Legislatve Strengthening/ Good Governance Program Assessment in Ukraine
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Public Broadcasting in Ukraine
РОЗДІЛ 1 ДЕРЖАВНЕ МОВЛЕННЯ: ВІД ПРОПАГАНДИ ДО АДМІНРЕСУРСУ Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION AND CHALLENGES IN UKRAINE: HISTORY OF CREATION PUBLIC BROADCASTING 1 2 Svitlana Ostapa, Vadym Miskyi, Ihor Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova PUBLIC BROADCASTING IN UKRAINE: History of Creation and Challenges UDC 654.19 О 76 Production of this brochure was made possible with the financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark and the Government of Sweden. The content of the brochure is the sole responsibility of Detector Media NGO and does not necessarily reflect the po- sition of the National Endowment for Democracy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark, or the Government of Sweden. S.V. Ostapa, V.V. Miskyi, I.Ye. Rozkladai under the general editorship of Natalia Lyhachova. О 76 Public broadcasting in Ukraine: History of Creation and Challenges. — Kyiv: VIOL PRINTING HOUSE LLC, 2018. — 168 p. Fig. Media experts directly involved in the establishment of the Public Broadcasting in Ukraine reveal the history of the transformation of state broadcasters into the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine. It was a path from advocating for the legislation necessary for the formation of a legal entity and its first steps. This brochure also describes the main challenges faced by the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine at the end of the first two years of its operation. -
Launching an Effective Anti- Corruption Court: Lessons from Ukraine
U4 Practice Insight 2021:1 Launching an effective anti- corruption court: Lessons from Ukraine By David Vaughn and Olha Nikolaieva Series editor: Sofie Arjon Schütte Disclaimer All views in this text are the author(s)’, and may differ from the U4 partner agencies’ policies. Partner agencies German Corporation for International Cooperation – GIZ German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development – BMZ Global Affairs Canada Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark / Danish International Development Assistance – Danida Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency – Sida Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation – SDC The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation – Norad UK Aid – Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office About U4 U4 is a team of anti-corruption advisers working to share research and evidence to help international development actors get sustainable results. The work involves dialogue, publications, online training, workshops, helpdesk, and innovation. U4 is a permanent centre at the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) in Norway. CMI is a non-profit, multi-disciplinary research institute with social scientists specialising in development studies. www.U4.no [email protected] Cover photo High Anti-Corruption Court (CC copyrighted) Keywords justice sector - anti-corruption courts - judges - vetting - Ukraine - Eastern Europe Publication type U4 Practice Insight Creative commons This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Ukraine’s High Anti-Corruption Court was created in response to immense public demand to hold government officials and judges accountable for corruption. Making the court operational, however, required more than adopting legislation. It meant selecting and preparing judges, recruiting qualified court personnel, and setting up administrative and organisational structures, including courthouse facilities, security, IT infrastructure, and communications systems. -
What Future for Ukraine?
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH Centre for Eastern Studies Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? What Future for Ukraine? Anna Górska Warszawa, czerwiec 2005 / Warsaw, June 2005 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor serii / Series editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation Izabela Zygmunt Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? / 5 I. Trudny okres przejmowania w∏adzy / 6 II. Paƒstwo demokratyczne / 9 III. Paƒstwo prawa / 11 IV. Gospodarka rynkowa / 14 V. Czy Zachód mo˝e wspomóc Ukrain´ / 16 Za∏àcznik I / 18 Za∏àcznik II / 24 What Future for Ukraine? / 27 I. Difficult Period of the Transfer of Power / 28 II. A Democratic State / 31 III. A State of Law / 34 IV. Market Economy / 37 V. Can the West help Ukraine / 38 Appendix No 1 / 41 Appendix No 2 / 47 Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? Min´∏o sto dni od inauguracji prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenki i po- wo∏ania nowego rzàdu z Julià Tymoszenko na czele, co tradycyjnie sk∏a- nia do pierwszych podsumowaƒ i oceny polityki nowych w∏adz. W przy- padku Ukrainy jest to szczególnie interesujàce. Zmiana w∏adzy nastàpi∏a w du˝ej mierze w wyniku antysystemowego protestu spo∏ecznego, okre- Êlanego jako pomaraƒczowa rewolucja1. W zasadzie Majdan nie formu- ∏owa∏ pozytywnych hase∏ programowych, a jedynie wyraziÊcie okreÊla∏, czego spo∏eczeƒstwo ju˝ nie akceptuje – samowoli w∏adzy, korupcji, bie- dy, k∏amstwa w najwy˝szych gabinetach i mediach, przedmiotowego traktowania spo∏eczeƒstwa, o którym w∏adza przypomina sobie jedynie w kampaniach wyborczych, ale i tak nie respektuje woli wyborców. -
