Pdfjean-Charles Rochet

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Pdfjean-Charles Rochet Commentary: Rethinking Capital Regulation Jean-Charles Rochet It is a privilege to be here today to discuss this stimulating article of my distinguished colleagues Kashyap, Rajan and Stein, and to partic- ipate in this very interesting conference on how to maintain financial stability after the current credit crisis. Many influential commentators1 have advocated for fundamental reforms of financial regulatory/supervisory systems as a necessary re- sponse to the crisis. Capital regulations are clearly a crucial element of these systems, and the article by Kashyap, Rajan and Stein offers several important insights and a specific proposal on how to improve these regulations. This article is therefore particularly timely. I will organize my comments in three parts: 1. The objectives of capital regulation. 2. The regulatory treatment of capital insurance. 3. Reorganizing the financial infrastructure. 1. The objectives of capital regulation Capital regulation is a fundamental component of the financial safety net, together with deposit insurance, supervisory interven- tion, liquidity support by central banks and in some cases capital 473 08 Book.indb 473 2/13/09 3:58:56 PM 474 Jean-Charles Rochet injections by the Treasury. This financial safety net has officially two objectives: • To protect small depositors against the failure of their bank (micro- prudential objective), • And to protect the financial system as a whole against aggregate shocks (macro-prudential objective). As pointed out by Kashyap, Rajan and Stein, individual bank fail- ures and systemic crises cannot be eliminated altogether, which raises two questions: • What should be their “optimal” frequency? • How should we manage individual failures and, more impor- tantly, systemic crises when they occur? Existing capital regulations, notably Basel 2, have only offered a relatively precise answer to the first question, at least for individual bank failures. In particular, the IRB approach to credit risk in the pil- lar one of Basel 2 implies more or less explicitly a quantitative target for the maximum probability of default of commercial banks (0.1% over one year). This focus on the probability of default is consistent with traditional actuarial methods in insurance, with the practice of rating agencies and with the VaR approach to risk management de- veloped by large banks (see also Gordy, 2003). However, I want to suggest that focusing on a exogenously given probability of default is largely arbitrary and has many undesirable consequences. For example, Kashyap and Stein (2003), among oth- ers, argue that it would make more sense to implement a flexible approach where the maximum probability of failure would not be constant but would instead vary along the business cycle (concretely, to allow banks to take more risks during recessions and less during booms). This is obviously related to the procyclicality debate. Moreover, the VaR approach can be easily manipulated and has led to many forms of regulatory arbitrage. In particular, it gives in- centives for banks to shift their risks towards the upper tails of loss distributions, which increases systemic risk. In fact, VaR measures 08 Book.indb 474 2/13/09 3:58:56 PM Commentary 475 may be appropriate from the perspective of a bank shareholder (who is protected by limited liability) but certainly not from that of public authorities (who will ultimately bear the costs of extreme losses). From a conceptual viewpoint, capital requirements should be seen as a component of an insurance contract between regulators and banks, whereby banks have access to the financial safety net, pro- vided they satisfy certain conditions. The capital of the bank can be interpreted as the “deductible” in this insurance contract, namely the size of the first tranche of losses, that will be entirely borne by share- holders. The failure of the bank occurs exactly when incurred losses exceed this amount. In property casualty insurance, the level of deductibles on an insur- ance contract is not determined by a hypothetical target probability of claims (here bank failures), but instead by a trade-off between the expected cost of these claims (including transaction costs), the cost of self-financing the deductible (here the cost of equity for banks) and the benefit of insurance for customers that includes being able to in- crease the level of their risky activities (here the volume of lending). By analogy, the capital requirement (CR) for banks should not be computed as a “VaR” but as an expected shortfall (or Tail VaR), which takes fully into account the tail distribution of losses, and thus does not give perverse incentives to shift risks to the upper tail of the loss distributions. Moreover, this “economic” approach to CR is much more flexible than the dominant “actuarial” approach. As in the case of insurance (see Plantin and Rochet, 2008), optimal CRs can in this way be determined by trading off the social cost of bank failures against the social benefit of bank lending, which are both likely to vary across the business cycle. They can also incorporate incentive considerations, on which I will comment below. 