The Aftermath of Henry Ii
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Colchester in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries
COLCHESTER IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES. BY GEORGE RICKWORD. THE munificence of the High Steward of the Borough of Colchester, Earl Cowper, K.G., in presenting to the Roxburgh Club a printed transcript of the Chartulary of St. John's Abbey, has opened to those interested in the county of Essex a mine of information which has been but little worked since Morant had the original in his hands when preparing his famous History. His Lordship's gift of a copy to the Colchester Public Library has enabled the writer to put together a few notes on a somewhat obscure part of our local history. The descent of the original volume is shown from John Lucas, the purchaser of the Abbey lands, down to his lineal descendant, the present Earl Cowper. It has therefore been technically in proper custody ever since the Dissolution, and since few of the original documents which it records are in existence, it has been accepted as secondary evidence as to their contents in the Courts of Law. The scholarly introduction of Mr. Stuart A. Moore occupies the first thirty-eight pages. His description of the volume is as follows :— "The MS. of the Chartulary is a handsome folio of 339 leaves, written in a double column, in a handwriting of the time of King Henry III. The scribe, John de Hadlegh, appears to have found the muniments of the Monastery stored in five 'armaria,' probably chests or cupboards. Before commencing his transcript, he seems to have arranged his documents as follows:—in the first 'armarium' he put the founder's charter, Royal charters -
The Loss of Normandy and the Invention of Terre Normannorum, 1204
The loss of Normandy and the invention of Terre Normannorum, 1204 Article Accepted Version Moore, A. K. (2010) The loss of Normandy and the invention of Terre Normannorum, 1204. English Historical Review, 125 (516). pp. 1071-1109. ISSN 0013-8266 doi: https://doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq273 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/16623/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . To link to this article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq273 Publisher: Oxford University Press All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online 1 The Loss of Normandy and the Invention of Terre Normannorum, 1204 This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in English Historical Review following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version [T. K. Moore, „The Loss of Normandy and the Invention of Terre Normannorum, 1204‟, English Historical Review (2010) CXXV (516): 1071-1109. doi: 10.1093/ehr/ceq273] is available online at: http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/content/CXXV/516/1071.full.pdf+html Dr. Tony K. Moore, ICMA Centre, Henley Business School, University of Reading, Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6BA; [email protected] 2 Abstract The conquest of Normandy by Philip Augustus of France effectively ended the „Anglo-Norman‟ realm created in 1066, forcing cross-Channel landholders to choose between their English and their Norman estates. -
England and Normandy, 12 0 4-1259
ENGLAND AND NORMANDY, 12 0 4-1259 by V~ Wendy B. Stevenson Volume II Submitted for the Degree of Ph.D in the University of Leeds 1971* Appendix I : A Provisional List of the English Possessions (by counties) of Norman Sees and Abbeys in 120k^1^ Reference Abbey, see etc County A 1meneches Sussex C . D ■ F . , no . 695 • 9 Calvados, Serie H , I , n o •H .21 . Ardennes Not known 8 Lincolnshire Aumale Mon . Ang . , VI, 1 020. Yorkshire Aunay-s ur-Odon Lincolnshire Northamptonshi re C . D . F . , nos.525 , 53^- Oxfordsh i re G .C . X I , Instrumenta, col.88, no.xxiii Barbery Not known D .B . I . , f . Bayeux cathedral Cambridgeshi re 196 Surrey Ibid. , I , f .3 3 * Bea ubec Norfolk or R e c .Hen r i II , I, no.CLXVI I I . S u f f o 1 k Mon .Ang . , VI, 1012. Bea u1 i e u Ken t (1) See page - 28 a b o v e . 336 . 336 Abbey, see etc. County Reference Bec-Hellouin Berkshire Devonshire Dorset E s s ex Hamps h i re Lincolnshire Middlesex ( 1 ) Norfolk Mo n . A n g. , VI, 1068, nos. I I I — I V No r t hamp tons h i re Oxfo rd s h i re Su f fo1k Surrey Sussex Wa rw i cks h i re Wi 1tsh i re Bed fordshi re Cambridgeshi re ( 1 ) Hertfordshi re Mon . Ang . , III, 63 Huntingdonshi re Rutland ( 1 ) Monmouthsh i re Mon.Ang., VI, 1021. Ken t C . D . -
Descent of St. Maur and Seymour Families