Development Partnership Forum Joint Statement 8 October 2020
Development Partnership Forum Joint Statement 8 October 2020 Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal and Heads of Missions and Heads of Cooperation met 8 October 2020, in Kyiv, Ukraine, in the framework of the Development Partnership Forum, which was established as a part of the three-tier coordination mechanism between the Government of Ukraine (GOU) and the international Development Partners (DPs) in line with the Paris Declaration on Improving the Effectiveness of External Assistance. This meeting builds upon the successful Development Partnership Forum held in January 2020 and the Ukraine Reform Conferences (URC) held in London, Copenhagen, and Toronto. It is also a key milestone in preparing for the next URC expected to be held in Vilnius, Lithuania in 2021. Development cooperation takes place in Ukraine across multiple sectors and areas and is being provided by 24 countries, IFIs and the EU with total grant assistance of roughly USD 5.7 billion since the Revolution of Dignity. Cooperation between Ukraine and DPs is based on common interests and shared values and aims to support national reforms promoting an inclusive, independent, democratic, prosperous, and healthy Ukraine united around core European values. Both sides underscored that their shared aim is to achieve a tangible impact for all Ukrainian citizens, including its most vulnerable, based on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The GOU continues to be committed to reforms aimed at restoring economic growth and bringing the country closer to the European future. Development Partners stand ready to support the GOU to realise the potential of the Ukrainian economy through systemic changes to improve its business climate, increase investment attractiveness and to develop trade and human capital. -
Digital Government Factsheet Ukraine
Digital Government Factsheet 2019 Ukraine ISA2 Digital Government Factsheets - Ukraine Table of Contents Country Profile .................................................................................................. 3 Digital Government Highlights ............................................................................. 5 Digital Government Political Communications ........................................................ 6 Digital Government Legislation ............................................................................ 9 Digital Government Governance .........................................................................13 Digital Government Infrastructure ......................................................................16 Digital Government Services for Citizens .............................................................21 Digital Government Services for Businesses .........................................................24 2 2 Digital Government Factsheets - Ukraine Country Profile Basic data Population: 42 122 657 (2019) GDP at market prices: UAH 1 048 023 (2019) GDP per inhabitant in PPS (Purchasing Power Standard EU 28=100): N/A GDP growth rate: 3.4% (IV quarter of 2018 compared to IV quarter of 2017) Inflation rate: 9.8%* (2018) General government gross debt (Percentage of GDP): 63%* General government deficit/surplus (Percentage of GDP): 1.66%* Area: 603 628 km2 Capital city: Kyiv Official EU language: Ukrainian Currency: UAH 2 Source: UkrStat, *Ukrainian Ministry of Finance 3 Digital Government Factsheets -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2012, No.39
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia’s “soft power with an iron fist” – page 3 l The Ukrainian minority in Poland, 1944-1947 – page 9 l Tennis championships at Soyuzivka – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXX No. 39 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 2012 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign Relations Ukraine’s 2012 parliamentary elections: Committee approves Two parties that might make the cut Tymoshenko resolution by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly WASHINGTON – A resolution intro- duced by U.S. Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), a KYIV – Polls indicate that at least four member of the Senate Foreign Relations political parties will qualify for the 2012 Committee, and co-sponsored by U.S. Verkhovna Rada. Another two parties have Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Senate majori- a chance of surpassing the 5 percent ty whip, on September 19 unanimously threshold on election day, October 28: the passed the Senate Foreign Relations Ukraine – Forward! party launched by Luhansk oligarch Natalia Korolevska and Committee. The resolution, S. Res. 466, the Svoboda nationalist party launched by calls for the unconditional release of Oleh Tiahnybok. political prisoner and former Ukrainian At the moment, however, both parties Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. would fail to qualify. Ukraine – Forward! “Tymoshenko was a key revolution- would earn 4 percent of the votes for ary in Ukraine’s 2004 Orange closed party lists, while Svoboda would get Revolution and is a pro-Western reform- about 3.8 percent, according to a poll er,” said Sen. -
