WOMEN STRUGGLING TO ACHIEVE HIGHER EDUCATION: A CULTURAL

COMPARISON OF PAKISTANI AND AMERCIAN PAKISTANI WOMEN

A Thesis

Presented to the faculty of the Graduate and Professional Studies in Education

California State University, Sacramento

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in

Education

(Behavioral Sciences/Gender Equity Studies)

by

Sehar Saqib Choudhary

SUMMER 2014

© 2014

Sehar Saqib Choudhary

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

ii

WOMEN STRUGGLING TO ACHIEVE HIGHER EDUCATION: A CULTURAL

COMPARISON OF PAKISTANI AND AMERCIAN PAKISTANI WOMEN

A Thesis

by

Sehar Saqib Choudhary

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Sherrie Carinci, Ed.D.

______, Second Reader Angela Shaw, Ed.D.

______Date

iii

Student: Sehar Saqib Choudhary

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the

University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis.

, Department Chair Susan Heredia, Ph.D. Date

Graduate and Professional Studies in Education

iv

Abstract

of

WOMEN STRUGGLING TO ACHIEVE HIGHER EDUCATION: A CULTURAL

COMPARISON OF PAKISTANI AND AMERCIAN PAKISTANI WOMEN

by

Sehar Saqib Choudhary

My intention for this comparison study was to bring awareness to the struggles of Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s in achieving higher education.

Additionally, the study measured the influence of social construction of gender, parental expectations, socioeconomic status, culture, and gender dynamics within family and education of Pakistani and American Pakistani women in pursuit of their educational goals. Through quantitative and qualitative data, the researcher reached several conclusions. The results indicated that parental expectations, experience with education system and culture, socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within family, and gender dynamics within education affected the participants of this study in a significant way. The quantitative data indicated to the researcher that both American

Pakistani and Pakistani participants in this study holds a high regard and respect for parental expectations. Respondents in this particular sample had varied experience

v with education system and culture. Specifically, American Pakistani women reported positive attitudes about the American education system and culture. In comparison,

69% of Pakistani women strongly supported the Pakistani education system while

31% disagreed. Inconsistencies with attitudes toward Pakistani education system are due to inequalities and access to education. Even though quantitative data on socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within the family opposed disparities and inequalities in women’s education, discussion of the same issues in qualitative results reported otherwise. Similarly, participants in this study strongly favored that their gender does not define their performance in education. Yet, thematic analysis of qualitative data that asked participants’ interpretations on barriers keeping women from achieving their educational goals exposed contradictory results.

______, Committee Chair Sherrie Carinci, Ed.D.

______Date

vi

DEDICATION

I would like to dedicate this thesis to my daughter Zainab. You give me strength and a purpose to live every day. You are my joy and pride. To my mother and father, you are the most supportive and loving parents. Your love, kindness, and this utter believe in your daughter’s aim to earn a Master’s degree to create a better life is inspiring. You have continued to support me in the toughest situations in my life and I would not have been able to continue my journey through this Master’s program without your continuous encouragement. To my siblings, our unity as a family has brought us far from where we started as kids. A lifetime journey from Pakistan to

United States has created endless memories of accomplishments, acknowledgements, and inspiration. I look up to each one of you as my role models.

To my dearest friends, thank you for your endless support and love. I think of you as my sisters who are always there for me in need and entered my life to show me the true meaning of friendship. I am truly blessed to have you in my life.

Lastly, I am grateful to have known of a very kind and caring soul, Dr. Sherrie

Carinci. You welcomed me to the Gender Equity Program with so much enthusiasm.

Your vision and teachings guided me and changed my outlook of this world. Thank you for your continuous support and positive attitude.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge all American Pakistani and Pakistani women who are paving the path for future generations by accomplishing their educational goals. I look forward to seeing the names of Pakistani women being associated with success, achievements, and revolutionary changes that empowers and inspires women all over the world. I am grateful for all of those who believed in me and gave me strength to accomplish my dreams.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Dedication ...... vii

Acknowledgements ...... viii

List of Tables ...... xi

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Purpose of the Study ...... 5

