Shabbos Shorts June 11 - 12, 2021 - 2 Tammuz 5781 - Korach Light Candles by 8:16 - Havdalah 9:24
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S Election Results
The Challenge of Israel’s Election Results I wrote the following for the latest newsletter of the World Union of Meretz, from the J Street Conference in Washington, DC. Representatives of all of the Israeli opposition gathered there, meeting together with its counterparts from American Jewry, who clearly represent the majority of American Jews. The final polls allowed on Friday the 13th, four days before election day, had given the Zionist Union (Labor & Hatnua) led by Herzog and Livni a lead of 24 to 20 seats, with an even chance to lead the next government. Netanyahu then went into emergency mode, using every demagogic trick in the book to turn the results around. He warned the leadership of the settlers that “the left” was on the verge of winning, and would begin to evacuate settlements, so they mobilized en masse, coming in thousands to Likud strongholds in the outlying and development towns to get out the vote. Mobilizing the extreme right to abandon Naftali Bennet’s Jewish Home party, Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu and the ultra-right Yachad party (led by Shas refugee Eli Yishai in alliance with Kahanist Baruch Marzel), Netanyahu renounced his support for a two-state solution, and on election day warned that Israeli Arabs were voting in droves, being “bussed in by Jewish left-wingers” supported by foreign money. This last claim was ridiculous, since Israeli Arab citizens were simply walking to the polling booths, exercising their democratic right to vote, and energized by the fact that the four Arab parties had united in a Joint Arab List to ensure that they would pass the minimum voter threshold that had been raised to try to prevent them from entering the Knesset. -
The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany Zeev W
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-03756-3 - Life between Memory and Hope: The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany Zeev W. Mankowitz Index More information Index Notes 1 Page numbers in italics indicate illustrations. 2 Most references are to Jews in American Zone of Occupied Germany (and Austria), except where otherwise indicated. DPs (displaced persons) is used to refer mainly to Jewish people. References to Nazis and the effects of the Second World War are omitted as they are implied throughout. AACI see Anglo-American Committee of assimilation as cause of, 181–183 Inquiry on Palestine discussed in Landsberger Lager Tsaytung, Abelski, B., 205n 165–167, 172–173, 181–184 Adcock, General, 260 renewed after war, 173, 183–184, Adler, Mikl´os,86 243–244, 251–262, 269 Adler-Rudel, Shlomo, 104 see also German people; pogroms Agudat Yisrael school, 133 Arendt, Hannah, 291 Ainring, 110 Argentina, 73 AJDC see Joint Distribution Committee Argov, Meir, 66 Akabas, Doctor, 199 armed resistance, 83, 156, 159 Akselrod, A., 204n, 208 honored in remembrance, 209–214, Albrich, Thomas, 270n 219, 221, 223 Aldak, D., 232 see also Warsaw Ghetto Revolt Aleksandrovitz, Chaim, 38n, 45n Armenians, 167 aliyah, 44, 188–189 Army meaning of, 272 American see US Army see also illegal immigrants; Mossad British, 17, 65, 90, 300 Le-Aliyah Bet; Palestine; Zionism French, 212 Allard, Marjorie, 290n Israeli, 302 Altman, Tusia, 148, 149n, 156 Jews in, 78; see also Jewish Brigade America see United States Polish, 18, 30, 163, 173 American Jewish Conference, 145–146, -
CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code IB82008 CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israel: Background and Relations with the United States Updated January 13, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS Historical Overview of Israel Government and Politics Overview Current Political Situation Economy Overview Current Issues Foreign Policy Middle East Iran Palestinian Authority Egypt Jordan Syria Lebanon Other European Union Relations with the United States Overview Issues Peace Process Trade and Investment Aid Security Cooperation Other Current Issues Military Sales Espionage-Related Cases Intellectual Property Protection U.S. Interest Groups IB82008 01-13-06 Israel: Background and Relations with the United States SUMMARY On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel officials resumed contacts after the November declared its independence and was immedi- 2004 death of Yasir Arafat. Both sides have ately engaged in a war with all of its neigh- accepted the internationally-brokered frame- bors. Armed conflict has marked every de- work for achieving a two-state solution, cade of Israel’s existence. Despite its unstable known as the “Roadmap,” which has not been regional environment, Israel has developed a implemented. Israel “unilaterally” disengaged vibrant parliamentary democracy, albeit with from Gaza in summer 2005 and has been relatively fragile governments. constructing a security barrier to separate itself from the Palestinians. Israel concluded a peace Prime Minister Ariel Sharon formed a treaty with Egypt in 1979 and with Jordan in three-party coalition in January 2005 in order 1994, but never reached accords with Syria to secure support for his plan to withdraw and Lebanon. -
