Central Northside a Changing, Historic Pittsburgh Neighborhood

Central Northside A changing, historic Pittsburgh neighborhood

Matthew Stieg, Karis Tzeng URP 582 | Neighborhood Planning | Etienne Fall 2017 | December 15, 2017 !1 Table of Contents

List of Figures 3 List of Tables 5 1. Executive Summary 7 2. Neighborhood Overview 8 3. Demographic Proﬁle 15 4. Housing & Affordability 19 5. Transportation 26 6. Employment 28 7. Retail 32 8. Conclusion 35 Sources 37

!2 List of Figures Figure 2.1: Central Northside Neighborhood, 2017; p. 8 Figure 2.2: North Side Area, 2017; p. 9 Figure 2.3: Character Proﬁles of Mexican War Streets; p.10 Figure 2.4: Home Owner’s Loan Corporation “Neighborhood Security Map,” North Side, 1933; p. 10 Figure 2.5: Central Northside Before and After Urban Renewal, 1957 and 1967; p. 11 Figure 2.6: Historic District Boundaries, 2011; p. 13 Figure 2.7: Character Sample of Neighborhood Artwork; p. 14 Figure 3.1: Race and Population Density, 1970 and 2015; p. 15 Figure 3.2: Income Distribution, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015; p. 17 Figure 4.1: Vacancy and Uninhabitable Units, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015 and 2012; p. 19 Figure 4.2: Vacancy Rates, Central Northside, 1950 to 2010; p. 20 Figure 4.3: Total Population, Central Northside, 1950 to 2010; p. 20 Figure 4.4: Cost Burdened Renters, Central Northside, 2015; p. 22 Figure 4.5: West Park Court Apartments, Central Northside; p. 23 Figure 4.6: Home Prices and Values, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2008 to 2017; p. 24 Figure 4.7: Building Permits, Central Northside, 2013 to 2017; p. 24 Figure 4.8: New development, Central Northside, 2016; p. 25 Figure 5.1: Employment Destinations, Central Northside, 2017; p. 26 Figure 5.2: Means of Transportation, Central Northside, 2015; p. 27 Figure 6.1: Job Counts by NAICS Industry Sector, held by CNS Residents; p. 28 Figure 6.2: Jobs by Sector, Opportunities within 1.5 miles of the Central Northside, 2015; p. 28 Figure 6.3: Job Counts by Location, Workers Earning Over $40,000 per year, CNS Residents, 2015; p. 29

!3 Figure 6.4: Job Counts by Location, Workers Earning Less than $15,000 per year, CNS Residents, 2015; p. 29 Figure 6.5: Job Counts by Commuter Direction, CNS Residents, 2015; p. 29 Figure 6.6: Inflow/Outflow Job Counts, 2015; p. 30 Figure 7.1: Retail Business Profile, Central Northside, 2017; p. 32

!4 List of Tables Table 2.1: Racial Composition, Central Northside, 1970 to 2010; p. 12 Table 3.1: Total population and density, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015; p. 16 Table 3.2: Race, Central Northside, 2015; p. 16 Table 3:3: Age Cohorts, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015; p. 16 Table 4.1: Housing Units in Structure, Central Northside, 2015; p. 19 Table 4.2: Housing Affordability by Tenure, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015; p. 21 Table 7.1: Leakage/Surplus Factor by Industry Group, Central Northside, 2017; p. 33

Image credit: Mexican War Streets Society 1. Executive Summary face greater levels of cost-burden, despite the presence This report aims to assess the dynamics of the Central of subsidized, affordable housing in the neighborhood. Northside neighborhood in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and ✦ While higher-income residents commute to downtown, understand key strengths and opportunities for improvement in lower-income residents travel throughout the metro area. the neighborhood. The Central Northside neighborhood covers Because they travel farther, lower-income residents likely 0.25 square miles on Pittsburgh’s North Side. Over the course incur greater transportation costs. of the 20th century, the neighborhood experienced impacts from ✦ Despite attractions of the neighborhood, there are lower urban renewal, including population decline and increasing retail establishments than the neighborhood can support, vacancy. Though the Central Northside has seen the vacancy indicating that residents must travel to other areas to rate rise to more than 20 percent in 2015, the neighborhood meet these retail needs. remains one of Pittsburgh’s most dense neighborhoods. It has ✦ Psychological and physical barriers between this retained its historical architectural character, contains an active neighborhood its surroundings isolate the neighborhood community, and sits proximate to numerous cultural amenities, from amenities, despite spatial proximity. sporting institutions, and downtown. After the construction of new stadiums on the North Shore in 2000, we expected to see increased demand and development in the neighborhood.

This analysis investigates measures of housing, affordability, employment, transportation, and retail in order to understand the trends of the neighborhood. Key findings included the following: ✦ The neighborhood contains consistently high levels of vacancy relative to the city as a whole, despite rising property values. ✦ The majority of occupants of the neighborhood are renters, who are vulnerable to rising property values. Furthermore, lower-income renters in this neighborhood !7 2. Neighborhood Overview To understand the neighborhood of the Central Northside, it is The Central Northside neighborhood of Pittsburgh, essential to understand the key anchor institutions around the Pennsylvania, is located on the North Side of Pittsburgh; that is, neighborhood. The influence of medical and educational the area north of the Ohio and Allegheny Rivers. The Central institutions characteristic to the City of Pittsburgh is present in Northside neighborhood is formally bounded by North Avenue to the Central Northside as well. Allegheny General Hospital is the its south, Brighton Road and Allegheny Avenue to its west, largest hospital in Allegheny County with 576 beds. While it is Perrysville Avenue and Fountain Street to its north, and Federal not affiliated with a local university, it does serve as the clinical and James Streets to its east (Figure 2.1). In addition to the campus for third and fourth year Temple University Medical neighborhood’s formal bounds, other physical barriers, including Students. Beyond the hospital, immediately to the south of the an industrial zone and Norfolk Southern Railroad tracks to the Central Northside is the Allegheny Commons, which includes west, steep, hilly topography to the north, Allegheny General the oldest public park in Pittsburgh (National Parks Service, Hospital at its eastern boundary, and the Allegheny Commons to the south, surround the Central Northside. These barriers, Figure 2.1. Central Northside Neighborhood, 2017. Adapted from ArcGIS Online. ArcGIS Online, Retrieved from https://www.arcgis.com/ though not formal boundaries of the neighborhood, effectively home/index.html. Copyright 2017 by ESRI. Adapted with permission. confine the Central Northside.