Statement of the Problem ...... 5

Methodology ...... 6

Limitations ...... 8

Theoretical Basis for the Study ...... 9

Definition of Terms ...... 12

Organization of the Thesis ...... 13

Background of the Researcher ...... 14

2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 15

U.S. Women and Higher Education ...... 15

Gender in American Education ...... 18

American Pakistani Immigrants and Education ...... 22

Education Trends in Pakistan ...... 26 ix

Gender in Pakistani Education ...... 29

Conclusion ...... 33

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 35

Introduction ...... 35

Research Design and Data Collection ...... 35

Research Questions ...... 37

Research Instruments ...... 37

Setting ...... 38

Participants ...... 39

Procedures ...... 41

Conclusion ...... 42

4. FINDINGS ...... 43

Research Questions ...... 43

Quantitative Results ...... 43

Qualitative Results ...... 50

Conclusion ...... 55

5. DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND

RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 56

Introduction ...... 56

Discussion of Quantitative Data ...... 56

Discussion of Qualitative Data ...... 69 x

Conclusion of Study ...... 76

Limitations ...... 78

Recommendations for Further Study ...... 79

Reflection ...... 80

Appendix A. Informed Consent for Participation CSUS: Sacramento

Thesis Research Study ...... 82

Appendix B. Survey Questions for American Pakistani Participants ...... 84

Appendix C. Survey Questions for Pakistani Participants ...... 89

References ...... 94

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LIST OF TABLES

Tables Page

1. American Pakistani Demographics ...... 40

2. Pakistani Women Demographics ...... 41

3. Statements Regarding Parental Expectations ...... 45

4. Experience with the Education System and Culture ...... 46

5. Socioeconomic Status and Gender Dynamics within the Family ...... 48

6. Response on Gender Dynamics within Education ...... 50

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1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

“I don’t mind if I have to sit on the floor at school. All I want is education.

And I am afraid of no one” (Malala Yousafzai, 2012).

Malala, a 14 years old activist, is an advocate of women’s education and promotes the importance of girl’s education in a region that is controlled by Taliban.

Like many other Pakistani girls, Malala has taken a stand to voice her right to an education against the Taliban who banned girls from attending school. The right to education is not instituted for Pakistani women due to embedded fundamental religious traditions (Sudduth, 2010). Pakistan has one of the lowest literacy rates in

South Asia (Latif, 2009). The current literacy rate of the entire country is 49.9%

(Latif, 2009). The female literacy rate of 35.2% drops to 25% from grade 1 to 6 in rural areas, and girls’ school enrollment in rural areas drops from 55% to 25% (Latif,

2009).

The participation of female children in basic education has historically lagged behind that of their male counterparts in many countries. In a patriarchal society like

Pakistan, women’s status is of a secondary nature in comparison to their male counterpart. Likewise, the educational system in Pakistan places women at the bottom level and the focus of education remains on men. Women do not enjoy or are given the same opportunity as men. Traditionally, women’s life is assumed and is limited to the private sphere within the society. In Pakistan, socio-cultural values and norms strongly influence women’s position in society (Latif, 2009). Though the patriarchal structure

2 is not uniform across the whole country, in general, society is male-dominated. The gender gap is deep-rooted and violation of rights of individuals under the constitutional laws is widespread (Latif, 2009). The laws were designed to establish greater gender parity and remain largely ineffective, due to strong societal norms influencing women to refrain from claiming the rights granted to them by law. Men tend to hold positions of power, while women are adversely affected in all spheres of life (UNESCO, 2007). In South Asia, Pakistan is the country with the widest gender gap in education and discrimination against women that continues to persist in all walks of life (UNESCO, 2007). Gender imbalance in Pakistani society shows the many ways in which women are at a disadvantage and ineffective laws fail to bring change in education.

