverty, misery, and hardship for the many. -
Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution Messay Kebede University of Dayton, [email protected]
University of Dayton eCommons Philosophy Faculty Publications Department of Philosophy 2011 Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution Messay Kebede University of Dayton, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ecommons.udayton.edu/phl_fac_pub Part of the History of Philosophy Commons eCommons Citation Kebede, Messay, "Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution" (2011). Philosophy Faculty Publications. Paper 36. http://ecommons.udayton.edu/phl_fac_pub/36 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Philosophy at eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 1 Controversies over .the Nature of the Ethio pian Social Change The widespread social protest that resulted in the overthrow of Ethiopia's impe rial regime in 1974 was soon followed by a series of radical and deep-going social changes that heralded the implementation of a socialist policy. Neverthe less, despite the unprecedented changes that took place, scholars do not agree on the true nature of the social transformation of Ethiopia. Those who speak of a genuine socialist revolution clash with those who denounce counterrevolution ary digressions. Some maintain that the transformations are minor against a background of overwhelming continuity. Another smaller group insists that so cialism was used as a smokescreen for the implementation of state capitalism. Let us review briefly their main arguments for the purpose of getting a sense of the theoretical challenges that the Ethiopian transformations pose to existing theories of revolution. -
Maoism Versus Opportunism in Turkey
Maoism Versus Opportunism in Turkey The article below is excerpted from a letter written by the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (CoRIM) to the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist (TKP/ML) in mid-2001. The TKP/ML is one of several political centres that emerged from the formerly united Communist Party of Turkey Marxist-Leninist (TKPML), which was a founding participant of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in 1984. During the course of a series of splits and realignments among Party forces, several centres of the TKPML have emerged, each of which continues to use the name of the Party and claim its heritage. The names of the two largest groupings that exist today are distinguished only by punctuation marks: the TKP(ML) and the TKP/ML. In the RIM Committee letter, reference is made to other centres that have existed in the course of the Party’s history, in particular the TKP/ML (Maoist Party Centre), which continues today, and the TKP/ML East Anatolia Regional Committee, usually referred to by its Turkish initials DABK, which merged with the TKP/ML Central Committee to form the TKP/ML Provisional United Central Committee in 1994 and which subsequently split into the above-mentioned TKP/ML, which publishes Ozgur Gelecek, and TKP(ML). To minimise confusion concerning the names of the different Party centres, no punctuation is used when referring to the previously united TKPML of 1984 and earlier, and the other centres are referred to by the punctuation they use themselves. As the letter makes clear, from the formation of RIM onwards serious differences emerged between the TKPML and RIM, and a long process of discussion and struggle has gone on involving the different centres that emerged from the previously united TKPML. -
Religion and the Marxist State in Ethiopia: the Case of the Ethiopian Jews *
Religion and the Marxist State in Ethiopia: the Case of the Ethiopian Jews * GALlA SABAR FRIEDMAN Towards the end of 1974 a group of previously unknown sergeants and majors led Ethiopia into a revolution which transformed the state from a semi-feudal monarchy into a Marxist-military regime. 1 The revolution which they sought to promote was far-reaching and affected all aspects of life, including religion. With the new regime clothed in a Marxist mantle, it seemed reasonable to expect the implementation of extreme measures against religion in general and separate religious groups in particular. In addition, many reports by tourists, observers and some researchers during the first revolutionary years confirmed that steps were indeed being taken against certain groups - the Jews amongst them - as part of a campaign against religion. 2 This article is concerned with the state's policy towards religion and religious groups after the revolution of 1974. It re-examines the issue of religious repression in Marxist Ethiopia and analyses changes within the Ethiopian Jewish community since the revolution. As a result it should be possible to gain a better understanding of the relationship between ideological rhetoric and policy making, and be~ween policy making and policy implementation in this area. the study focuses primarily on changes which occurred within the Jewish community between the years 1974-83, and distinguishes between changes due to the revolution itself and those arising from other circumstances - in particular, the renewal of the civil war in the - northern provinces of Ethiopia and the increased emigration of *This article is based on data collected for two MA theses at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem: Galia Sabar Friedman The Question of Nationalities and Ethiopian Unity (Jerusalem, 1987) and Yossi Friedman Changes in The Ethiopian Jewish Community Between 1974-84, (uncompieted manuscript). -