In 2013, the Central Northside Neighborhood Council motioned to change the organization’s name to the Allegheny City Central Association in conjunction with branding the neighborhood as Allegheny City Central (Allegheny City Central Association, 2013, p. 1). While this analysis will seek to understand the impetus for rebranding the neighborhood as Allegheny City Central, we will refer to the neighborhood as the Central Northside in order to stay consistent with the City of Pittsburgh’s data.

n.d.), the National Aviary, the Children’s Museum of Pittsburgh, Andy Warhol Museum, sit just to the south of the Allegheny and the historic New Hazlett Theater. In 1999, Heinz Field and Commons and less than a mile from the Central Northside. PNC Park began construction on the riverfront of the North Despite the proximity to these cultural amenities and Side, known as the North Shore (Heinz Field, n.d.; Ballparks of entertainment institutions, Allegheny Commons, the Allegheny Baseball, n.d.). These iconic riverfront stadiums, along with the Center redevelopment project and I-279/PA 65 cut through the

!9 North Side and isolate the Central Northside from the riverfront streets after people and places from the Mexican-American War and downtown (Figure 2.2). (Figure 2.3). A construction boom in the 1890’s gave the neighborhood its current shape, increasing its density greatly. In this context, the neighborhood saw an increase incomes for the History middle class, and the “undersized structures were remodeled, expanded, or replaced” (Johnson, n.d.). The Central Northside is part of the original City of Allegheny, which was annexed into the City of Pittsburgh in 1907. The In 1940, the population of the Central Northside totaled 15,839 Central Northside is known for the Mexican War Streets, an people (U.S. Census Bureau, Social Explorer, Census 1940 1840s development carried out by General William Robinson, Census Tract Only, SE:T1, 1940). After 1950, the total Jr. He created the Victorian-style development and named the population fell to 14,730 people, and by 1960, the population

Figure 2.4. Home Owner’s Loan Corporation. Reprinted from Mapping Figure 2.3. Character Profiles of Mexican War Streets. Reprinted from Inequality, 2017, Retrieved from https://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/ Mexican War Street Society. Mexican War Streets Society, 2017, redlining/#loc=4/36.71/-96.93&opacity=0.8, Copyright 2015 by Retrieved from http://www.mexicanwarstreets.org/. Copyright 2015 by University of Richmond. Reprinted with permission. Mexican War Street Society. Reprinted with permission.

!10 had decreased 37.4 percent to 9,214 people (U.S. Census old housing stock, but also because of black residents and an Bureau, Social Explorer, Census 1950 & 1960 Census Tract “undesirable white population,” including German immigrants Only, SE:T1, 1950, 1960). According to Trotter & Day, the (Figure 2.4; Nelson et al., 2017). The designation as redlined increased presence of black residents on the North Side may steered investments through loans for homeowners away from have spurred this decline in total population as discriminatory this neighborhood. real estate practices encouraged white residents to move to other neighborhoods or the suburbs (2014, p. 72). In 1933, the Cases of discriminatory FHA lending policies, blockbusting by Home Owner’s Loan Corporation (HOLC) neighborhood security private developers, and racial steering occured in North Side maps had codiﬁed the entire North Side as “Hazardous,” giving neighborhoods, and in Pittsburgh as a whole. In 1950, while the the lowest rating of “neighborhood stability,” based in part on the majority of black residents lived in the Hill District, 8.62 percent of the black population lived in North Side neighborhoods. A Figure 2.5. Central Northside Before and After Urban Renewal, 1957 and total of 2,428 black residents, 8.62 percent of the black 1967. Adapted from Pittsburgh Historic Maps, 2017, Retrieved from population in Pittsburgh, lived in the Central Northside. By 1970, http://www.wprdc.org/. Copyright City of Pittsburgh, 2014. Reprinted the population of black residents doubled in the Central with permission.

!11 Table 2.1: Racial Composition, Central Northside, 1970 to 2010. Adapted from Social Explorer, Race, 1970 to 2010 Decennial Census, 2017, Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com Copyright 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Adapted with permission.

Upper Census Tract (2206) Lower Census Tract (2503) Total Central Northside Year Total White Black Other Total White Black Other Total White Black Other 1970 2900 827 2057 9 3442 2807 612 13 6342 3634 2669 22 1980 1913 444 1434 26 2555 1723 762 40 4468 2167 2196 66 1990 1563 334 1212 18 2140 1257 828 42 3703 1591 2040 60 2000 1247 303 921 12 1938 994 870 60 3185 1297 1791 72 2010 1090 417 633 21 1833 989 757 59 2923 1406 1390 80

Northside, with 4,496 residents, or 4.29 percent of the black In the 1969s, one such project involved the Allegheny population of Pittsburgh (Campett, 2011, p. 305-6). Some Commons, just south of the Central Northside. This historic historical accounts indicated that by the 1960s, “the Mexican square experienced the clearance of over 500 buildings and 850 War Streets had settled into quiet decay” (Rooney & Peterson, families within 30 blocks, preserving only a handful of historic 2013, p. 216). This account indicates that long-time residents buildings (Figure 2.5; Paletta, 2017). Parts of the Central “now rubbed shoulders with Italian and Greek immigrants, Northside were included in demolition plans for the Allegheny African Americans, and others relatively new to the North Center urban mall project, but preservationists and residents Side” (Rooney & Peterson, 2013, p. 216-217). The increase in organized to protest the inclusion of the Mexican War Street minority populations may have spurred the Allegheny homes (Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission et Conference on Community Development and the Pittsburgh al., 2011, p. 61). The Pittsburgh History and Landmarks Regional Planning Association to declare the area blighted and Foundation (PHLF) has heralded this neighborhood project as recommend the clearance of much of the North Side, including one of their “Greatest Saves,” in which, beginning in 1969, the the Central Northside and neighboring Manchester for the PHLF bought and renovated property in the Mexican War development of numerous urban renewal projects (Trotter & Streets in order to develop affordable housing (Van Zandt, Day, 2014, p. 72). 2015). This program has been touted as the “ﬁrst in the nation to revitalize a mixed-income, integrated neighborhood” (Young Preservationists Association of Pittsburgh & Bike Pittsburgh, !12 n.d.). Since 1969, the neighborhood has received a investment Mexican War Streets consistently contained a distinctly lower and attention from both public and private interests, including population of black residents. Even in 1970, after the urban inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places in 1975 and renewal clearance of the Allegheny Commons, the racial designation as a City Historic Place. Designation as a Historic composition of the southern census tract (2206) was less than Place by the City of Pittsburgh requires Historic Review 10 percent black and 82 percent white (Table 2.1). Meanwhile, Commission approval for developments. (Figure 2.6). the upper census tract (2503) had a racial composition of 71 percent black residents (U.S. Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 1970 Decennial Census, Table SE:T12, 1970). This distinct The Mexican War Streets and the northern half of the racial composition suggests segregational practices within the neighborhood contained stark differences in racial composition over time. Even as the North Side became home for many black Mexican War Streets. In other neighborhoods in Pittsburgh, real Pittsburgh residents, many of whom were displaced from urban estate agents, banks, and private homeowners refused to renewal projects around the city, the census tract containing the process or accept applications to prevent blacks from accessing renting or owning in many neighborhoods, including Oakland and East Liberty (Trotter & Day, 2014 p. 66). Failure to process Figure 2.6. Historic District Boundaries. Adapted from Mexican War housing applications was a frequent practice in Pittsburgh, Streets Society, 2017, Supplemental Info, Retrieved from http:// particularly in those neighborhoods located “adjacent to apps.pittsburghpa.gov/dcp/supplemental_info.pdf. Copyright 2011 by established or newly expanding black communities,” including Mexican War Streets Society, 2011. Reprinted with permission. the North Side (Trotter & Day, 2014, p. 67). Furthermore, rumors of one case of discrimination involved “white boys living from Millvale to Mt. Washington [who] planned on joining forces with other youth in the Central North Side to ‘try to drive Negros from the area’” (Campett, 2011, p. 302). While not conclusive, these narratives suggest the use of segregationist practices in and around around the Mexican War Streets.