2. The regulatory treatment of capital insurance As shown by Kashyap, Rajan and Stein (2008), the macro-pruden- tial component of financial regulation is not sufficiently taken into account in existing capital regulations. They rightly point at the ag- gregate effects of the behavior of banks (especially large ones) during 08 Book.indb 475 2/13/09 3:58:56 PM 476 Jean-Charles Rochet crises. When these large banks face binding solvency constraints, they tend to react by reducing too much (from a social welfare per- spective) their volume of assets (lending less and selling securities, even at a depressed price), rather than by issuing the amount of new equity that would allow them to keep the same volume of assets. This is because banks do not internalize the negative impact of their fire sales on the prices of these assets, which may itself force other banks to liquidate some of their assets, provoking a credit crunch and a downward spiral for asset prices (Brunnermeier, 2008; Adrian and Shin, 2008). Kashyap, Rajan and Stein (2008) put forward a specific proposal for improving capital regulation: encouraging banks (on a voluntary basis) to purchase capital insurance contracts that would pay off in states of the world where the overall banking system is in bad shape. The idea behind this proposal is that whereas banks’ preferred form of financing during tranquil times is short-term debt (because it is a better disciplining tool than equity or long-term debt, given the complexity of banking activities), equity capital becomes too scarce during recessions and banking crises. Banks tend to respond to these negative shocks by reducing the size of their balance sheets rather than by issuing new equity, both because investors are reluctant to provide it during stress periods and because banks do not internalize the negative impact on the economy. In the capital insurance contracts proposed by Kashyap, Rajan and Stein, the insurer would commit to provide a given amount of cash when some aggregate measure of banks’ performance falls below a pre-specified threshold. Banks would be less inclined to sell assets, and the need for public authorities to step in would be reduced. This proposal (which resembles an earlier proposal put forward by Flannery, 2005) is a particular form of the new Alternative Risk Transfer (ART) methods that provide hybrid instruments (with both insurance and financing components) to large firms, not exclusively in the financial sector. These ART instruments (such as contingent capital, catastrophe bonds and options) have been promoted by sev- eral re-insurers (notably Swiss Re) but have not so far been used ex- tensively in practice. 08 Book.indb 476 2/13/09 3:58:56 PM Commentary 477 The proposal of Kashyap, Rajan and Stein is a good idea, but several questions have to be answered more precisely. For example, isn’t it too demanding to impose that the insurer post a 100% collateral deposit in a custodial account, considering that the probability of a claim is (hopefully) very small and the duration of the contract presumably quite long? On the other hand, how can regulators guarantee that the insurer will always fulfill its obligations, unless the insurer’s capital itself is also regulated? Also, the pricing of these capital insurance contracts is likely to be difficult, given that claims will have a low probability of occurrence, but will occur exactly when the overall economic situation is very bad. Finally, the authors should clarify whether they think the main reason why banks do not issue more capital during crises is that they cannot or that they do not want to. In the first case, capital insur- ance contracts make a lot of sense, but then why is it that the banks themselves have not already come up with the idea? In the second case (i.e. if banks do not want to issue more capital during crises), capital insurance can still be good from a regulatory perspective (if not from a private perspective), but regulators have to be given the power to pre- vent the banks from distributing dividends with the money collected from the capital insurance contract. I would like to put forward a similar proposal, inspired by Holmström and Tirole (1998), which could be viewed as a complement to the capital insurance proposal of Kashyap, Rajan and Stein. Suppose indeed that the Treasury issues a new type of security, namely a contingent bond that would pay off only conditionally on some trigger (that could be related to aggregate bank losses like in the proposal of Kashyap, Rajan and Stein, or more generally to other indicators of macroeconomic stress). The in- surance properties of this security would be exactly the same as the one suggested by Kashyap, Rajan and Stein, but it would be provided by the Treasury and not by private investors such as sovereign funds or pension funds.