Pakistan’s education system is consisted of preprimary, primary, secondary, higher secondary, and postsecondary education is modeled by the British education system. Pakistan’s education system focuses strongly on primary education from pre- school to eighth grade and ranges from ages 3 to 14 (UNESCO, 2007). In 2005-2006,

Pakistan’s education system accommodated over 36 million students who were studying at basic education levels, pre-primary through higher secondary (UNESCO,

2007). In Pakistan, there were 14 million girls studying in basic education in 2005, compared to 18.3 million boys (UNESCO, 2007). In other words, there were over 4 million more boys than girls in basic education, which results in a Gender Parity Index

(GPI) of .76 (UNESCO, 2007). This disparity in favor of boys was prevalent at all levels of basic education, with the exception of the higher secondary level or 11th and

3

12th grades, where there was parity between the sexes, producing a GPI of 1.0 meaning that both boys and girls have almost equal access to education based on their socioeconomic background and that Pakistan shows favor to girls education in grades

11 and 12 (UNESCO, 2007). In Pakistan, because there are more boys than girls in the relevant population, this represents a small disparity in favor of girls. GPI level at the higher secondary level shows that many more boys than girls discontinued their education after ninth grade or secondary school. According to the 2011 Human

Development Report of the United Nations Development Program, approximately twice as many males as females receive a secondary education in Pakistan.

Educational disparities and low enrollment rate of females in Pakistan remains a challenge.

While Pakistan has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world, in comparison, the literacy rate in U.S. has increased since 1992. According to an assessment survey completed in 2003 by National Assessment of Adult Literacy, 14.5%s of adults lack basic literacy skills in United States (White, 2007). When the assessment results were analyzed based on performance by race and ethnicity, Whites had the highest scores followed by Asians/Pacific Islanders, Blacks, and Hispanics (White, 2007).

Enrollment is a key indicator of the scope of and access to educational opportunities and functions as a basic descriptor of American education. Changes in enrollment have implications for the demand for educational resources such as qualified teachers, physical facilities, and funding levels, all of which are required to provide high-quality education for students in the U.S. The total enrollment in post

4 baccalaureate degree programs in the U.S. increased from 2.2 million students in Fall

2000 to 2.8 million in Fall 2009, the largest percent increase (33%) of any decade since the 1970s (White, 2007). Between Fall 2000 and Fall 2009, female enrollment increased by 39%, and male enrollment increased by 24%. Enrollment patterns of graduate students are varied by race/ethnicity. For example, 38% of White students attended public 2-year institutions, compared with 40% of Black students, 42% of

Asian/Pacific Islander students, 45% of American Indian/Alaska Native students, and

52% of Hispanic students (White, 2007). The impressive enrollment rate of females in post baccalaureate degree programs in the U.S. shows the freedom of education and equal opportunities for women that are lacking in a country like Pakistan. Like

Pakistani women, women in the U.S. had their share of struggle to achieve the freedom and rights to education.

American women have always faced gender barriers in the American education system. These barriers are more challenging for females who are from different ethnicity or migrate to the United States. Females from a different ethnicities and race are struggling with identify and culture aside from gender discrimination. The struggles that are faced by American Pakistani women in pursuing higher education are evident and influenced by social construction of gender, socioeconomic background, culture, gender dynamics and family support. Likewise, Pakistani women are challenged with gender barriers that are embedded in Pakistani educational system.

The intent of this study is to compare the challenges faced by women in the two educational systems and to identify barriers that influence the struggle of Pakistani

5 women and American Pakistani women’s pursuit for higher education. Although, women have always confronted challenges for equal educational opportunities, the differences in the social, economic, and political conditions between Pakistan and

United States challenges facing women of their countries are dissimilar.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this thesis is to compare Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s struggles in achieving higher education. Additionally, the study will measure the influence of social construction of gender, parental expectations, socioeconomic status, culture, and gender dynamics within family and education of Pakistani and

American Pakistani women in pursuit of their educational goals.

Statement of the Problem

Many women throughout the world are not able to earn their educational and career goals. Some are not given the opportunity to continue their education. There has been a growing interest to study how U.S. culture affects gender socialization. Eisner

(1994) defined literacy as the ability of an individual to express meaning in any cultural form. Women’s education in Pakistan is defined and is heavily influenced by traditional Islamic cultural views. This research study will examine the similarities and differences in both cultures and their education systems.

Several researchers have studied the effects of gender socialization of girls in

U.S. education (American Association of University Women [AAUW], 2010;

Noddings, 1992; Sadker & Sadker, 1994). Similarly, studies have been conducted on education in Pakistan, but they have been limited in scope to examine and to measure

6 the influence of social construction of gender, socioeconomic background, culture, and family support in higher education. The purpose of this work is to discuss, compare, and critically analyze the factors influencing the struggles in achieving higher education for Pakistani and American Pakistani women.