Since 1970, the neighborhood has become less segregated, partially due to activism from North Side residents and organizations. The neighborhood has been touted for the “preservation and tenant empowerment approach” that protected affordable housing in 1998 (Fair Development Action !13 Group, 2016). Today, the Central Northside reﬂects a distinctly unique character. From the Mexican War Streets’ historic single- family attached homes to the modest rowhouses rising along the slope at base of the hills to the north, this neighborhood now fosters a mixed-income community with a mixed-racial composition. An active arts community has grown out of staple institutions, including the Mattress Factory Museum, Randyland, and the City of Asylum cultural center, which tells stories of artists through its House Poems and murals on Sampsonia Street houses (Figure 2.7). Recently, signals of change have emerged from the redevelopment of the Allegheny Center, the redevelopment of the historic Garden Theater on Federal Avenue, and rebranding of the neighborhood as the Allegheny City Central. New development brings a host of beneﬁts and new challenges to the neighborhood. In this context, this report will highlight the current housing, affordability, employment, and retail dynamics in the Central Northside to shed insights on the neighborhood’s strengths and potential challenges.

Figure 2.7. Character Sample of Neighborhood Artwork. Adapted from Gtech, House Poems, 2017, Retrieved from https://gtechstrategies.org/ projects/trail/ Copyright Gtech, 2016. Reprinted with permission.

!14 3. Demographic Profile

The estimated population of the Central Northside Figure 3.1. Race and Population Density, 1970 and 2015. Adapted from Social Explorer, 1970 Decennial Census & 2015 American Community Survey, 2017, Retrieved from https:// totaled 2,892 in 2015 (U.S. Census Bureau. www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Adapted with permission. Social Explorer. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table SE:T1, 2015). Of these, an estimated 1,514 people lived in the lower census tract (2206), comprised of the blocks between North Avenue and Sampsonia Street. The remaining 1,378 people lived in the upper census tract (2503). Together, these two tracts form the Central Northside.

Since 1970, two key demographic trends have emerged in the Central Northside. First, the neighborhood has experienced a general loss of population in every decennial census since 1940. At an estimated 11,000 people per square mile in 2015, the Central Northside was far below the density in 1970 of over 24,000 people per square mile (Figure 3.1). Nevertheless, the 0.26 square- mile neighborhood remains among the densest of Pittsburgh neighborhoods due to its rowhouses and narrow streets (U.S. Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table SE:T2, 2015; Table 3.1). While density is purported to be greater in the upper census tract, the presence of

!15 Table 3.1: Total Population and Density, Central Northside and City of Table 3:3: Age Cohorts, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, 2015. Pittsburgh, 2015. Adapted from Social Explorer, Total population, Adapted from Social Explorer, Age, 2011-2015 American Community 2011-2015 American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, 2017, Retrieved Survey, 5-year estimates, 2017, Retrieved from https:// from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by Social www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Explorer. Adapted with permission. Adapted with permission.

Central Northside Pittsburgh Central Northside (2015) Upper Tract Lower Tract Total City-Wide Age Range Upper Tract Lower Tract Total (Years) Count Percent Count Percent Count Percent Area (sq. mi) 0.09 0.16 0.25 58.35 Under 18 164 10.8% 388 28.1% 552 19.1% Population 1,378 1,514 2,892 308,000 18-24 67 4.4% 64 4.6% 131 4.5% Density ppl/sq. mi 14,643 9,143 11,136 5,500 25-34 433 28.6% 269 19.5% 702 24.3% Table 3.2: Race, Central Northside, 2015. Adapted from Social Explorer, 35-64 556 36.80% 521 37.80% 1,077 37.20% Race, 2011-2015 American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, 2017, 65 and Over 294 19.50% 136 10.00% 430 14.90% Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Adapted with permission. through 1970. From 1970 until 2000, the neighborhood as a Central Northside (2015) whole but especially the lower tract became increasingly home Upper Tract Lower Tract Total Count Percent Count Percent Count Percent to African-American residents. In 2000, the lower tract was 46 Black 635 46.1% 416 27.5% 1051 36.3% percent black, and the upper tract was 74 percent black White 587 42.7% 1,022 67.5% 1,609 55.7% (“Standard Data Files” Decennial Census (1970-2010), B25070, Other/ 2 or via Brown University LTDB). Since 2000, the white population More Races 154 11.2% 44 2.9% 198 6.8% has increased in both census tracts. In 2015, the lower census tract was estimated to be 67 percent white and 27 percent a major hospital and industrial and institutional establishments black. The upper tract was estimated to be 46 percent black and in the west of the neighborhood can explain this difference. In 43 percent white. Overall, the neighborhood estimates were 56 reality, the densest part of the neighborhood is the Mexican War percent white, 36 percent black and about 8 percent other or Streets in the lower tract. two or more races (Table 3.2).