-390- ST MAUR AND SEYMOUR DESCENT OF ST.MAUR FAMILY OF CO.MONMOUTH AND SEYMOUR FAMILY OF HATCH, CO.SOMERSET by Paul C. Reed1 ABSTRACT This Seymour family became renowned in the person of Jane Seymour, who died twelve days after the birth of Edward, the only legitimate son of Henry VIII to survive infancy. It is not surprising that the origins of this family came under the focus of the earliest English historians and genealogists, including Camden, Dugdale and Vincent. Brydges and others later attempted fuller accounts in their works on the peerage, but the paucity of surviving records has allowed errant conclusions and fictions to persist in the most widely available modern accounts. The purpose of this article is to present a fresh analysis of what survives and bring the subject up to current standards of scholarship. Foundations (2008) 2 (6): 390-442 © Copyright FMG and the author As is the case with so many medieval English families, our knowledge of the earliest generations of the Seymours in the century and a half after Domesday is vague and uncertain. The earliest definitely traceable ancestor appears in record because of his acquisition of land—he burst onto the scene through conquest. In a period when preserving the king’s peace would normally have forbad dispossessing anyone of a manor (whether they had been in legitimate possession or not), at this specific time it furthered the interests of the crown to have Englishmen displace the native Welsh. Even after the family acquired heritable land, the descent of the male line through the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is not entirely certain because of the scant survival of documents concerning manors and lands in the Marches of Wales. -
(1997) 13- 56 1 Domesday Book and the Malets: Patrimony And
© K.S.B.Keats-Rohan 1996 Printed Nottingham Medieval Studies 41 (1997) 13- 56 Domesday Book and the Malets: patrimony and the private histories of public lives Established on ducal demesne lands at Graville-Sainte-Honorine in the Pays de Caux by the beginning of the eleventh century, the 'grand lignage' of Malet is one of the most inadequately discussed of all the great Norman houses to enjoy large landholdings in England after 1066. An account of the formation of their Norman honour, much of which was held not directly of the duke but of the Giffard family, has been given in recent years by J. Le Maho.1 They also held land near the ducal centre at Caen,2 a connexion that frequently recurs in consideration of their family and tenurial relationships. These are matters fundamental to a study of Malet, but also essential to an understanding of the family's career in the eleventh century is the examination of its association with England. The Malets were the only Norman family of any significance to have had associations with both Normandy and England throughout the century, something that both entitles them to a special status as the 'Anglo-Norman' family par excellence and merits a fresh study. The present study takes as its focal point the career of the Domesday landholder Robert I Malet. The most serious difficulty concerns the period 1087-1100. During this time his Honour of Eye is known to have been held by a powerful favourite of William Rufus, Roger the Poitevin, while he himself apparently completely disappeared from all English and Norman documents. -
The Charnwood Manors
CHARNWOOD FOREST THE CHARNWOOD MANORS BY GEORGE F. FARNHAM, F.S.A. THE CHARNWOOD MANORS BY GEORGE F. FARNHAM, M.A., F.S.A. In his History of Charnwood Forest, Potter gives the medieval descent of the four manors of Barrow, Groby, Whitwick and Shepshed in the portion assigned to the "parochial history of Charnwood ". In this part of his work Potter has trusted almost entirely to Nichols, and has done very little research work from original documents. The result is rather unsatisfactory, for while the manorial descents are in the main correct, the details are in many instances extremely inaccurate. In order to illustrate my meaning I will select a few paragraphs from his history of Barrow on page 59. Potter writes " that in 1375, Sir Giles de Erdington, knight, died seised of the manor of Barrow, leaving a son and heir, Sir Thomas de Erdington, kt., who (probably from the proximity of Barrow to Segrave) formed a matrimonial alliance with Margaret, daughter of Thomas de Brotherton, earl of Norfolk. This lady had before been twice married; first to Sir Walter Manny, and secondly to John, lord Segrave, who, dying in 1355, left her a widow with an only daughter. In 1404, it was found (by inquisition) that Margaret, then duchess of Norfolk, widow of Sir Thomas de Erdington, died seised of the Barrow manor. Her son, Thomas Erdington, then succeeded to his father's moiety of the manor; and, on the death of his relation Raymond de Sully, to the other portion too." These extracts, copied by Potter from Nichol's History, iii, p. -