The Image of the Amish in the New York Times Versus the Image of the Haredim in Haaretz
conflict & communication online, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2014 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Benyamin Neuberger & Keren-Miriam Tamam The image of the Amish in the New York Times versus the image of the Haredim1 in Haaretz (1980-2010)2 Kurzfassung: Der vorliegende Aufsatz vergleicht die Presseberichterstattung über die Beziehung zweier ultra-religiöser Gruppen, der Amish-Gemeinde in den USA und der Haredi-Gemeinde in Israel, zu ihren jeweiligen Staaten. Obwohl die Amish in Israel mitunter als "ame- rikanische Haredim" bezeichnet werden, gibt es bedeutende Unterschiede zwischen den beiden Gruppen und ihrer Darstellung in den Me- dien. Nichtsdestotrotz gibt es aber auch hinreichend viele Ähnlichkeiten, um einen Vergleich zu rechtfertigen. Im Wesentlichen spiegeln die Unterschiede der Berichterstattung über die beiden Gruppen in der New York Times und in Haaretz die grundlegenden Unterschiede ihrer Stellung in ihrer jeweiligen Gesellschaft und ihrer Haltung gegenüber dem Staat wider. Während die Amish die USA als "land of freedom" akzeptieren, betrachten die Haredim Israel nicht als einen wirklich jüdischen Staat. Während sich der Dialog zwischen den Amish und ihrem Staat um bürgerliche Freiheiten und Rechtsgrundsätze dreht, leitet sich die Auseinandersetzung mit den Haredim von einer abweichenden Wahrnehmung des Charakters des israelischen Staates her. Die Haltung der Haredim gegenüber der Mehrheitsgesellschaft und dem Staat ist in großem Maße konflikthaltig und damit meilenweit entfernt von der Einstellung der Gelas- senheit, die für die Amish charakteristisch ist. Abstract: This article compares the newspaper coverage of the relationship of two ultra-religious groups, the Amish community in the USA and the Haredi community in Israel, with their respective states. -
Israel's Do-Over Election
Your Shabbat source of Israeli News– September 6th 2019 Israel’s Do -over Election: A Guide to All the Parties Israeli politics has been reshaped by new alliances after the entire political firmament learned a harsh lesson from the April election just five months earlier: Unity among ideological allies is crucial. Smaller parties flying solo learned the hard way that independence meant risk falling below the electoral threshold and not making it into the Knesset. By doing so, they not only hurt themselves but mortally wound their entire political camp by “wasting” votes that could help them build a bloc large enough to construct a government. With only nine parties seemingly in a position to cross the electoral threshold, the next Knesset is set to feature the fewest number of parties in Israel’s history. Here are the main contenders: • Likud: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - fighting a second re-election campaign under the shadow of pending corruption indictments, moved early to reinforce Likud by merging it with Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s party giving himself one less party to wrestle with in governing coalition negotiations. Later in the race, he convinced Moshe Feiglin, leader of the far-right Zehut party, to pull out of the elections in order to give larger right-wing parties the precious votes he was taking. In exchange, Feiglin was promised a ministry in a future Likud-led government. • Kahol Lavan: The largest of the multi-party players in the race, Kahol Lavan has continued with its four man alliance formed ahead of the April election. -
The Haredim As a Challenge for the Jewish State. the Culture War Over Israel's Identity
SWP Research Paper Peter Lintl The Haredim as a Challenge for the Jewish State The Culture War over Israel’s Identity Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 14 December 2020, Berlin Abstract ∎ A culture war is being waged in Israel: over the identity of the state, its guiding principles, the relationship between religion and the state, and generally over the question of what it means to be Jewish in the “Jewish State”. ∎ The Ultra-Orthodox community or Haredim are pitted against the rest of the Israeli population. The former has tripled in size from four to 12 per- cent of the total since 1980, and is projected to grow to over 20 percent by 2040. That projection has considerable consequences for the debate. ∎ The worldview of the Haredim is often diametrically opposed to that of the majority of the population. They accept only the Torah and religious laws (halakha) as the basis of Jewish life and Jewish identity, are critical of democratic principles, rely on hierarchical social structures with rabbis at the apex, and are largely a-Zionist. ∎ The Haredim nevertheless depend on the state and its institutions for safeguarding their lifeworld. Their (growing) “community of learners” of Torah students, who are exempt from military service and refrain from paid work, has to be funded; and their education system (a central pillar of ultra-Orthodoxy) has to be protected from external interventions. These can only be achieved by participation in the democratic process. ∎ Haredi parties are therefore caught between withdrawal and influence. -
The Israeli Parliamentary Elections: a Splintering of the Arab Consensus?