Secondly, the neighborhood has seen changes in the racial The Central Northside’s age demographics generally mirrored composition of the neighborhood. As mentioned above, the those of Pittsburgh as a whole, except in two age brackets. Only upper census tract housed a far greater proportion of black 4.5 percent of residents were between the ages of 18 and 24, residents, and the lower census tract remained distinctly white which was far lower than the 17.4 percent of Pittsburgh !16 residents of the same age (Table 3.3). Instead of college age younger residents increased over the past 10 years, when it students, the Central Northside had a signiﬁcantly larger was estimated to be 20 percent of the population in 2010. (U.S. estimated population of young adults. In the Central Northside, Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 2006-2010 American 24.3 percent residents were between 25 and 34 years old Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table SE:T7, 2010). compared to 19.5 percent of Pittsburgh residents. Furthermore, Furthermore, the population of families in the upper tract the upper census tract aligned with the city average of residents exceeds that of the lower tract, with 51 percent of households between 25 and 34, with an estimated 19.5 percent of residents, compared to just 25 percent of households. Overall, an but the upper census tract exceeded both with an estimated estimated 19 percent of residents in the neighborhood were population of 29 percent. Thus, the lower tract, containing the younger than 18, 37 percent were between 35 and 64 years old, Mexican War Streets, fully explained the higher young and 15 percent were over 64 (Table 3.3). professional population in the neighborhood. This inﬂux of

Figure 3.2 depicts the estimated income distribution of the Figure 3.2. Income Distribution, Central Northside and City of Pittsburgh, Central Northside in 2015. The distribution was bimodal, with 2015. Adapted from Social Explorer, 2015 American Community Survey, many residents either in the lowest income brackets or earning 2017, Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright upper- or middle-class incomes. The distribution of household 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Adapted with permission. incomes between the two census tracts in the neighborhood were roughly equal (U.S. Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table SE:T56, 2015). In 2015, 32 percent of households were estimated to live in poverty. Additionally, 29 percent of families with children in the neighborhood were living in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table SE:T114, 2015). Furthermore, 45 percent of the population were classiﬁed as poor or struggling, living on income less than double the poverty threshold. While higher-income households were present in the neighborhood, a high proportion of the neighborhood may be extremely vulnerable to rising rental prices or decreasing affordability of the neighborhood.

!17 Image Credit: Google Street View !18 4. Housing & Affordability In investigating change in the Central Northside, the proﬁle of American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Table DP04, housing provides an indicator of economic vitality in the 2015). Approximately half of the area’s housing units are in neighborhood. Not only is safe and affordable housing a distinct single-family buildings, and an estimated 69.9 percent of those need for the health and wellbeing of any family or individual, but single-family units were in attached structures, a distinct the conditions of housing can also indicate the level of market characteristic of this historic neighborhood. One-third of the interest in the neighborhood. Analysis of levels of vacancy, units were in structures with two to four units, and only 10.4 property values, and affordability of housing provides a window percent of units were in structures with more than 20 units into the housing trends in the Central Northside. (Table 4.1). Additionally, an estimated 73.6 percent of structures were built in 1939 or earlier, and an estimated 2.8 percent of units were built in 2000 or later (U.S. Census Bureau. American Overall, there were 1,876 housing units in the Central Northside FactFinder. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-Year in 2015 (U.S. Census Bureau. American FactFinder. 2011-2015 Estimates, Table DP04, 2015). This reﬂects the history

Table 4.1: Housing Units in Structure, Central Northside, 2015. Adapted Figure 4.1. Vacancy and Uninhabitable Units, Central Northside and City from American FactFinder, Table DP04: Selected Housing Characteristics, of Pittsburgh, 2015. Adapted from U.S. Census Bureau, Vacancy, 2015 2011-2015 American Comunity Survey, 5-year estimates, 2017, Retrieved American Community Survey, 2017, Retrieved from http:// from https://factfinder.census.gov/. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. factfinder.census.gov. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. Adapted Adapted with permission. with permission. Type Count Percent 1-unit, detached 281 14.98% 1-unit, attached 653 34.81% 2 units 262 13.97% 3 or 4 units 297 15.83% 5 to 9 units 161 8.58% 10 to 19 units 26 1.39% 20 or more units 196 10.45% Mobile home 0 0.00% Boat, RV, van, etc. 0 0.00% Total housing units 1,876 100%

!19 described above of the development of Allegheny City and the historically protected buildings. The consistent high vacancy of Mexican War Streets in the late 1800s. housing units suggests that restrictions from the historic district According to the 2015 ACS five-year estimates, there were a designations may hinder further development, even with the total of 397 vacant housing structures and 1,479 occupied federal and state historical tax credit incentives (Pittsburgh housing units in the Central Northside. This vacancy rate of 21 History & Landmarks Foundation, “Consulting,” n.d.). percent was greater than the vacancy level of Pittsburgh as a In 1950, vacancies were only 2.17 percent in this neighborhood. whole, at 14 percent. This level of vacancy was greater than at As shown in Figure 4.2, vacancy in the neighborhood began to least half of Pittsburgh neighborhoods in 2012, ranking 61st out increase after 1950, reaching almost 20 percent in 1980. The of 90 neighborhoods (Zuberi, Hopkinson, Gradeck, & Duck, general increase in vacancy over time reflects the concurrent 2015, p. 48). Furthermore, the Central Northside ranks 81st out decrease in population in the Central Northside and the North of 90 for uninhabitable units, with 17.38 percent of units Side as a whole, which experienced a significant number of considered uninhabitable, compared to 6.06 percent in the City urban renewal projects. The Allegheny Conferences on of Pittsburgh (Figure 4.1; Zuberi, Hopkinson, Gradeck, & Duck, Community Development and the Pittsburgh Regional Planning 2015, p. 48). Despite the high quantity of uninhabitable units, Association declared the area “blighted” and recommended the historical designation of the district restricts the demolition of clearance of neighborhoods in the North Side. In addition to the

Figure 4.2. Vacancy Rates, Central Northside, 1950 to 2010. Adapted Figure 4.3. Total Population, Central Northside, 1950 to 2010. Adapted from Social Explorer, Vacancy, 2015 American Community Survey, 2017, from Social Explorer, Comprehensive Report, 2015 American Community Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by Survey, 2017, Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright Social Explorer. Adapted with permission. 2003-2017 by Social Explorer. Adapted with permission.