The Ethiopian Revolution 1974-1984
THE ETHIOPIAN REVOLUTION (1974 to 198 SUBMITTED BY ANDARGACHEW TIRUNEH FOR THE DEGREE OF PH.D LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS JUNE 1990 UMI Number: U044491 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U044491 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 fH£S»S F 6 8 0 O X *=3 HI ABSTRACT The thesis is concerned with the Ethiopian revolution between 1974, when an urban popular uprising broke out, and 1984, when the new regime established the Workers Party of Ethiopia. Chapter 1 discusses the background to the revolution and introduces the factors that became important in the causes and outcomes of the revolution. Part one (Chapters 2 and 3) is concerned with the collapse of the old-s£ate in 1974. Chapter 2 deals with the urban popular uprising of early 1974 which followed in the wake of the structural crisis. Chapter 3 deals with the capture of power by a group of junior officers and privates (the Derg) claiming to represent the security forces. 1974 to 1977 discusses under part two (chapters 4 6) can be taken as the formative years of the post revolutionary order. -
Democracy in Albania: Shortcomings of Civil Society in Democratization Due to the Communist Regime’S Legacy
Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship Volume 2 Issue 1 Article 2 11-25-2014 Democracy in Albania: Shortcomings of Civil Society in Democratization due to the Communist Regime’s Legacy Klevisa Kovaci Fairfield University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fairfield.edu/jogc Recommended Citation Kovaci, Klevisa (2014) "Democracy in Albania: Shortcomings of Civil Society in Democratization due to the Communist Regime’s Legacy," Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship: Vol. 2 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.fairfield.edu/jogc/vol2/iss1/2 This item has been accepted for inclusion in DigitalCommons@Fairfield by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Fairfield. It is brought to you by DigitalCommons@Fairfield with permission from the rights- holder(s) and is protected by copyright and/or related rights. You are free to use this item in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses, you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Democracy in Albania: Shortcomings of Civil Society in Democratization due to the Communist Regime’s Legacy Cover Page Footnote The author gives a special acknowledgement to Dr. Terry-Ann Jones and Dr. David McFadden of Fairfield University, and to Ms. Elena Shomos for their insights. This article is available in Undergraduate Journal of Global Citizenship: https://digitalcommons.fairfield.edu/jogc/ vol2/iss1/2 Kovaci: Democracy in Albania II. -
Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1. -
Cuba and Ethiopia
R. DE LEON COJOURN 5:1 (2020) doi: 10.14267/cojourn.2020v5n1a4 From Cold-War Communist Connection to Post-Cold-War Divergence: Cuba and Ethiopia Robert DeLeon1 Abstract My paper will assess the effects that decolonization and communism had on Ethiopia and Cuba during the Cold War. The lasting impacts such concepts had on both countries after the Cold War and into the present day will also be examined. It may be interesting to contemplate that both Ethiopia and Cuba were third-world countries that transitioned into communist nations during the Cold War, but, after the end of the Cold War, only Cuba kept its communist government. Ethiopia was the only non-colonized country in the continent of Africa. Instead of being controlled by outside European nations, Ethiopia was ruled by a monarch for six hundred years. However, in the 1970s, the country was weakened by political in-fighting. In order to restore public confidence and unity, Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu seized power in a military coup and transformed the country into a communist state. As of today, Ethiopia has a formally democratic political system with a federal republic. On the other hand, Cuba had been colonized by the Spanish from the 15th century until the Spanish-American War in the 19th century. In 1959, its US-backed President, Fulgencio Batista, was ousted during the Cuban Revolution leaving the country in the hands of Fidel Castro. Since then, Cuba has been a one-party state under communist rule. Castro would utilize his party to exercise control over all aspects of Cuban life. -
THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes on Maoite Revisionism, Towards an Ultimate Debunking of Maoism and It’S Social-Fascist Adherents