Parliamentary Coalition Collapses
INSIDE:• Profile: Oleksii Ivchenko, chair of Naftohaz — page 3. • Donetsk teen among winners of ballet competition — page 9. • A conversation with historian Roman Serbyn — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIVTHE UKRAINIANNo. 28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 9,W 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine World Cup soccer action Parliamentary coalition collapses Moroz and Azarov are candidates for Rada chair unites people of Ukraine by Zenon Zawada The Our Ukraine bloc had refused to Kyiv Press Bureau give the Socialists the Parliament chair- manship, which it wanted Mr. KYIV – Just two weeks after signing a Poroshenko to occupy in order to coun- parliamentary coalition pact with the Our terbalance Ms. Tymoshenko’s influence Ukraine and Yulia Tymoshenko blocs, as prime minister. Socialist Party of Ukraine leader Eventually, Mr. Moroz publicly relin- Oleksander Moroz betrayed his Orange quished his claim to the post. Revolution partners and formed a de His July 6 turnaround caused a schism facto union with the Party of the Regions within the ranks of his own party as and the Communist Party. National Deputy Yosyp Vinskyi Recognizing that he lacked enough announced he was resigning as the first votes, Our Ukraine National Deputy secretary of the party’s political council. Petro Poroshenko withdrew his candida- Mr. Moroz’s betrayal ruins the demo- cy for the Verkhovna Rada chair during cratic coalition and reveals his intention the Parliament’s July 6 session. to unite with the Party of the Regions, The Socialists then nominated Mr. Mr. Vinskyi alleged. -
AN ANALYSIS of the CRISIS in UKRAINE, and ITS THREE CONFLICTS (21 of NOVEMBER 2013, THROUGH 23 of MAY 2014)* Cristián Faundes**
REVISTA - Bogotá (Colombia) Vol. 11 N.° 2 - Julio-diciembre 137 rev.relac.int.estrateg.segur.11(2):137-159,2016 AN ANALYSIS OF THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE, AND ITS THREE CONFLICTS (21 OF NOVEMBER 2013, THROUGH 23 OF MAY 2014)* Cristián Faundes** ABSTRACT This paper presents the results of a study of the crisis in Ukraine, guided by the following question: which is the intensity of the crisis in Ukraine between November 2013 and May 2014? The information collected for this research involves 293 events evaluated and translated into quantitative data by the author with the objective to elaborate a curve reflecting the intensity of the conflict. Considering that the situation under scrutiny involves several conflicts, Revista de one curve of intensity was not enough to follow the course of events, but three were needed to track the (2). pp.137-159. DOI: (2). pp.137-159. 11 * . This paper is the result of a research study on the Crisis in Ukraine held at the Center for Strategic Studies of the Chilean Army’s War College. Project number: CEEAG-01-2014. ** Investigador académico en temas de seguridad y defensa. Sus líneas de trabajo incluyen la teoría de conflictos y las relaciones entre los países del Cono Sur. Se ha especializado en la problemática de los recursos naturales y el estudio del agua dulce como factor de conflictos. Ha presentado sus investigaciones en congresos internacionales y cátedras de postgrado. Se desempeña como Investigador asociado en la Jefatura de Estudios de la Academia de Guerra del Ejército. Periodista, licenciado en información social. -
Report to the Ukrainian Government on the Visit to Ukraine
CPT/Inf (2015) 3 Report to the Ukrainian Government on the visit to Ukraine carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 18 to 24 February 2014 The Ukrainian Government has requested the publication of this report and of its response. The Government’s response is set out in document CPT/Inf (2015) 4. Strasbourg, 13 January 2015 - 2 - CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................ 4 I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 7 A. Dates of the visit and composition of the delegation .............................................................. 7 B. Context of the visit and establishments visited ...................................................................... 7 C. Consultations held by the delegation, co-operation encountered and post-visit dialogue .. 11 II. FACTS FOUND DURING THE VISIT AND ACTION PROPOSED .............................. 12 A. Treatment of persons apprehended by or with the authorisation, support or acquiescence of law enforcement officials ......................................................... 12 1. Persons apprehended during the public order operations of 19-23 January and of 18-21 February 2014 in Kyiv ............................................................................... 12 2. Persons apprehended during the public order operations of 26-27 -
“THE PRICE of FREEDOM” Summary of the Public Report of Human Rights Organizations on Crimes Against Humanity Committed Durin