!20 Allegheny Commons project described above, blocks were Despite the high levels of vacancy and uninhabitable units, cleared for the development of the Community College of property values have risen since 2000. The median home value Allegheny County, East Street Valley Expressway, Allegheny for owner-occupied housing units has more than doubled from General Hospital, and Three Rivers Stadium (Trotter & Day, $96,378 in 2000 to $212,184 in 2015 (Table 4.2). The median 2010, p. 72). Even the news of urban renewal projects spurred home value for the city of Pittsburgh as a whole has risen to a disinvestment, as homeowners ignored repairs in expectation of far less degree from $85,200 in 2000 to $94,700 in 2015 (U.S. eminent domain claiming their properties. Concurrently, the City Census Bureau. American FactFinder. 2006-2010 American of Pittsburgh reduced ﬁre, police, and waste management Community Survey, 5-year estimates, Table B25077, 2010; services to this area. Before the projects even began, 2011-2015 American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, population in the North Side declined substantially (Trotter & Table B25077, 2015). Day, 2010, p. 72). The Central Northside experienced a decline in population of 37.4 percent from 1950 to 1960, 31.4 percent Some of this increase in property values may be attributed to from 1960 to 1970, and 32.9 percent from 1970 to 1980 (Figure the Historic District designation. According to the PHMC, prices 4.3). This continued decline in population from 1980 to 2010 in the Mexican War Streets Historic District have appreciated reﬂected the continued high number of vacant units, over 370 four percentage points higher than those in neighboring districts. units, even while the number of total housing units has declined Furthermore, after the Historic District boundaries expanded in from 2,495 to 1,971 in 2010 (U.S. Census Bureau. Social 2008, prices increased by another 15% (PHMC et al., 2011, p. Explorer. 2010 Decennial Census, Table SE:T70, 2010). 24). Yet, the degree of the median home value increase cannot be fully explained by the historic nature. Rather than explaining Table 4.2: Housing Affordability by Tenure, Central Northside and City of the increase in property values, the historic district designation Pittsburgh, 2015. Adapted from American FactFinder, Table DP04: may explain the high rates of vacancy and high rates of Selected Housing Characteristics, 2011-2015 American Comunity Survey, uninhabitable units. Restrictions through the historic review 5-year estimates, 2017, Retrieved from https://factfinder.census.gov/. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. Adapted with permission. process may inhibit redevelopment of uninhabitable units.

Central Northside City of Pittsburgh Owner- Renter- Owner- Renter- Along with rising property values, the high proportion of renters Tenure Occupied Occupied Occupied Occupied raises potential concerns about affordability of the Total 37% 63% 48% 52% neighborhood. Compared to the city as a whole, the Central Median Value/ Gross Rent $212,184 $712 $94,700 $810 Northside contained a higher than average ratio of renters to Median Income $87,429 $24,557 $59,374 $26,941 owners in 2015 estimates. In occupied housing units, 37 percent of households were owner-occupied, and 63 percent were !21 rented. In the city, 48 percent were owner-occupied, and 52 Figure 4.4: Cost Burdened Renters, Central Northside, 2015. Adapted percent were rented (U.S. Census Bureau. American from Social Explorer, Housing, 2015 American Community Survey, 2017, Community Survey. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5- Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.com. Copyright 2003-2017 by year Estimates, Table DP04, 2015). Renters are more Social Explorer. Adapted with permission. vulnerable to increases in property values and property taxes, as these costs are likely passed on.

However, even though the median owner-occupied unit value at $212,184 exceeded the median unit for the city of Pittsburgh at $94,700, the median gross rent of $712 per month was slightly lower than the city’s median gross rent of $810. (U.S. Census Bureau. American Community Survey. 2011-2015 American Community Survey 5-year Estimates, Table DP04. 2015) This correlated with the median income of owner-occupied householders compared to renter-occupied householders. The estimated $87,429 median income for homeowners exceeded the rates of cost-burdened renters decrease as household that of the City of Pittsburgh, which was $59,372. During the incomes rise. Furthermore, the median gross rent has risen same time, the estimated median income for renters at $24,557 from an estimated $611 in 2010 to $712 per month in 2015 (U.S. was lower than the median income for the City of Pittsburgh at Census Bureau. Social Explorer. 2006-2010 American $26,941 (Table 4.2). Community Survey 5-year estimates, Table SE:T104, 2010; American FactFinder. 2011-2015 American Community Survey, Even though median gross rents and median incomes were 5-year estimates, Table S2503, 2015). comparable with the city as a whole, the gross rent indicates a cost burden of 34.8 percent for the median income. In 2015, In this context, numerous subsidized housing units exist in the around 46.7 percent of renters were cost-burdened, dedicating Central Northside. The West Park Court Apartments contributes 30 percent or more of their income to rent. The distribution of 110 affordable units for elderly housing (Figure 4.5). This monthly housing costs as a percentage of household income for development was constructed in 2007 (U.S. Department of renter-occupied housing units shows 383, or 40.8 percent of Housing and Urban Development, 2015). Though the HUD renters receive an income of less than $20,000 per year. Of database lists this development as a Low-Income Housing Tax these, 87.7 percent are cost-burdened. As shown in Figure 4.4, !22 Credit allocation, the property management publicizes the Figure 4.5. West Park Court Apartments, Central Northside. Retrieved development as a Section 8 development using property based from Housing 101 - Beyond the Shadows of Blight Part 2, by Citizen vouchers (Arbors Management, Inc., 2014). These rental units Vrabelman 2017, Retrieved from http://downstream.city/long-cuts/ are restricted to seniors with an income restriction of 50% of housing-101-beyond-the-shadows-of-blight-part-two/. Copyright (n.d) by Downstream. Reprinted with permission. Area Median Income. Due to the size of the census tracts for the neighborhood, the presence of this development could sway the data for the neighborhood as a whole towards a higher proportion of renter-occupied units with lower income levels. Yet the number of renters making less than $20,000 per year is not fully encompassed within this development. Renters outside of this subsidized housing development may have experienced greater cost burdens as property values have risen.