The framework of this study is to answer the two research questions:

- What factors influence Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s

achievement in pursuing higher education?

- How does social construction of gender influences the differences between the

Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s achievement in education?

Methodology

Data was collected from community members and friends using snowball sampling method across the United States and Pakistan. Snowball sampling method is used by researchers to find participants through personal and professional contacts

(Cowan, 2001). The researcher reached out to community members, colleagues, and associates to distribute surveys for this study. A consent letter, Appendix A, was distributed to the study participants that informed the purpose of the thesis research.

The researcher developed the questionnaire using mixed methods listed in Appendix B

& C. Two 35 question five-point Likert scale surveys were created to address a variety of statements concerning educational experiences, support from family, community, and the educational institution, gender bias and stereotypes, and socioeconomic background of participants using online software Survey Monkey. The online survey method was chosen because of quick response time, accessibility, and ease of usage

7 for both the researcher and the participants (Evans & Mathur, 2005). The survey questionnaires were created using multiple survey samples from previous researchers in the College of Education Master’s Program. Participants were asked to answer two open-ended questions at the end of survey questionnaire. The open-ended questions were evaluated using thematic approach to see the common trends and patterns in the response collected (Jelinek, 2012). Demographic questions were presented in the beginning of the survey.

Two different sources of data was collected and analyzed. Quantitative data converts phenomena that does not “naturally exist in quantitative form into quantitative data, which we can analyze statistically” (Muijs, 2011, p. 2). The quantitative method quantified the attitudes and beliefs about gender and education.

Mean calculated from the survey responses of the two groups was compared to examine the attitudes and beliefs about gender and education. It was further used to examine any patterns and trends that emerged from this comparison study.

In education research, qualitative data involves very detailed observations and interpretations that go beyond the generalizations that are concluded in quantitative studies. Qualitative data provides non-numerical information and insight for specific types of questions (Muijs, 2011). Using quantitative and qualitative methods to collect data from surveys supports the conclusion using two different methods (Jelinek,

2012). The qualitative method gave the researcher further information about differences and similarities in social construction of gender between the two groups of

Pakistani and American Pakistani women, and finally to analyze the responses to

8 discover any possible trends. These methods further reduced any bias and increased the validity and reliability of the conclusion made (Jelinek, 2012).

The collected quantitative data was analyzed through statistical analysis to identify any correlation between the two groups. This method is used to show relationships among variables, identified errors, tested for significance of the findings, and helped make inferences about the population. Qualitative data from the open- ended questions validated the quantitative results and provided descriptive understanding of what the statistical data is trying to conclude. The purpose of using mixed methods for this study was to capture the in depth understanding of the responses collected from participants and how it relates to their achievement in pursing higher education.

Limitations

The limitations of this study included restricted access to the community members in Pakistan and to American Pakistani community members. Therefore, the sample size was small and representative of the Pakistani community living in United

States and Pakistan. Lack of access also affected the return rate of the surveys.

Availability and access to internet and computer was another limitation for the sample representing the Pakistani women living in Pakistan. Language was another constraint when it came to completing the surveys as the participants from Pakistan may not fully comprehend the questions. Furthermore, participants may choose not to answer the survey questions willingly caused by fear of judgment. The author is aware of pleasing the researcher effect or Hawthorne effect that can modify the behavior of

9 respondents of this study (Fernald, 2012). This phenomenon suggests that study subjects' behavior or study results are altered by the subjects' awareness that they are being studied or that they received additional attention (Fernald, 2012). Also, gender and cultural biases may influence the response thus impacting the study. Finally, the participants had the option to refuse to participate in the study at any time thus affecting the return rate of the surveys and data collection.

Theoretical Basis for the Study

There are many influential theorists in the field of gender and education who guided this research study. Educational theorists Myra and David Sadker, Lyn Mikel

Brown, and Carol Gilligan emphasized gender inequalities, loss of voice and power in girls. Ahuja Agarwal, Audry Thompson, and Barbara J. Risman contributed to the gender socialization theory from a diverse perspective by highlighting the work of multicultural theorists Paulo Freire and Duane Campbell. Global feminists Leila

Ahmed, Asma Jehangir, Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Margot Badran, and Nawal El Saadawi are working toward ending the patriarchal system that enforces male dominant views in society.