“THE PRICE OF FREEDOM” Summary of the public report of human rights organizations on crimes against humanity committed during the period of Euromaidan (November 2013 – February 2014) 1. Causes of Euromaidan protest movement. Following the election of Viktor Yanukovych as a President of Ukraine in February 2010, the group in power started to centralize control over the country. It is not by chance that in October 2010 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine took a decision on restoring the Constitution of 1996 with a whole range of additional presidential powers1. The strengthening of authoritarian regime was accompanied by worsening social and economic conditions and increased poverty of population. The unprecedented scale of corruption led to the loss of credibility by key state institutions, discontent and public protests. The state authorities considered rights and freedoms such as freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to fair trial, and the right to private life to be a threat to development and existence of the authoritarian rule. Consequently, the following year human rights organizations reported systemic attacks on rights and fundamental freedoms2 by the government, as well as the return to the infamous practice of political persecutions3. Opposition politicians4, journalists5, human rights defenders, public activists6, and active youth became victims of repressions. Both legal means (unlawful arrests, fabricated 1 In 2011, the Constitutional Court unlawfully cancelled amendments to the Constitution adopted in 2004 and restored the Constitution of 1997. This Constitution provided for broad presidential powers. 2 See Annual human rights report Human rights in Ukraine – 2012, http://helsinki.org.ua/en/index.php?r=3.3.1.9. -
Tymoshenko Tells US That Ukraine Is In
INSIDE: • U.S. ambassadors receive honors from Ukraine — page 3. • More on Yulia Tymoshenko’s U.S. visit — pages 4-7. • Music in North America, contemporary art in Kyiv — centerfold. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXV No. 10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 11, 2007 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign policy objectives Tymoshenko tells U.S. that Ukraine remain frozen in Ukraine is in “deep constitutional crisis” by Zenon Zawada Russia’s Black Sea Fleet Kyiv Press Bureau The MARS-75 radio-navigation sta- KYIV – Though the Ukrainian winter tion is the latest in repeated refusals by was unusually mild, the country’s foreign the Russian Federation to adhere to policy remained largely frozen in recent Ukrainian court orders requiring that its months, characterized by ongoing government transfer Black Sea Fleet Russian interference and Ukraine’s mini- property to the Ukrainian government. mal progress Westward. Last year, the Sevastopol Economic Russian soldiers on March 5 refused to Court ordered the Russian Federation to allow Ukrainian government officials to transfer control of 77 lighthouses and enter the MARS-75 navigation station in navigational sites to Ukraine’s Ministry the Kherson Oblast in order to deliver a of Defense. Russia never compiled. court order that the soldiers withdraw, in At the MARS-75 station in Henichesk, adherence with Ukrainian law. Russian soldiers are violating the Black Meanwhile, in Brussels, European Sea Fleet arrangement with their pres- leaders continued to keep Kyiv at arm’s ence on Ukrainian territory 200 kilome- length, stressing the need for Ukraine to ters away from their Sevastopol base, join the World Trade Organization, estab- said Oleh Yatsenko, leader of the Student lish a free trade zone and engage in fur- Brotherhood (Studentske Bratstvo). -
Memorialization of the Jewish Tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗
Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, No. 3, May 2011, 371–389 Holocaust remembrance in Ukraine: memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar Aleksandr Burakovskiy∗ Independent Scholar, United States (Received 24 November 2009; final version received 26 January 2011) At the core of the debate in Ukraine about Babi Yar lies the Holocaust. Between 1941 and 1943 1.5 million Jews perished in Ukraine, yet a full understanding of that tragedy has been suppressed consistently by ideologies and interpretations of history that minimize or ignore this tragedy. For Soviet ideologues, admitting to the existence of the Holocaust would have been against the tenet of a “Soviet people” and the aggressive strategy of eliminating national and religious identities. A similar logic of oneness is being applied now in the ideological formation of an independent Ukraine. However, rather than one Soviet people, now there is one Ukrainian people under which numerous historical tragedies are being subsumed, and the unique national tragedies of other peoples on the territory of Ukraine, such as the massive destruction of Jews, is again being suppressed. According to this political idea assiduously advocated most recently during the Yushchenko presidency, the twentieth century in Ukraine was a battle for liberation. Within this new, exclusive history, the Holocaust, again, has found no real place. The author reviews the complicated history regarding the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy in Babi Yar through three broad chronological periods: 1943–1960, 1961–1991, and 1992–2009. Keywords: Babi Yar; Jews in Ukraine; anti-Semitism; Holocaust At the core of the decades-long debate in Ukraine about the memorialization of the Jewish tragedy at Babi Yar lies a lack of acknowledgement of the Holocaust.