Handlist of Terre Normannorum 1
A handlist of terre Normannorum 1 The Handlist of terre Normannorum provided here is intended to give an indication of the scale of the terre Normannorum in England beyond the sample studied in this project. It lists other properties and places that can be classified as terre Normannorum , according to the criteria set out below, but which did not involve one of the initial or extended sample derived from the Rotulus de Valore Terrarum Normannorum and therefore were not entered into the project database. The handlist includes: (i) properties explicitly described as terre Normannorum , for example in the thirteenth-century tenurial inquests concerning the 'lands of the Normans'; (ii) properties granted by the king subject to the clause that they would be restored to their rightful owners should England and Normandy be reunited or should the kings of England and France come to a permanent peace; (iii) properties whose former holder was described in English royal records either as a Norman, as with the king's enemies, or as having left the king's faith (fealty); (iv) all other properties known to have been held in demesne by a person or family whose estates were confiscated on account of the loss of the Angevin lands in northern France (note that this includes rent-charges but excludes properties held of the person or family in question). The handlist supplies a reference for each property that does not appear in the database; these references are not intended to be comprehensive. Although the handlist has identified over 600 places as linked to the terre Normannorum , a substantial increase on previous estimates, it is certain that there are more places and properties to be found. -
Down Upon the Fold: Mercenaries in the Twelfth Century. Steven Wayne Isaac Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1998 Down Upon the Fold: Mercenaries in the Twelfth Century. Steven Wayne Isaac Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Isaac, Steven Wayne, "Down Upon the Fold: Mercenaries in the Twelfth eC ntury." (1998). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 6784. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/6784 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Chapter Five the Earls and Royal Government
Chapter Five The Earls and Royal Government: General There are two angles from which the subject of the earls and royal government should be approached. The earls were in- volved at every level of government, from the highest offices of household and administration to the hanging of a thief on their own lands. They were also subject to the actions of government in its many forms. While it is useful to consider the activity of the earls in government separate from the impact of government upon them, there is no clear division between these two aspects. An earl that lost a legal dispute in the king's court was, as a major vassal of the king, a potential member of that same court. An earl that paid the danegeld due from his fief and vassals was both tax-collector and tax-payer. The obvious place to start an examination of the earls' role in government is the royal household, the central govern- ment institution of western kings since before Charlemagne. In Henry II's reign, several of the chief offices of the house- hold were held by earls. Two earls were recognised by Henry II as stewards in the years on either side of his succession to the throne. At some time between June 1153 and December 1154, Henry II recognised Robert earl of Leicester (d. 1168) as steward of England and Normandy (1). The earl had not been a steward under .(1) Re esta, iii, no.439. Shortly before this, the same grant had been made by Henry to Earl Robert's son, probably to avoid a too early contradiction in Earl Robert's allegiance to King Stephen: Ibid., no.438. -
Siege Warfare in King Stephen's Reign