Educational Theorists

Socialization theorists Myra Sadker and David Sadker recognize gender difference and its effects on girls (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). Similarly, Ahuja Agarwal,

Audry Thompson, and Barbara J. Risman theorized gender socialization as a universal phenomenon that ignores feminine values that contributes to education assimilation

(Agarwal, 2006; Risman, 2004; Thompson, 2003). Gender socialization is a major

10 factor in how students interact and behave in school, but many multicultural theorists believe students’ race and ethnicity is a major factor as well. Some important multicultural theorists include Paulo Freire, and Duane Campbell. Paulo Freire believes all students need to have a “voice” as many are oppressed in the traditional classroom. Freire believes students’ voices and experience can help guide knowledge and foster the learning process (Freire, 1987). Duane Campbell believes many of our schools need to be reformed to meet the needs of the growing diversity of students. He believes in creating democratic community in our schools (Campbell, 2009).

Socialization theorists argued girls could meet the same academic standards as boys.

By providing all children with gender-neutral education and eliminating other obstacles to female success, schools would not only ensure fairness but would increase the pool of skilled workers, thereby benefiting society as a whole (Thompson, 2003).

Loss of Voice

Lyn Mikel Brown and Carol Gilligan, co-authors of the book Meeting at the

Crossroads (1992), studied the loss of voice and power of adolescent girls in our society. Brown and Gilligan’s (1992) research concentrates on young girls and how they lose their voice by the end of middle school. The studies examined why girls are afraid to state their opinions and are unable to express their feelings. Gender researchers such as Brown and Gilligan (1992), and Sadker and Sadker (1994) found that girls are often overlooked in education. These findings reflect the struggle girls face in classrooms and are not given the equal opportunity to express their feelings and opinions in the classroom (Sadker & Zittleman, 2006). Thus influencing the

11 decision of girls to pursue further in education and be part of an educational system where they do not see themselves represented. American education system lacks portrayal of female models and educators that can encourage young women to contribute in all different areas of education.

An educational experience where the silenced feminine voice is the social norm persists throughout higher education. While students begin school with equal levels of confidence and self-esteem, 12 years later when they graduate from high school women possess half of the confidence and self-esteem of men (AAUW, 2010).

Brown and Gilligan (1992) state that women and women educators need to

“bring themselves into their teaching and be in genuine relationships with girls” and with women students, which would involve “changing their practice as teachers and thus changing education” (p. 231). To encourage greater self-esteem and confidence from all students, and promote students to reveal their true opinions and voices, techniques to tackle gender bias, such as connected learning, need to be addressed in teacher education programs.

Global Feminism

Similarly, global feminists in the last decade have shown that gender is not only a significant factor in modern Middle East history but also an invisible subtext.

Gerda Lerner (1986) explains the creation of patriarchy and how it shaped the gender- defined social role for women. Leila Ahmed, Asma Jehangir, Ziba Mir-Hosseini,

Margot Badran, and Nawal El Saadawi are Muslim reformers and the inspiring voices against women oppression in the Middle East (Lichter, 2009). Each feminist believes

12 that women are integral part of a society and are sources of power for their society that defines complex relationships between secularism, modernity, and religion. Islamic feminists are bringing awareness to the rights of women and uniting women to fight against gender discrimination. Muslim feminists are challenging and reforming patriarchic laws that are suppressing women’s rights. Islamic scholars are visible and vocal about educating women about their rights based on Islamic law and are creating awareness for Muslim women to stand up for their rights.

Definition of Terms

American Pakistani is descendant or immigrant migrated to the United States from Pakistan for education, work, and professional experience (Mir, 2009).

Culture is defined as traditions and customs that transfer behavior and beliefs through learning (Kottak & Kozattis, 2003).

Gender Equity as a classroom dynamic means to treat each gender with equal importance and legitimacy (Carinci, 2012).

Hawthorne Effect a phenomenon suggests that study subjects' behavior or study results are altered by the subjects' awareness that they are being studied or that they received additional attention (Fernald, 2012).

Islamic Feminists are feminists from various cultural and national settings to bring about a positive change for Muslim women by seeking gender justice and equality the best way possible (Mir-Hosseini, 2006).

