The Industrial Workers of the World and the Oregon Packing Company Strike of July 1913

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The Industrial Workers of the World and the Oregon Packing Company Strike of July 1913 Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 7-9-1996 The Industrial Workers of the World and the Oregon Packing Company Strike of July 1913 Adam J. Hodges Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Hodges, Adam J., "The Industrial Workers of the World and the Oregon Packing Company Strike of July 1913" (1996). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 5290. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.7163 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. THESIS APPROVAL The abstract and thesis of Adam J. Hodges for the Master of Arts in History were presented July 9, 1996, and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. COMMITTEEAPPROV ALS: Robe~t Liebman Rep. of the Office of Graduate Studies DEPARTMENT APPROVAL: David JohnsQ6., Chair Department o'tllistory ******************************************************************************************* ACCEPTED FOR PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY BY THE LIBRARY by on f.;? ~~/9'94 ABSTRACT An abstract of the thesis of Adam J. Hodges for the Master of Arts in History presented July 9, 1996. Title: The Industrial Workers of the World and the Oregon Packing Company Strike of July 1913 This study builds upon the notion of a Wobbly 'sensibility' established by Salvatore Salemo and relates it to John Townsend's analysis of conflict between that group's adherents and western Progressives. The latter scholar, by concentrating on middle-class economic anxiety, failed to deal with the virtual unanimity of opposition to the IWW in western towns. Salerno's assertion that a 'sensibility' within the IWW was more binding than ideology raises the possibility that individuals and organizations of varying beliefs could be similarly united within a single cultural sphere with a directed purpose. Such an analysis can apply to factions of Progressivism and radical labor alike. The first chapter begins with a brief account of the historical context, origins, and organizational history of the IWW. This second section discusses the internal dynamic of the IWW, particularly the relationship between the leadership and rank-and-file. The third section briefly explicates the purpose of the thesis. The second chapter recounts important episodes of IWW activity that occurred on the West Coast concurrently with the strike in order to set the regional context of the conflict. The third chapter begins with a section discussing the development of Progressivism and urbanization in a national context and emphasizes cultural conflict. The second section is a brief survey of Progressive era Portland, Oregon. The third and fourth sections discuss the cultural repercussions of women entering industrial life on a mass scale. The chapter concludes with a brief demographic survey of cannery women. The fourth chapter is a chronological narrative of the strike, and is followed by a concluding fifth chapter of analysis. The first section suggests a Progressive 'sensibility' arrayed specifically against radical labor, while the next section discusses a radical 'sensibility' hostile to varying aspects of the cultural norms of Progressivism. The final section asserts the importance of analysis of cultural values, above even notions of class, in addition to economic analysis in order to obtain a more useful synthesis of Wobbly conflict than now exists. THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD AND THE OREGON PACKING COMPANY STRIKE OF JULY 1913 by ADAM J. HODGES A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1996 Preface The Oregon Packing Company, a fruit cannery located near the industrialized riverfront of Portland, Oregon's working-class East Side, battled a walkout by a significant number of its predominantly female workforce during the peak of the canning season in 1913. The strike holds little significance for students of institutional labor history, for it was unsuccessful both in achieving its demands and unionizing the protestors. In fact, the wane of the season prevented these women from even returning to the jobs they had fought to improve. Why, then, is the strike worthy of close study? The action can serve as a rich tapestry displaying the cultural transformation that emerged from the dramatic shifts in industrial relations during the Progressive era. Many such strikes have been overlooked because labor historians have so often placed economic analysis above cultural. Perhaps because the strike was doomed to failure, conducted within a seasonal industry and outside of accepted norms of labor relations, the vigorous nature of the protest is so noteworthy. Before the strike itself is chronicled in the fourth chapter, a good deal of contextual understanding will be required in order to read fully into its signifcance and to understand the concluding chapter that follows. At issue is the nature of the cultural cohesiveness within both the strike coalition and the Progressivist consensus that represented community opposition to the methods of the protest. Therein lies much of the substance of the tensions between the two. The IWW quickly became the focus of public attention during the conflict although they were merely one segment of a coalition. To complicate matters, scholarly work on the Wobblies has quite often reinforced such simplistic notions. In order to rectify these distorted perceptions, a thorough examination of the historical context and historiography of the Wobblies will serve as the focus of the first chapter. Special attention will be paid to the internal dynamic of the IWW in order to clarify the roles of culture and ideology within the union. The second chapter recounts four incidents on the West Coast during the summer of 1913 in which the IWW participated. This section will serve to contextualize the Portland conflict and raise some of the major issues concerning the union's participation in economic actions. Although it will become clear that the IWW was both internally divided and capable of participating in coalitions, Progressives viewed the union as monolithic. The shrill public outrage against the Wobblies, goaded by a relentlessly antagonistic local press, demands an understanding of the context and development of Progressivism both nationally and in Portland. Particular attention is reserved in this third chapter for the intersection of economic and cultural tensions within Progressivism. Confusion over the appropriate place for women within the context of public protest and industrial relations will be a substantial focus. Table of Contents Chapter 1 Historical Context of the IWW 1 Chapter 2 West Coast IWW Activity 22 Summer 1913 Chapter3 Progressivism & Industrial Life 39 Chapter4 Oregon Packing Company Strike 69 Conclusion Cultural Sources of the Conflict 96 MMI a4t JO txatuo:J teJµotS!H I Jatdeq::> The fifty women who marched out of the Oregon Packing Company on the morning of June 27, 1913 to protest low wages were part of a dramatic economic shift that transformed virtually every aspect of American social and cultural life in less than half a century. Although the U.S. population increased at the dramatic rate of 132% between 1870 and 1910, the number of laborers moving into industrial jobs quadrupled. Alan Trachtenberg has noted that "wage labor emerged, unequivocally, as the definitive working class experience," with the industrial work force claiming more than a third of the nation's population by 1900. As the economy was transformed by incorporation and industrial growth, workers sought to further their collective interests.1 The Knights of Labor was the first significant attempt by 'producers' (which, at this point, included small businessmen) to prevent the permanency of the wage system. Established in 1869 by a tailor, the Knights thrived in the 1870s and 1880s, before massive levels of immigration and economic growth erased the possibility of establishing a cooperative commonwealth built on traditional American ideals. In the 1890s, a substantial portion of the Knights lost interest in the seemingly hopeless ideal of transforming the economy and began to expound a pragmatic philosophy based on acceptance of corporate capitalism and an emphasis on immediate gains for workers. This constituency, composed mainly of native white males who worked in skilled crafts, filtered into the American 1 David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865-1925 (Paris: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 54; Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America: Culture & Society in the Gilded Age (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982) 87. 2 Federation of Labor (AFL) and left the Knights in terminal decline. The rapid growth of AFL membership after its inception in 1886 and the disappearance of the Knights dramatically increased the exclusivity of labor organization. The Knights had been fairly open to all races, ethnicities, laboring occupations, and both genders. The AFL, however, served a small homogeneous group of elite craft workers. Yet, the dramatic growth of unskilled industrial occupations, and the mass entry of immigrants and women into those jobs, left the vast majority of workers unrepresented in an economy that was leaving them increasingly impoverished. In the late 1880s, 45% of industrial workers hovered just above the poverty line while 40°/c> were below that level.2 To a substantial number of these excluded individuals, the concept of syndicalism held out hope for a collectivist society governed by workers. Syndicalists intended that after mass organization workers would elect councils, by industry, that would coordinate the government and economy. The idea was radical and transformative, differing from the reform of the Knights in that it looked to a completely new culture based on working-class collectivism rather than one of Jeffersonian independent producer values.
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