INFO PACK The Israeli Parliamentary Elections: A Splintering of the Arab Consensus? Fatih Şemsettin Işık INFO PACK The Israeli Parliamentary Elections: A Splintering of the Arab Consensus? Fatih Şemsettin Işık The Israeli Parliamentary Elections: A Splintering of the Arab Consensus? © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE March 2021 WRITTEN BY Fatih Şemsettin Işık PHOTO CREDIT ANADOLU AGENCY TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON 200 GRAYS INN ROAD, WC1X 8XZ LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE, 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC / UNITED STATES www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this Info Pack represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 The Israeli Parliamentary Elections: A Splintering of the Arab Consensus? Introduction n March 3, 2020, the leader of the alliance, it is clear that the representation of Arab Joint List, an alliance of four Arab citizens of Israel has been undermined by the latest parties in Israel, proudly declared departure. Moreover, Ra’am’s exit also revealed the that they had won a huge achieve- fragility and vulnerability of this alliance, a reality that O ment in the parliamentary elections reflects internal disputes between the parties. by winning 15 seats in the Knesset, a record for Arab parties in Israel. Ayman Odeh, the leader of Hadash This info pack presents the latest situation concern- (The Democratic Front for Peace and Equality) party, ing Arab political parties in Israel ahead of the March urged “actual equality between Arabs and Jews and 23 elections. -
The Mossawa Center's Youth Human Rights Seminar
Building Tomorrow’s Activists: The Mossawa Center’s Youth Human Rights Seminar THE MOSSAWA CENTER 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS DAY 1 1 DAY 2 2 DAY 3 3 DAY 4 4 DAY 5 4 THE MOSSAWA CENTER 2 Tuesday, July 27, marked the opening of the Youth Human Rights Seminar, a five-day long series of workshops and activities organized by the Mossawa Center and the Committee for Educational Guidance for Arab Students, in the Carmel Community Center in Haifa. “The purpose of the workshops is to support and empower the Palestinian Arab youth to become future leaders in our society, and to strengthen their sense of belonging to their culture, background, and community,” said Mossawa Center’s Civil Society Coordinator, Ali Ali Saleh. The seminar was attended by 50 participants from various Arab localities and mixed cities, ranging from ages 15 to 18, with the purpose of building a strong network of young activists by breaking barriers and stereotypes. DAY 1 participants took part in team building exercises to get them acquainted with each other and familiarize them with the schedule for the seminar. They were welcomed by Mossawa Center staff and the instructors who will be working with them. Mossawa Center Executive Director Suha Salman Mousa introduced the students to the work of the Mossawa Center, specifically its THE MOSSAWA CENTER 3 parliamentary, economic, social, and cultural advocacy at the national and international level. Afterwards, Mossawa Center founder and General Director Jafar Farah led a workshop in which we introduced the students to important historical events for Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel such Land Day and the Kafr Qassem Massacre, as well as figures such as Palestinian Arab writer and historian Boulos Farah. -
I Registi Boicottano Il Tlvfest Del Pinkwashing Israeliano,Un Tempo
I registi boicottano il TLVFest del pinkwashing israeliano Tamara Nassar 14 novembre 2020 – The Electronic Intifada La schermata del sito web del TLVFest del 2 novembre mostra il ministero degli Affari Strategici israeliano elencato come uno dei principali sponsor del Festival internazionale del film LGBTQ di Tel Aviv, sostenuto dal governo. Più di una decina di registi hanno seguito l’invito palestinese a boicottare il TLVFest, il Festival Internazionale del Film LGBTQ di Tel Aviv, sostenuto dal governo. Sei di questi si sono anche uniti ad altri 170 artisti da tutto il mondo i quali hanno firmato un impegno lanciato all’inizio di quest’anno per boicottare il festival. Il TLVFest, che si terrà questo mese, ha rafforzato quest’anno la sua intesa col governo israeliano di estrema destra, in particolare col ministero degli Affari Strategici. Il ministero è l’organismo che guida l’impegno globale di Israele nel diffamare e sabotare in tutto il mondo il movimento per i diritti dei palestinesi. TLVFest è una pietra miliare della strategia di propaganda israeliana nota come pinkwashing [copertura di atteggiamenti e pratiche impopolari o illegali conla tolleranza e ospitalità nei confronti degli omosessuali, ndtr.]. Ciò spiega il presunto atteggiamento di disponibilità di Israele verso le questioni LGBTQ coll’intento di deviare le critiche dai suoi abusi riguardo i diritti umani e dai crimini di guerra contro i palestinesi. Il pinkwashing mira anche a presentare falsamente Tel Aviv come un luogo sicuro per i palestinesi alla ricerca di relazioni omosessuali, mentre si esagera o si mente sui pericoli che essi affronterebbero all’interno della propria comunità. -