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Muslim Immigrants are namely those Muslims who live in the United States and who are either immigrants or their descendants (hereafter referred to as "Muslim immigrants") (Pipes & Duran, 2002).

Racism is defined as discrimination against an ethnic group assumed to have a biological basis (Kottak & Kozattis, 2003).

Sexism is the subordination of an individual woman or a group of women and the assumption of the superiority of an individual man or a group of men, based solely on sex (Fiske-Rusciano, 2009).

Social construction of gender is defined as a process by which gender differences are taught and reinforced in social settings (Fiske-Rusciano, 2009).

Socioeconomic background is an individual's or family’s economic and social position in relation to others, based on income, education, and occupation (Fiske-

Rusciano, 2009).

Snowball sampling method is used by researchers to find participants through personal and professional contacts (Cowan, 2001).

Organization of the Thesis

Chapter 1 of this thesis outlines the organization and introduces the research study. It presents a brief background of the subject, an outline of the thesis, theoretical basis for the study, and relevant terms for the thesis. Chapter 2 presents an extended background of the subject, and presents research findings of studies done on the relevant issues. Chapter 3 presents the methods used in the study, and presents information on participants, procedures, data collection and analysis. Chapter 4

14 presents the findings of the study. Chapter 5 presents the analysis and the discussion of the study.

Background of the Researcher

Sehar Choudhary is currently working as an Associate Governmental Program

Analyst at the California Air Resources Board. She was born in Pakistan and immigrated with her parents to the United States at the age of 12. Both her parents and grandparents are well-educated and have taught as teachers at the primary, secondary, and college level. Education has always been part of her life and supported by her family. Sehar was encouraged by her parents to pursue a Master’s degree that can benefit both her family and community. The significance of roots and culture led her to explore the gender issues faced by women in education. As a student in the graduate program, Sehar took courses such as EDUC 165: Sex-Role Stereotypes in

American Education; EDTE 266: Women and Education; EDTE 251: Education for a

Democratic, Pluralistic Society; EDTE 250: Education Research; and elective courses that focused on cultural and gender related topics. Sehar gained experience about gender stereotypes through assisting her graduate advisor, Dr. Sherrie Carinci with her

EDUC 165 course. It was a wonderful opportunity and experience that enhanced her knowledge and guided her thorough the process for this research study.

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Chapter 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

This review of the literature discusses the role of women in higher education shaped by stereotypical ideals of gender and how our society reinforced these ideals throughout history. The first section covers the history of women in higher education in the United States and the progress women have made in education. The second section is an examination of gender socialization and stereotypical gender ideals in

American education. The third section outlines the educational trends of American

Pakistani immigrants and highlights the challenges faced by Pakistani females in higher education. The final segment includes information regarding education trends in Pakistan.

U.S. Women and Higher Education

The position of women in higher education has evolved from its origin. During the course of the history of the United States, women’s education has been considered less significant, and served a different purpose, than men’s education. Though moving towards a more equitable status in relation to men, women are still not represented as equals within the education system.

During the 1920s, women continued to enroll not only as undergraduates but also as students in graduate and professional programs (Nidiffer, 2002). “By the

1920s, a high point for women’s education, female students represented 47 percent of the student body in colleges and universities” (Nidiffer, 2002, p. 11). From the 1930s through the 1950s, “the percentage of women in higher education drop[ped] to a low

16 of 30 percent” (Nidiffer, 2002, p. 11). Moreover, women’s educational gains in liberal arts and character development diminished. Olsen (2000) found that throughout the

1930s and 1940s, the promotional materials of three select women’s colleges stressed academic topics, but with time, the colleges progressively promoted their institutions as training graduates to be good wives and mothers. “In the public rhetoric, childless women were often portrayed as unfit, selfish, or neurotic, and babies were frequently linked to patriotism” (Olsen, 2000, p. 429).

Moreover, the next decade from 1940s and 1950s have “been labeled the era of the feminine mystique [inspired by the published work of Betty Friedan in 1963 that challenged the image of a suburban housewife]. As a result, the need to have men re- enter into the labor market, women were encouraged to leave paid jobs and focus their energies at home” (Stewart & Ostrove, 1993, p. 479). O’Kelly and Carney (1986) explain the change in women’s educational aspirations,

[Women] moved from overall educational attainments higher than men’s in

1940 to slightly less than men’s in the early sixties. Higher education was now

often pursued by young women to enable them to find better husbands and to

make them better wives and mothers. Career goals were often absent or

secondary as motivations for college. (p. 150)

The tendency for women’s education to focus “first on service and utility to society and community, and later on vocational and life preparation” continued and shifted until the late 1960s and early 1970s (Fox, 1989, p. 220). During the first two thirds of

17 the 20th century, college was not a step towards a career or job; it was filler in life before marriage and family (Fox, 1989).