Recommended publications
  • Finance Without Financiers*
    3 Finance without Financiers* Robert C. Hockett, Cornell Law School * Thanks to Dan Alpert, Fadhel Kaboub, Stephanie Kelton, Paul McCulley, Zoltan Polszar, Nouriel Roubini and particularly my alter ego Saule Omarova. Special thanks to Fred Block and Erik Olin Wright, who have been part of this project since its inception in 2014 – as well as to the “September Group,” where it proved necessary that same year to formulate arguments whose full elaboration has issued in this Chapter. Hockett, Finance without Financiers 4 I see, therefore, the rentier aspect of capitalism as a transitional phase which will disappear when it has done its work…Thus [we] might aim in practice… at an increase in the volume of capital until it ceases to be scarce, so that the functionless investor will no longer receive a bonus; and at a scheme of direct taxation which allows the intelligence and determination and executive skill of the financiers… (who are certainly so fond of their craft that their labour could be obtained much cheaper than at present), to be harnessed to the service of the community on reasonable terms of reward.1 INTRODUCTION: MYTHS OF SCARCITY AND INTERMEDIATION A familiar belief about banks and other financial institutions is that they function primarily as “intermediaries,” managing flows of scarce funds from private sector “savers” or “surplus units” who have accumulated them to “dissevers” or “deficit units” who have need of them and can pay for their use. This view is routinely stated in treatises,2 textbooks,3 learned journals,4 and the popular media.5 It also lurks in the background each time we hear theoretical references to “loanable funds,” practical warnings about public “crowd-out” of private investment, or the like.6 This, what I shall call “intermediated scarce private capital” view of finance bears two interesting properties.
    [Show full text]
  • Levy Economics Institute of Bard College
    Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Policy Note 2018 / 1 DOES THE UNITED STATES FACE ANOTHER MINSKY MOMENT? l. randall wray Outgoing governor of the People’s Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, recently sounded an alarm about the fragility of China’s financial sector, referring to the possibility of a “Minsky moment.” Paul McCulley coined the term and applied it first to the serial bursting of the Asian Tiger and Russian bubbles in the late 1990s, and later to our own real estate crash in 2007 that reverberated around the world as the global financial crisis (GFC). We are still mopping up after the excesses in the markets for mortgage-backed securities, collateralized debt obligations (squared and cubed), and credit default swaps. Governor Zhou’s public warning was unusual and garnered the attention he presumably intended. With the 19th Communist Party Congress in full swing in Beijing, there is little doubt that recent rapid growth of Chinese debt (which increased from 162 percent to 260 percent of GDP between 2008 and 2016) was a topic of discussion, if not deep concern. Western commentators have weighed in on both sides of the debate about the likelihood of China’s debt bubble heading for a crash. And yet there has been little discussion of the far more probable visitation of another Minsky moment on America. In this policy note, I make the case that it is beginning to look a lot like déjà vu in the United States. Senior Scholar l. randall wray is a professor of economics at Bard College.
    [Show full text]
  • New Tech V. New Deal: Fintech As a Systemic Phenomenon
    New Tech v. New Deal: Fintech as a Systemic Phenomenon Saule T. Omarova† Fintech is the hottest topic in finance today. Recent advances in cryptography, data analytics, and machine learning are visibly “disrupting” traditional methods of delivering financial services and conducting financial transactions. Less visibly, fintech is also changing the way we think about finance: it is gradually recasting our collective understanding of the financial system in normatively neutral terms of applied information science. By making financial transactions easier, faster, and cheaper, fintech seems to promise a micro-level “win-win” solution to the financial system’s many ills. This Article challenges such narratives and presents an alternative account of fintech as a systemic, macro-level phenomenon. Grounding the analysis of evolving fintech trends in a broader institutional context, the Article exposes the normative and political significance of fintech as the catalyst for a potentially decisive shift in the underlying public-private balance of powers, competencies, and roles in the financial system. In developing this argument, the Article makes three principal scholarly contributions. First, it introduces the concept of the New Deal settlement in finance: a fundamental political arrangement, in force for nearly a century, pursuant to which profit-seeking private actors retain control over allocating capital and generating financial risks, while the sovereign public bears responsibility for maintaining systemic financial stability. Second, the Article advances a novel conceptual framework for understanding the deep-seated dynamics that have eroded the New Deal settlement in recent decades. It offers a taxonomy of core mechanisms that both (a) enable private actors to continuously synthesize tradable financial assets and scale up trading activities, and (b) undermine the public’s ability to manage the resulting system-wide risks.