Siege Warfare in King Stephen’s reign (1135-54) Siege Warfare in King Stephen’s reign (1135-54): An Introduction Richard Hulme The first page of the Peterborough element of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, written c. 1150, which details the events of the Civil War. Civil of the events the 1150,c. details which written Anglo-Saxon of the Chronicle, page Peterborough element of the The first THE CASTLE STUDIES GROUP JOURNALTHE NO CASTLE 29: 2015-16 STUDIES GROUP JOURNAL NO 33: 2019-20 186 Siege Warfare in King Stephen’s reign (1135-54) Siege Warfare in King Stephen’s reign (1135-54): An Introduction Twelfth-century chroniclers’ views of castle strength focussed on the integration of defences into landscape features providing obstacles, steep slopes and water defences, rather than specific details of castle design. Strong, well garrisoned castles were very difficult to overcome, so long sieges were rare, though sometimes blockades by siege castle were attempted. More commonly, underhand methods, surprise attacks and assaults, particularly on less powerful castles, were the usual forms of ‘siege’. Control of castles gave control of localities, conferring power and status. Power included imposing extra castle-work obligations on ordinary people, who anyway were the main victims of widespread and prolonged warfare primarily conducted by plundering and burning raids. Unsurprisingly, they – the ordinary people – viewed castles as centres of oppression. Summary of Conflict 1135-54 allerton, Yorkshire). Matilda and Robert of After Henry I’s only legitimate son, Wil- Gloucester landed in England, at Arundel, liam, died in 1120, he planned for his daugh- Sussex, in late 1139. -
Cry Havoc Règles Fr 24/11/15 09:37 Page1 Thehe Anarchynarchy
anarchy historic UK_cry havoc règles fr 24/11/15 09:37 Page1 Thehe Anarchynarchy HISTORY & SCENARIOS anarchy historic UK_cry havoc règles fr 24/11/15 09:37 Page2 © BUxeria & Historic’One éditions - 2015 - v1.0 anarchy historic UK_cry havoc règles fr 24/11/15 09:37 Page1 Historical Background The Civil War in England and Normandy Succession crisis 1120, BarfleUr in Normandy. A vessel named the White Ship sets sail for England with three hUndred yoUng English nobles. Among them was William Adelin, the only legitimate male heir to the King of England, and the DUke of Normandy Henry BeaUclerc, the yoUngest son of William the ConqUeror. They held a party on board, which it is assUmed the crew partook of the libations. The ship was Unable to avoid Underwater rocks while exiting the harbor and it sank, killing everybody onboard except two passengers. William’s death threw the sUccession to the English crown into doUbt. Henry had a daUghter named Matilda bUt the accession of a woman to the crown was not yet established cUstom. Robert of GloUcester was one of Henry’s 22 illegitimate children and coUld not therefore be considered. His sister's son, Stephen of Blois, was also a possible option. By 1126, Matilda became Henry’s preferred choice as sUccessor. In 1114, at the early age of 12, Matilda married the 28 year old King of the Romans, Henry V. He was crowned Holy Roman Emperor in Rome in 1117 and Matilda claimed the title of empress. Henry died in 1125, leaving Matilda with the choice of either becoming a nUn or remarrying. -
John Walker Phd Thesis
=2/ 9,=;87,1/ 80 =2/ =/695,;< ,7. 80 =2/ 8;./; 80 <=" 5,@,;>< 37 /715,7. 37 =2/ =?/50=2 ,7. =23;=//7=2 -/7=>;3/< 4NHM ?AKJEP , =HEQIQ <SBLIRRED FNP RHE .EGPEE NF 9H. AR RHE >MITEPQIRW NF <R" ,MDPEUQ %))% 0SKK LERADARA FNP RHIQ IREL IQ ATAIKABKE IM ;EQEAPCH+<R,MDPEUQ*0SKK=EVR AR* HRRO*##PEQEAPCH!PEONQIRNPW"QR!AMDPEUQ"AC"SJ# 9KEAQE SQE RHIQ IDEMRIFIEP RN CIRE NP KIMJ RN RHIQ IREL* HRRO*##HDK"HAMDKE"MER#%$$&'#&)($ =HIQ IREL IQ OPNRECRED BW NPIGIMAK CNOWPIGHR THE PATRONAGE OF THE TEMPLARS AND OF THE ORDER OF ST.LAZARUS IN ENGLAND IN THE TWELFTH AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES. A thesis presented for the degree of Ph.D. at the University of St.Andrews. by John Walker. (M.A. St.Andrews). 1990. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Acknowledgements. p. iv. Abstract. p.v. Abbreviations. p.vii. Introduction: A) The Templars and the Order of St.Lazarus: p.1. Origins and Development. B) The Sources. p.12. Chapter One. Patronage and the Crusades. p.39. Chapter Two. Full Membership and Lay Association. p.60. Chapter Three. The Family and Patronage. P.90. Chapter Four. Lordship and Patronage. p.153. Chapter Five. Social and Geographical Association. p.22I. Conclusion. p.241. Appendices. p.252. Appendix I. The Possessions of the Templars and the Order of St.Lazarus in England. p.253. Appendix II. The Templars during the Reign of King Stephen (1135-54). p.278. Appendix III. Genealogical Tables. p.288. Appendix IV. Maps. p.293. Bibliography. p.301. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. I would like to thank the British Academy for the award of a Major State Studentship in 1986, without which this research project could not have been undertaken.