The political climate of the 1960s and 1970s “ushered in an era of changes in women’s role in work, society, and education” that have continued to have an impact on the organization of higher education institutions (Fox, 1989, p. 220). During this time of social change, including the civil rights and women’s movements, the popularity of women’s colleges declined and coeducational colleges saw a boom in enrollments. Coeducation became the norm, even at “very prestigious and previously all-male institutions. As a result, the number of women’s colleges today has declined to fewer than 75 institutions, down from the more than 200 institutions that were in existence in 1960” (Nidiffer, 2002, pp. 11-12). This pattern has continued: “Today more than 95 percent of female students attend coeducational institutions” (Chenault,

2002, p. 21). Not only has the number of single-sex colleges dropped, but they also have relatively higher tuition, because they are private institutions. Furthermore, in the

1980s top-tier and Ivy League universities began to accept women (Sadker & Sadker,

1994). Coeducational facilities have become the standard for the majority of students.

In less than a century, women’s position in higher education had changed. In

2006, women earn 57% of bachelor’s degrees (Chenault, 2002). However, according to Cotterill, Hughes, & Letherby (2006),

…mere presence hardly constitutes an adequate criterion. Rather, we need to

consider how being female continues to represents a challenge to the

prevailing, and continuing, sense of ownership of the various spatiality of

18

higher education, and how this space is invested with masculinity (pp. 404-

405).

Today, women’s higher attendance rates can be mostly attributed to women 25 and older outnumbering their male counterparts by a ratio of two-to-one. However, there is not a significant discrepancy in the number of female and male students who enroll in college directly after high school. Men continue to earn more Ph.D.’s and M.D.’s than women; men also outnumber women at Ivy League and top-tier universities (Cotterill et al., 2006). Academically women have entered in fields that were reserved for men in the past yet women are still struggling to gain access to career paths that are mainly populated by men. Although women have progressed in the educational field since the

1950s, the gender gap and inequality in education has limited women’s access to higher education.

Gender in American Education

The socialization of gender in schools throughout the United States perpetuates stereotypical ideals of gender, femininity, and masculinity, which are taught and reinforced throughout students’ educational experience (Stromquist & Fischman,

2009). Scholars who focus on gender issues highlight the aspects of education as working to the disadvantage of women (Jacobs, 1996). Jacobs (1996) further argues that “women fare relatively well in area of access, less so in terms of the college experience, and are particularly disadvantaged with respect to the outcomes of schooling” (p. 154). There is relatively little attention devoted to variation among women by class, race, and ethnicity. While women have made progress in education

19 since 1980, the inclusion of women in academically rigorous institutions shows disadvantage in access (American Association of University Women, 2010).

Gender-specific patterns of behavior occur at all levels of education and contribute to “gender-role-socialization pressure as soon as children enter the educational system” (Lips, 1989, p. 202). Society’s constant acceptance, endorsement, and reaffirmation of gender normative behavior, “especially modeling, positive and negative sanctions,” causes gender roles to be socially reproduced (Stromquist &

Fischman, 2009, p. 114). Stromquist & Fischman (2009) define gender role socialization as a continuous engagement:

a socio-historical dynamic that affects and is affected by individual and social

practices, some of them consciously and others unconsciously exercised,

gender is always in the process of being done, performed and acted, and is thus

present in the relationships between individuals of the same or different sexes,

between individuals and society, and between individuals and institutionalized

structures of power. (p. 466)

Gender related socialization pressures include the differential treatment given to students by educators, based on gender.