In addition to the West Park Court Apartments, other active organizations strive to keep housing affordable in the Central Northside and in the North Side as a whole. The Pittsburgh Fair Development Action Group and the Northside Coalition for Fair Housing have a history of advocating for affordability. The Northside Coalition for Fair Housing began when the owner of a 324-unit scattered site Section 8 development threatened the eviction of over 300 families, even before the 15-year expiration of the vouchers. The community organized and successfully fought the mass eviction (Pittsburgh Fair Development Action Group, 2016; Blake, 2013). While these sites are located throughout the North Side, at least 25 of the units are located within the Central Northside (Credio by Graphiq, n.d.). Given the rising property values, the high proportion of renters in the neighborhood, and the disparity between income levels for renters and owners, these efforts to preserve affordable housing remain crucial. !23 Limitations of the Data been found to help “narrow this knowledge gap and better understand the market” (p. 3) to provide more fine-grained and While trends in the ACS 5-year estimates revealed an increase real-time data about the market rents. in property values and an increase in rents, the 2011-2015 estimates have not encompassed recent changes in the For the Central Northside, Zillow’s marketplace analysis showed neighborhood’s housing market. While the American Community that real-estate prices increased dramatically since 2015, Survey undoubtedly provides valuable information about smaller especially since 2013, the midpoint of the ACS five-year demographics, including details about the census tracts in the estimates (Figure 4.6). Likewise, Craigslist lists significantly Central Northside, the sample can produce high margins of higher rental prices per square foot than the ACS does. While error and inaccurate data (Boeing & Waddell, 2016, p. 2). Today, more comprehensive analysis would be necessary to determine online rental marketplaces, such as Craigslist and Zillow have the quality of these datasets, the overall trends suggest that there may be a greater increase in property values and gross Figure 4.6. Home Prices and Values, Central Northside and City of rents than suggested in the 2015 ACS 5-year estimates. Pittsburgh, 2008 to 2017 Adapted from Zillow, Central Northside Home Prices & Values, 2017, Retrieved from https://www.zillow.com/centralnorthside-pittsburgh-pa/home-values/. Copyright 2017 by Zillow. Adapted with permission. Figure 4.7. Building Permits, Central Northside, 2013 to 2017. Adapted from City of Pittsburgh, Building Permits, 2017, Retrieved from https:// pittsburghpa.buildingeye.com/building Copyright 2017 by City of Pittsburgh. Adapted with permission.

!24 Furthermore, the 2012 USPS vacancy data (Zuberi et al., 2015, any new development is notable. The information collected from p. 48) may not capture recent changes in the neighborhood. non-governmental sources helps to supplement the narrative of Building permit data from the City of Pittsburgh show 14 of the the neighborhood. 29 new permits issued in the area have have been issued within the Central Northside (Figure 4.7). Six of these permits have been issued since January 1, 2016. While it cannot be veriﬁed whether all these permits have resulted in new construction, permit activity does show an interest in developing in the Central Northside that was not necessarily apparent when looking at the ACS data. Google Maps imagery illustrated this change in development, as locations that appear vacant in aerial views showed new developments in Street View imagery Figure 4.8. New development, Central Northside, 2016. Adapted from (Figure 4.8). In a neighborhood of only one-quarter square mile, Google Maps. Google, 2017, Retrieved from https://www.google.com/ maps. Copyright 2017 by Google. Adapted with permission.

!25 5. Transportation With rising rental costs, ensuring access to well paying jobs this need. Analysis of commuting destinations provided insight becomes extremely important for residents of the neighborhood. to determine whether or not the location alleviated the costs of Considering “location-based costs” in addition to housing costs transportation and for which income levels. As depicted in provides another window into the affordability in the Central Figure 5.1, the most common commuting destinations for area Northside (Hertz, 2015). In 2013, owning a car in Pittsburgh residents are Downtown and Oakland. The area highlighted in a costed an average of $2,765 per year (Sabatini, 2013). Yet the lighter color represents the destinations accessible within 45 neighborhood’s proximity to downtown should alleviate some of minutes by public transportation. However, the purpose of this

Figure 5.1. Employment Destinations, Central Northside, 2017. Adapted from LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (LODES). OnTheMap, 2017 Retrieved from https:// onthemap.ces.census.gov. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. Adapted with Permission AND Adapted from Mapnificent, Dynamic Public Transport Travel Time Maps, 2017 Retrieved from https://www.mapnificent.net/. Copyright 2017 by Mapnificent. Adapted with permission.

!26 graphical overlay is not to see exactly where is accessible, but work (Figure 5.2). While the neighborhood does afford better rather to highlight the more accessible areas of Pittsburgh. than average links to public transit due to its central location, These include North Side neighborhoods accessible by bus, many of the most reliable transit routes including express buses destinations within walking distance including Downtown and the T require walking times greater than ﬁfteen minutes, Pittsburgh, and suburbs in the South Hills along the T. This often through areas of limited walkability. becomes more apparent given that this tool does not take into account the times waiting for transit to arrive. For example, Oakland, the second largest employment region of the city where The University of Pittsburgh and Carnegie Mellon University are located, is 45 minutes by bus along Route 54. However, this bus only comes every 40 minute on weekdays, Figure 5.2. Means of Transportation, Central Northside, 2015. Adapted making this commute impractical by many standards. Bus from U.S. Census Bureau, Means of Transportation to Work by Age 2015 routes 8, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, also service the neighborhood, but American Community Survey, 2017, Retrieved from http:// their frequency varies from every 15 minutes to every 40 factfinder.census.gov. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. Adapted minutes during peak times. These routes all originate on the with permission. North Side or suburbs north of Pittsburgh and end in downtown. Because service is generally infrequent and thus transfers difﬁcult, these two areas are the only two reasonably accessible by bus. In addition to the bus routes, the North Side “T” station sits 1,000 yards south of the neighborhood, just across Allegheny Commons. This light rail provides commuters access to downtown and into the South Hills along the Red Line and Blue Line. Analyzed commuting destinations reveal some clustering of jobs along this route.

According to OntheMap, there are 1,461 primary jobs held by residents in the Central Northside. Of these workers, only 14 percent relied on public transportation for their daily commutes. By comparison, 55 percent drove either alone or as part of a carpool. A sizable proportion of residents, 22 percent, walked to

!27 6. Employment Employment measures provide another indicator of the ﬁnancial health of a neighborhood. In 2015, the estimated number of Figure 6.1. Job Counts by NAICS working age people, those between 16 and 64 years of age, Industry Sector, held by CNS was 1,981 people. Of these people, 1,103 people, or 55.7 Residents. Adapted from LEHD Origin-Destination Employment percent, had been employed in the previous twelve months. The Statistics (LODES). OnTheMap, unemployment rate in the Central Northside was estimated at 2017 Retrieved from https:// 4.5 percent, indicating that indicating that approximately 50 onthemap.ces.census.gov. people were not employed but actively searching for jobs (U.S. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Census Bureau, American FactFinder. 2011-2015 American Bureau. Adapted with permission. Community Survey, 5-year estimates, Table S2303, 2015).