    [Show full text]
  • Shadow Banking and the Political Economy of Financial Innovation
    Shadow Banking and the Political Economy of Financial Innovation Anastasia Nesvetailova Introduction This article examines the lessons the phenomenon of shadow banking poses to students of political economy today. I do this by focusing on the role of the shadow banking system in the global financial crisis, and inquiring into the role that financial innovation and securitisation in particular, play in the financialised capitalism of today. My major premise here is that in retrospect, the global financial meltdown was peculiar in its dynamics. Although it was quickly diagnosed as a credit crunch and a financial crisis, it was not triggered by a collapse of an overvalued market, like for instance, the dotcom crash of 2001. Similarly, while it quickly matured into an international banking crisis, it did not involve a classical bank run which remains an anachronism in the age of deposit insurance guaranteed by the state. Finally and perhaps most peculiarly, although chronologically the crisis signalled the end of the credit boom of 2002-07 and was even interpreted as the collapse of a super-bubble (Soros 2008), the global crisis was not driven by investor mania or irrational speculation by market participants. Instead, the crisis of 2007-09 was triggered by the inability to value assets and execute over-the-counter (OTC) transactions with highly complex, tailor-made financial instruments created by the financial industry through the practice of securitisation (transforming illiquid loans into financial securities). In 2007, the scale of this web of financial innovation was captured by Paul McCulley who argued that ‘the growth of the shadow banking system, which operated legally yet entirely outside the regulatory realm ‘drove one of the biggest lending booms in history, and collapsed into one of the most crushing financial crises we’ve ever seen’ (McCulley 2009).
    [Show full text]
  • Minsky's Moment
    Minsky’s moment July 30, 2016 – The Economist From the start of his academic career in the stockmarket bust or currency crash, but modern 1950s until 1996, when he died, Hyman Minsky economies had, it seemed, vanquished their laboured in relative obscurity. His research worst demons. about financial crises and their causes attracted Against those certitudes, Minsky, an owlish man a few devoted admirers but little mainstream with a shock of grey hair, developed his attention: this newspaper cited him only once “financial-instability hypothesis”. It is an while he was alive, and it was but a brief examination of how long stretches of prosperity mention. So it remained until 2007, when the sow the seeds of the next crisis, an important subprime-mortgage crisis erupted in America. lens for understanding the tumult of the past Suddenly, it seemed that everyone was turning decade. But the history of the hypothesis itself is to his writings as they tried to make sense of the just as important. Its trajectory from the margins mayhem. Brokers wrote notes to clients about of academia to a subject of mainstream debate the “Minsky moment” engulfing financial shows how the study of economics is adapting markets. Central bankers referred to his theories to a much-changed reality since the global in their speeches. And he became a posthumous financial crisis. media star, with just about every major outlet giving column space and airtime to his ideas. Minsky started with an explanation of The Economist has mentioned him in at least 30 investment. It is, in essence, an exchange of articles since 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Mortgage Crisis: Exploring Incentives Prevalent During the Boom and Bust of the 2001–2007 Mortgage Market
    University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2015 Mortgage Crisis: Exploring Incentives Prevalent During the Boom and Bust of the 2001–2007 Mortgage Market Justin P. Nowicki University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Finance Commons Recommended Citation Nowicki, Justin P., "Mortgage Crisis: Exploring Incentives Prevalent During the Boom and Bust of the 2001–2007 Mortgage Market" (2015). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1072. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1072 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. MORTGAGE CRISIS: EXPLORING INCENTIVES PREVALENT DURING THE BOOM AND BUST OF THE 2001-2007 MORTGAGE MARKET __________ A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Social Sciences University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Justin P. Nowicki November 2015 Advisor: Dr. Tracy Mott Author: Justin P. Nowicki Title: MORTGAGE CRISIS: EXPLORING INCENTIVES PREVELENT DURING THE BOOM AND BUST OF THE 2001-2007 MORTGAGE MARKET Advisor: Dr. Tracy Mott Degree Date: November 2015 ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to explain the mortgage market’s behavior from 2001 through the first quarter of 2007 by discussing the economic incentives key market participants faced. By exploring incentives faced by key participants, a multifaceted yet logical explanation for the aggressive economic expansion and contraction appears.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Take the Curves in Shifting Financial Markets and Keep Your Portfolio on Track