1 THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes On Maoite Revisionism, Towards An Ultimate Debunking of Maoism And It’s Social-Fascist Adherents Study Packet For Comrades and for Maoites Looking For A Principled Confutation of Maoism This long overdue and highly important writing and re-examination into the effects of revisionism in China and its impact today could not have been possible devoid of the massive help of fellow Hoxhaist comrades who contributed to their utmost ability and their time and efforts into making this possible, particular, there’s a massive necessity of giving thanks to our dearest comrade, the Hoxhaist Warrior, who wrote an entire section here based on the far-reaching research they themselves have done on contemporary revolutionary movements, specifically Maoite ones, and we once again are very much appreciative of his work. Part One: Chinese Revisionism: A Result Of None Other Than Mao By The Raging Stalinist The Rise of Mao in The Communist Party Mao Zedong was born, and on December 26, 1893 to a well-off peasant family. It has been said that his ancestors had lived in the region for around 500 years. So this was a place familiar to Mao. It was a beautiful place, full of luscious trees, forests, hills, and mountains. Mao was the third son to his mother and father, but only the first one to actually be healthful enough to survive beyond his youth.[1] Mao disliked his father a lot[2], but being the kind of person he was, he consistently asked him for money, time and time again[3]. -
The Enduring Relevance of Reagan's Westminster Speech by Mr. Richard
The Enduring Relevance of Reagan’s Westminster Speech By Mr. Richard Fontaine In retrospect, it all seems so clear. In June 1982, the world had reached “a turning point,” Ronald Reagan said, “a great revolutionary crisis” within the Soviet Union.1 Moscow was overstretched, pouring resources into armaments while central planning stalled economic growth. Despite the USSR’s routine use of force to quell any stirrings of discontent, the yearning for liberty was rising from Central Europe to Vladivostok. “The march of freedom and democracy,” Reagan said, “will leave Marxism-Leninism on the ash-heap of history as it has left other tyrannies which stifle the freedom and muzzle the self-expression of the people.” The populations trapped behind the Iron Curtain were, the President announced, moving toward democracy. But their progress would not occur in isolation – they required the active support of the free world. “How we conduct ourselves here in the Western democracies,” Reagan said at Westminster, “will determine whether this trend continues.” And so, the United States would be no idle observer, silently cheering on the unfolding of freedom in lands where it was then denied. Democracy may be no fragile flower, the President observed, but “still it needs cultivating. If the rest of this century is to witness the gradual growth of freedom and democratic ideals, we must take actions to assist the campaign for democracy.” With his Westminster address, President Reagan set the course for an active and institutionalized American program of worldwide democracy support. Proposing “to foster the infrastructure of democracy, the system of a free press, unions, political parties, universities,” Reagan set out the framework for what soon became the National Endowment for Democracy, the International Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute and their sister organizations. -
Ethiopia: Problems and Prospects for Democracy
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 1 (1992) Issue 2 "Winds of Change" Symposium Article 4 October 1992 Ethiopia: Problems and Prospects for Democracy Alemante G. Selassie William & Mary Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Repository Citation Alemante G. Selassie, Ethiopia: Problems and Prospects for Democracy, 1 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 205 (1992), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol1/iss2/4 Copyright c 1992 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj ETHIOPIA: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY by Alemante G. Selassie* In May 1991, the much hated and brutal military-Marxist dictatorship that traumatized Ethiopians for seventeen years was finally overthrown. The major military, if not the political, forces responsible for the demise of the dictatorship (known as the "Derg" in Amharic) were the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). Upon the fall of the Derg, the EPRDF quickly proceeded to assume "state responsibility" pending the formation of a transitional government. With the demise of the Derg and the apparent end of the civil war that ravaged the country for over two decades, the call for "peace, democracy, and the rule of law" is on everyone's lips - at home and abroad. Not uncommonly, after two decades of a cruel civil war and a brutal dictatorship, these ideals have captured the imagination of large numbers of people. Accordingly, on July 1, 1991, the EPRDF called a national conference that culminated in the adoption of a Transitional Period Charter to function as an interim constitution.