In order to determine where residents of the Central Northside work and where employees of the Central Northside live, this analysis used data from the Longitudinal Employment and Housing Dynamics Survey (LEHD). The sectors in which Figure 6.2: Jobs by Sector, residents of the Central Northside work, reflected that of Opportunities within 1.5 miles of Pittsburgh as a whole (Figure 6.1). The top job sectors were the Central Northside, Health Care & Social Assistance (18.7 percent), Finance & 2015. Adapted from LEHD Origin- Insurance (10.8 percent), and Professional, Scientific, and Destination Employment Statistics Technical Services (9.0 percent). The majority of the jobs (LODES). OnTheMap, 2017 Retrieved from https:// nearest to the neighborhood, within 1.5 miles of the Central onthemap.ces.census.gov. Northside, are primarily clustered in the healthcare and financial Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census services industries (Figure 6.2). These job opportunities are with Bureau. Adapted with permission. the Allegheny General Hospital or in Downtown Pittsburgh.

The data showed that there was a difference between the proportion of higher-income residents who commuted downtown !28 Figure 6.3. Job Counts by Figure 6.5. Job Counts by Location, Workers Earning Over Commuter Direction, CNS Residents, 2015. Adapted $40,000 per year, CNS Residents, 2015. Adapted from LEHD from LEHD Origin-Destination Origin-Destination Employment Employment Statistics Statistics (LODES). OnTheMap, (LODES). OnTheMap, 2017 2017 Retrieved from https:// Retrieved from https:// onthemap.ces.census.gov. onthemap.ces.census.gov. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Copyright 2017 by U.S. Bureau. Adapted with Census Bureau. Adapted with permission. permission.

Figure 6.4. Job Counts by Location, Workers Earning Less than $15,000 per year, Central Northside Residents, 2015. Adapted from LEHD Origin- 6.3). Comparatively, lower-income residents earning $15,000 or Destination Employment Statistics (LODES). OnTheMap, less annually commute to a greater range of destinations, often 2017 Retrieved from https:// much farther away than downtown (Figure 6.4). These workers onthemap.ces.census.gov. also seem slightly more likely to commute to the north or south, Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census the two areas most accessible by transit (using the bus and the Bureau. Adapted with T, respectively). permission.

Overall, the neighborhood offers access to jobs for those without cars. However, lower-income residents appear to be commuting compared to the proportion of lower-income residents who did longer. This is difficult without a car. While some jobs are so. For example, workers earning over $40,000 annually were located along transit corridors, many are not (Figure 6.5). far more likely to work downtown than any other location (Figure Because of the presence of certain well-paying jobs in the area, !29 young professionals have greater incentives to move to the neighborhood. The possibility of them pricing out existing Figure 6.6. Inflow/Outflow Job Counts, 2015. Adapted from LEHD residents, even those with jobs, exists. Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (LODES). OnTheMap, 2017 Retrieved from https://onthemap.ces.census.gov. Copyright 2017 by U.S. Census Bureau. Adapted with permission. An analysis of economic opportunity in the neighborhood would be incomplete without talking about Allegheny General Hospital. Situated in the east of the Central Northside, this hospital alone employs nearly 6,000 people (“Area Profile Analysis for Central Northside in 2015 by Primary Jobs (Age, Earnings, Industry Sector, Race),” LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (LODES), Q2 2015, via OnTheMap). Though it is a job creator, the majority of employees commute into the hospital from other parts of the Metro-Pittsburgh area. Fewer than fifty Central Northside residents work at Allegheny General Hospital. Central Northside residents work downtown in the corporate sector, or those who do work in healthcare do not necessarily work at Allegheny General Hospital. In addition to the Allegheny General Hospital, the Allegheny Center office complex is another major employer in the proximity. However, a low percentage of residents work in the neighborhood, indicating that companies in the Allegheny Center hire few local residents. Another contributor to the low percentage of residents working within the neighborhood could be the relatively sparse retail establishments in the neighborhood (Figure 6.6).

!30 Image credit: Keith Srakocic (2017) [Photograph] Retrieved from http://wesa.fm/term/allegheny- general-hospital#stream/0 !31 7. Retail Figure 7.1. Retail Business Profile, Central Northside. Adapted from This neighborhood’s rich history has developed three sets of Urban Redevelopment Authority of Pittsburgh, Market Profile: Federal attractions. First, the neighborhood’s proximity to major cultural Street Commercial District. Retrieved from http://apps.pittsburghpa.gov/ redtail/images/712_CentralNorthside-Profile-2017.pdf. Copyright 2017 institutions, such as the National Aviary and the Pittsburgh by Urban Redevelopment Authority of Pittsburgh. Adapted with Children’s Museum brings over 480,000 visitors to the Allegheny permission. Commons (National Aviary, 2016; Children’s Museum of Pittsburgh, 2016). Secondly, the Mexican War Streets Society annually hosts Home & Garden Tours and a yard sale for visitors to the area. Thirdly, as mentioned above, the neighborhood has cultivated an active artistic community surrounding the Mattress Factory, Randyland, and the City of Asylum, a community that gives voice to “endangered literary writers” (City of Asylum, n.d.). Despite these cultural attractions, the number of retail establishments in the neighborhood is limited.