    ffirs.qxd 5/17/07 3:53 PM Page i Your Financial Edge ffirs.qxd 5/17/07 3:53 PM Page ii ffirs.qxd 5/17/07 3:53 PM Page iii Your Financial Edge HOW TO TAKE THE CURVES IN SHIFTING FINANCIAL MARKETS AND KEEP YOUR PORTFOLIO ON TRACK Paul McCulley Jonathan Fuerbringer John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ffirs.qxd 5/17/07 3:53 PM Page iv Copyright © 2007 by Paul McCulley and Jonathan Fuerbringer. All rights reserved. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. Published simultaneously in Canada. Wiley Bicentennial Logo: Richard J. Pacifico. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permission of the Publisher, or authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, (978) 750-8400, fax (978) 646-8600, or on the web at www.copyright.com. Requests to the Publisher for permission should be addressed to the Permissions Department, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030, (201) 748-6011, fax (201) 748-6008, or online at http://www.wiley.com/go/permissions. Limit of Liability/Disclaimer of Warranty: While the publisher and authors have used their best efforts in preparing this book, they make no representations or warranties with respect to the accuracy or completeness of the contents of this book and specifically disclaim any implied warranties of merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Central Bank Independence Frustrate the Optimal Fiscal-Monetary Policy Mix in A
    Does Central Bank Independence Frustrate the Optimal Fiscal-Monetary Policy Mix in a Liquidity Trap? By Paul McCulley, Chair, GIC Global Society of Fellows and Zoltan Pozsar, Visiting Scholar, GIC Global Society of Fellows Paper to be presented at the Inaugural Meeting of the Global Interdependence Center’s Society of Fellows on March 26, 2012 at the Banque de France, Paris March 26, 2012 Abstract “[T]he role of an independent central bank is different in inflationary and deflationary environments. In the face of inflation, which is often associated with excessive [government borrowing and] monetization of government debt, the virtue of an independence central bank is its ability to say “no” to the government. [In a liquidity trap], however, excessive [government borrowing] and money creation is unlikely to be the problem, and a more cooperative stance on the part of the central bank may be called for. Under the current circumstances [of a liquidity trap], greater cooperation for a time between the [monetary] and the fiscal authorities is in no way inconsistent with the independence of […] central bank[s], any more than cooperation between two independent nations in pursuit of a common objective [or, for that matter, cooperation between central banks and fiscal authorities to facilitate war finance] is consistent with the principle of national sovereignty.” Governor Ben S. Bernanke 1 Section I - Introduction The United States and much of the developed world are in a liquidity trap. However, policymakers still have not embraced this diagnosis which is a problem as solutions to a liquidity trap require specific sets of policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Hyman Minsky Meets Secular Stagnation
    Hyman Minsky Meets Secular Stagnation Steven M. Fazzari* February 23, 2020 *Departments of Economics and Sociology, Washington University in St. Louis. This chapter has been informed by many years of lectures at the Hyman Minsky summer workshop sponsored by the Levy Economics Institute at Bard College. Comments from the participants at these workshops are gratefully acknowledged. In the aftermath of the 2007-2009 Great Recession and global financial crisis, the U.S. recovery has been weak. Indeed, more than a decade after the trough of the recession one might question the extent to which there has been any “recovery” at all. While real GDP has grown and the labor market has certainly improved, output in 2019 has not returned to anything close to its pre-crisis trend and there is no indication whatsoever that this gap will be closed in the years to come.1 This outcome has been labeled “secular stagnation,” most prominently by Lawrence Summers (2014). Although Hyman Minsky’s contributions to macroeconomics are wide- ranging, he is best known for his theory of financial instability, explaining the cyclical nature of capitalism. This chapter argues that Minsky’s insights also help explain recent U.S. secular stagnation when coupled with the dramatic rise of income inequality. In brief summary form, the argument is as follows. A major reason for stagnation is that high-income households recycle a substantially smaller share of their pre-tax income back into spending. Therefore, as inequality rises and most of the growth of income goes to the top slivers of the income distribution demand growth stagnates, other things equal.