Jabotinsky's Children: Polish Jews and the Rise of Right-Wing Zionism
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. Introduction I spent much of the winter of 2010 rummaging through Warsaw’s Archive of Modern Records. Among the various documents in the archive’s posses- sion are tens of thousands of reports submitted by Polish police officers in the 1920s and 1930s concerning the political activity of interwar Poland’s Ukrai- nian, Jewish, Belarusian, German, Russian, Czech and Lithuanian minority populations, who together made up nearly one- third of the country’s inhabit- ants.1 Sifting through these reports, I hoped to gain a better understanding of the dynamic and turbulent political life of Polish Jewish youth on the eve of the Holocaust. One afternoon, after hours of fruitless searching, a particular police report caught my eye. It was written by a Polish officer dispatched in October 1933 to a Zionist rally in Kobryń, a market town of some nine thou- sand residents in eastern Poland. Perhaps to the officer’s surprise, the speeches of the Zionist rally’s organizers were not solely devoted to building a Jewish state in Mandate Palestine. Instead, the speakers, one after the other, insisted that it was the duty of Zionists to defend the borders of Poland. Among the speakers pledging their loyalty to Poland was a lanky nineteen- year- old with thick, round black eyeglasses and hair slicked to his side. The policeman decided to record his name. Men like -
Jerusalem: Where ‘Secular’ Isn’T Always ‘Left’
Jerusalem: Where ‘secular’ isn’t always ‘left’ When the embattled secular-left Jewish sector in Jerusalem went to vote for a new mayor in November 2008, they faced an extremely unappetizing choice: Elect either Nir Barkat, a secular millionaire businessman, who was known for his right-wing proclivities and an affiliation with Yisrael Beiteinu; or vote in ultra-Orthodox (‘haredi’) Rabbi Meir Porush of Agudat Yisrael. Fearing the growing ‘haredization’ of their city, most of the secular left — unfortunately and admittedly a minority in Jerusalem — threw its support behind Barkat, who won with 52% of all the votes cast. Now some are regretting their decision, as Barkat has been using his position to aid and abet efforts to expand Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem, including within the city’s Palestinian neighborhoods. Following Barkat’s involvement in the Shepherd’s Hotel and Ramat Shlomo settlement initiatives (last year and in March, respectively), his most recent move is a plan to demolish 22 homes in the Palestinian East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan, which borders on the Old City, in order to make way for, of all things, an Israeli tourism center. As one would expect, Meretz was the only party in Barkat’s wall-to-wall municipal coalition that voted against the plan; as a result of which, Barkat expelled Meretz’s three city council members from his coalition and sacked Meretz’s deputy mayor, Pepe Alalu. Alalu has now given a fascinating interview to Haaretz about the affair, as well as about the more general intersection between Jerusalem’s local and Israel’s national politics. -
Political Parties
Political Parties: Political Parties and Interest Groups in Israel Gregory Mahler Earlham College Richmond, Indiana December 9-11, 2007 Parliamentary Government • “Westminister” vs. Presidential Government – 1. Split executive – 2. President symbolic; Prime Minister and Cabinet powerful – 3. Prime Minister and Cabinet from the Knesset – 4. Government responsible to the Knesset • The Knesset and the Prime Minister • The President Political Ideology • l. Private enterprise (a) vs. socialism (b); • 2. "Activist" Arab policy (c) vs. restraint (d); • 3. Torah oriented life (e) vs. secularism (f); • 4. Pro-Soviet Union (g) vs. pro-West (h); • 5. Zionist (i) vs. non-Zionist (j).* A---------------------------------------------------------------------B C---------------------------------------------------------------------D E---------------------------------------------------------------------F G---------------------------------------------------------------------H I----------------------------------------------------------------------J * Thomas Goodland, "A Mathematical Presentation of Israel's Political Parties," British Journal of Sociology 8 (1957): 263-66. Political Parties Functions of Political Parties – Personnel Agencies – Organize Groups and Articulate Demands – Frame of Reference – Linkage Mechanisms The Electoral System • Proportional Representation (Israel) vs. Single-Member-District Representation (U.S.) • Electoral Lists of Political Parties • Accuracy of Representation • The 1992 “Deviation” The Complexity of the Coalition-Formation Process • Situation I: Simplest Majority Possibilities – Parties: A (44), B (42), C (14) AB, AC, BC, ABC • Situation II: More Complex Majority Possibilities – Parties: A (38), B (20), C (17), D (15), E (10) AB, AC, AD, ABC, ABD, ABE, ADE, BCD, etc. • Situation III: Most Complex Majority Possibilities – Parties: A (30), B (19), C (12), D (9), E (8), F (8), G (7), H (7) ABC, ABD, ABE, ABF, ABG, BCDE, CDEFGH, etc. Approx. Life of Date of Govt. Knesset Prime Minister (Party) Coalition Partners Govt.