According to a Market Proﬁle of the Federal Street Commercial District, a snapshot of the commercial corridor from the Urban and their incomes, the leakage/surplus factor indicates the Redevelopment Authority of Pittsburgh, there are currently 187 relationship between the supply (retail sales) and the demand businesses within a two-minute drive of the commercial corridor. (retail potential). A positive leakage/surplus factor indicates Of these businesses, only 25 retail establishments operate in leakage, with +100 as total leakage, and a negative value the Central Northside. Over half of these businesses are indicates surplus, with -100 as total surplus. A leakage indicates restaurants, coffee shops, or bars, listed as “Food Services & that retail opportunity, or local dollars, are potentially “leaking” Drinking Places” (Figure 7.1). Beyond this category, the Urban outside of the area. Redevelopment Authority of Pittsburgh denotes a leakage/ surplus factor to indicate the supply and demand in the Food Services & Drinking Places and Electronics & Appliance neighborhood. Based on the number of residents, employees, Stores represented negative leakage/surplus factors, indicating

!32 that the market draws customers from outside of the trade area. Furnishing Stores, Gasoline Stations, and Sporting Goods/ On the other hand, Building Materials, Garden Equipment, & Hobby/Music/Book Stores, all of which had total leakage of Supply Stores, Food & Beverage Stores, Health & Personal +100 (Table 7.1). Care Stores, Clothing & Clothing Accessories Stores, General Merchandise Stores, and Nonstore Retailers all had a positive In addition to this retail need described by the Urban leakage/surplus factor, indicating that residents likely travel to Redevelopment Authority, the Central Northside Neighborhood other areas to meet these retail needs. There was a complete Council also indicates that there is potential for more lack of Motor Vehicle & Parts Dealers, Furniture & Home prosperous commercial corridors along Federal Street and

Table 7.1: Leakage/Surplus Factor by Industry Group, Central Northside, 2017. Reprinted from Urban Redevelopment Authority of Pittsburgh. Market Profile: Federal Street Commercial District, 2017, Retrieved from http://www.ura.org. Copyright 2017 by Urban Redevelopment Authority. Reprinted with permission.

!33 North Avenue near the now closed Garden Theater, as well as The community organization expressed distinct need to along Brighton Road. Since then, Urban Redevelopment redevelop commercial corridors at Federal and North Avenues, Authority has shown prioritization of the pre-development the location of the historic Garden Theater, and at Brighton processes for the Garden Theater Block, issuing a request for Road. Changing the name of the neighborhood to Allegheny proposals in 2010 (Northside Tomorrow, LLC, 2010). The City Central and the coordinated change of the organization’s selected developers, Trek Development Group and Q name to the Allegheny City Central Association signaled action Development, are currently in the pre-development process for towards this desire for redevelopment. Throughout this process, a series of properties on the Garden Theater block, with a the neighborhood council indicated the need for the rebranding proposal for apartments, yet face challenges to “restoring the due to the neighborhood’s reputation. The “Branding Initiative historic buildings within the existing zoning height FAQ” document explains, “Many outsiders still see this restrictions” (Schooley, 2017). neighborhood as one that has large crime and safety issues” (Central Northside Neighborhood Council, 2012, para. 2). The explanations cited challenges to attract retailers at the The activity on this project has spurred some activity in retail in new Garden Block development, as well as a lack of the past few years, but as the URA Market Proﬁle indicates, neighborhood identity. At the time of the rebranding process, there is still need for a greater variety of retail establishments, CNNC claims that “no businesses use[d] the Central Northside particularly outside of food services and drinking places. There name to brand their own businesses” (Central Northside are no book stores or hobby stores, and only one clothing store. Neighborhood Council, 2012, para. 2). Businesses instead Three food and beverage stores exist, as of June 2017. One preferred using “Allegheny” and “North Shore.” Additional efforts such food store is the Allegheny City Market, which opened in by the Central Northside Neighborhood Council (Allegheny City 2014 after Doug’s Market, a neighborhood corner store, closed. Central Association) included strategies to support locally- One impetus for opening the market was “knowing that the owned businesses. At least four small businesses have Garden Theatre Project...was about to get underway[.] Collins beneﬁtted from this effort (Fair Development Action Group, recognized that it was an opportune moment to open a store in 2016). the Mexican War Streets” (Server, 2014, para. 3). The market carries a variety of products, including organic, gluten-free, and local products. However, upon opening, the store carried a limited amount of fresh produce “because of the lack of space” (Horn, 2014, para. 7).

!34 8. Conclusion In conclusion, the Central Northside has indicated high property investigation into the reason for segregation in the values that have been rising, despite high vacancy in the neighborhood. This research found that the Mexican War neighborhood. With rising rents, despite major affordable Streets area remained consistently majority white, even as other development projects, cost-burden to lower-income residents is areas in the North Side gained higher percentages of black a concern. Even though rents remain comparable to Pittsburgh residents. Investigation into the data revealed a distinct line at as a whole, lower-income residents face the greatest degree of Taylor Street, which suggests that there were barriers to black cost-burden. In addition to gross rents, transportation costs may residents living in the Mexican War Streets. While evidence add to the cost-burden for lower-income residents, many of could not be found in this neighborhood, evidence of the use of whom travel widely throughout the metro area and may be more residents associations, restrictive covenants, and other dependent on commuting by car. While higher-income residents discriminatory real estate practices was found in other do commute downtown, likely by walking or public transit, lower- Pittsburgh neighborhoods and suburbs, such as Mt. Lebanon, income residents may bear more of the transportation costs. and even in the North Side (Trotter & Day, 2010, p. 66). Coupled with rising costs in the neighborhood, there is a Displacement of black residents due to urban renewal projects mismatch between job opportunities in the neighborhood and led to the increase in black population in most neighborhoods in residents who work in the neighborhood. the North Side, including Manchester, but the census tract containing the Mexican War Streets distinctly lacks black residents, with a population of less than 10 percent in 1970, Lastly, retail analyses depict leakages in many industries in the even as the northern half of the neighborhood is 71 percent neighborhood. There is a distinct need for retail businesses in black residents. Further study should investigate the use of almost every industry except for Food Services & Drinking restrictive covenants in the Mexican War Streets to provide a Places and Electronics & Appliance Stores. This presents an clearer understanding of the segregation within the opportunity for new retailers to expand the market in this neighborhood. neighborhood in industries that show a leakage. However, this retail opportunity could be lost on industries that already contain a saturation in this neighborhood. Additional research topics in this neighborhood should also include the recent increase in property values and possible decline in affordability for lower-income residents in this Given the key ﬁndings of this assessment, further study is neighborhood. Data from Zillow.com and Craigslist indicated recommended. Recommendations for further study include !35 that recent home listings exceeded the median home value in the 2011-2015 5-Year American Community Survey estimates. Increase values may pose an additional cost burden on renters, already vulnerable to increases in property values.

Lastly, as the Allegheny City Central Association or entities of the City of Pittsburgh investigate policy recommendations or programs for this neighborhood, community engagement would be critical in order to balance the diverse sets of interests within the neighborhood, particularly in lieu discriminatory practices within the neighborhood. To include the historic interests as well as the artistic community and long-time residents would be necessary to ensure that new programs or developments do not displace existing residents.

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