    [Show full text]
  • Helicopter Money: Or How I Stopped Worrying and Love Fiscal-Monetary Cooperation
    Helicopter Money: Or How I Stopped Worrying and Love Fiscal-Monetary Cooperation By Paul McCulley, Chair, GIC Global Society of Fellows and Zoltan Pozsar, Visiting Scholar, GIC Global Society of Fellows January 7, 2013 HELICOPTER MONEY: OR HOW I STOPPED WORRYING AND LOVE FISCAL-MONETARY COOPERATION ABSTRACT During private deleveraging cycles monetary policy will largely be ineffective if it is aimed at stimulating private credit demand. What matters is not monetary stimulus per se, but whether monetary stimulus is paired with fiscal stimulus (otherwise known as helicopter money) and whether monetary policy is communicated in a way that helps the fiscal authority maintain stimulus for as long as private deleveraging continues. Fiscal dominance and central bank independence come in secular cycles and mirror secular private leveraging and deleveraging cycles, respectively. As long as there will be secular debt cycles, central bank independence will be a station, not a final destination. Paul McCulley is Chair of the Global Interdependence Center’s (GIC) Global Society of Fellows. Zoltan Pozsar is a Visiting Scholar at GIC. Paul McCulley thanks Paul Krugman and Martin Wolf for intellectual camaraderie. The authors wish to thank Stijn Claessens, Mohamed El-Erian, Bill Gross, Julia Király, Elena Liapkova-Pozsar, Perry Mehrling, Krisztián Orbán, James Sweeney, Zsuzsa Delikát and Tamás Vojnits for very helpful discussions and comments. © McCulley and Pozsar 1 HELICOPTER MONEY: OR HOW I STOPPED WORRYING AND LOVE FISCAL-MONETARY COOPERATION 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Paper No. 579 a Perspective on Minsky Moments: the Core Of
    Working Paper No. 579 A Perspective on Minsky Moments: The Core of the Financial Instability Hypothesis in Light of the Subprime Crisis* by Alessandro Vercelli Department of Economic Policy, Finance, and Development (DEPFID), University of Siena October 2009 *I wish to thank Serena Sordi and Jan Toporowski for their valuable advice. I am also grateful to participants in seminars at the Universities of London (SOAS), Bergamo, Siena, Venezia (CEG), and Milano (Bicocca) for stimulating comments. The Levy Economics Institute Working Paper Collection presents research in progress by Levy Institute scholars and conference participants. The purpose of the series is to disseminate ideas to and elicit comments from academics and professionals. The Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, founded in 1986, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, independently funded research organization devoted to public service. Through scholarship and economic research it generates viable, effective public policy responses to important economic problems that profoundly affect the quality of life in the United States and abroad. The Levy Economics Institute P.O. Box 5000 Annandale-on-Hudson, NY 12504-5000 http://www.levy.org Copyright © The Levy Economics Institute 2009 All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This paper aims to help bridge the gap between theory and fact regarding the so-called “Minsky moments” by revisiting the “financial instability hypothesis” (FIH). We limit the analysis to the core of FIH—that is, to its strictly financial part. Our contribution builds on a reexamination of Minsky’s contributions in light of the subprime financial crisis. We start from a constructive criticism of the well-known Minskyan taxonomy of financial units (hedge, speculative, and Ponzi) and suggest a different approach that allows a continuous measure of the unit’s financial conditions.
    [Show full text]
  • Paul Krugman
    1 PAUL KRUGMAN W. W. NORTON & COMPANY NEW YORK LONDON 2 To the unemployed, who deserve better. 3 INTRODUCTION WHAT DO WE DO NOW? THIS IS ABOOK about the economic slump now afflicting the United States and many other countries—a slump that has now entered its fifth year and that shows no signs of ending anytime soon. Needless to say, many books about the financial crisis of 2008, which marked the beginning of the slump, have already been published, and many more are no doubt in the pipeline. But this book is, I believe, different from most of those other books, because it tries to answer a different question. For the most part, the mushrooming literature on our economic disaster asks, “How did this happen?” My question, instead, is “What do we do now?” Obviously these are somewhat related questions, but they are by no means identical. Knowing what causes heart attacks is not at all the same thing as knowing how to treat them; the same is true of economic crises. And right now the question of treatment should be what concerns us most. Every time I read some academic or opinion article discussing what we should be doing to prevent future financial crises—and I read many such articles—I get a bit impatient. Yes, it’s a worthy question, but since we have yet to recover from the last crisis, shouldn’t achieving recovery be our first priority? For we are still very much living in the shadow of the economic catastrophe that struck both Europe and the United States four years ago.
    [Show full text]