The most notable distinction in educators’ treatment of students is that male students receive much more attention from educators than female students because of

“the notion that males need to be called on more in order to keep them engaged”

(Carinci, 2007, p. 69). Several studies, including Sadker & Sadker (1994), have found that female students have fewer interactions with teachers and “are less likely [to] be

20 called on by name, are asked fewer complex and abstract questions, receive less praise or constructive feedback, and are given less direction on how to do things for themselves” (Carinci, 2007, p. 66). Male and female students have dissimilar educational experiences because differential treatment is so pervasive in the American education system.

Gender-specific interactions and expectations in American education help reproduce and reinforce traditional gender roles and expectations. Maher and

Rathbone (1986) compare the single standard of academic achievement boys are held to with the double standard for girls. Girls are “trained for and judged by an alternate set of standards, one that includes qualities of cooperation, nurturing, and sensitivity to others. These guarantee femininity but often at the price of success” (Maher &

Rathbone, 1986, pp. 215-216). Teachers often tolerate and unconsciously encourage different behaviors, such as which student behaviors are acceptable during class discussions, based on gender, thus enforcing stereotypical ideals of masculinity and femininity. Teachers also respond “more to boys who act aggressive and to girls who act dependent” (Lips, 1989, p. 203). Teachers who give attention to boys who are aggressive and girls who act dependent reinforce stereotypical gender roles; male are rewarded “for active, assertive, curious behavior,” and female are rewarded “for appreciative, dependable, and considerate behavior” (Sadker & Zittleman, 2006, p.

272). While it may be convenient in the classroom setting to have girls with characteristics that are complementary to most other personality types, girls should not have their personalities pushed and forced into confined boxes. The gender-specific

21 ideals that educators display through such behaviors are influential in reinforcing stereotypical gender ideals.

The inequitable environment of higher education institutions that results from the differential treatment of students by faculty impedes female academic confidence and voice. Educators’ interaction patterns reflect the historical roots of the American education system, in that teachers convey that the priorities of male students are favored over the priorities of female students (Schaefer, 1994). “Schools are major social institutions” and are not exempt from gender bias, stereotype threat or discrimination (Sanders, 2000, p. 183). Sanders (2000) discuss representation of women in computer science careers has dropped by nearly one-third over the past twenty years. The computing field is male-dominated, and a cultural perception of women as non-technical persists. Societal bias is that boys have a greater innate interest in computers at a younger age than girls. The existence of “software for girls” is a clear indication that software per se was designed for boys, though great strides have been made over the last ten years in promoting more female characters in educational software (Sanders, 2000). However, the behaviors examined occur at all levels of education. In contrast to the female educational experience, “the male student learns early on and what is often reinforced throughout years of classroom interactions is that by his sheer maleness, he has more rights and voice in the classroom” (Carinci,

2007, p. 72). Gender biased processes in the classroom create destructive classroom environments that discourages academic confidence and voice of female students.

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Gender biased practices in the classroom prevents academic female students to express themselves freely. Girls are “expected to sacrifice their interests, their fair share of teacher attention, and their right to curriculum that awards their interests and talent on parity with those of boys” (Jones, Evans, Byrd, & Campbell, 2000, p. 64).

The discrepancy in treatment subtly conveys to students that academic success is a male-dominated territory (Jones et al., 2000). In “Gender in the College Classroom:

An Assessment of the ‘Chilly Climate’ for Women” (1990), Crawford and Macleod discuss college students’ perceptions of the classroom environment: “Males tend to feel they are more part of and more active in the classroom than females” (p. 114).

These educational experiences enforce hegemonic and patriarchal ideals that

“resurface at work where women are listened to less, promoted less and paid less”

(Jones et al., 2000, p. 64). Gender biased behavior and differential treatment negatively affect female students’ confidence and feelings of aptitude (Jones &

Dindia, 2004).

American Pakistani Immigrants and Education

With millions of Muslims living in North America, the challenge for researchers is to study the population trends of Pakistani Muslim immigrants. Pakistan is the second most populous Muslim majority country and about 97% of Pakistanis are

Muslims (Pipes & Duran, 2002). By law, the U.S. Census Bureau cannot count members of a religion thus complicating the statistical pictures of immigrants from a

Muslim majority nation like Pakistan (Pipes & Duran, 2002). The earliest immigration trends of Muslim population from Pakistan emerge in 1965. According to the Center

23 for Immigration Studies, three main reasons for immigration to the United States were refuge, education, and to spread the teachings of Islam (Pipes & Duran, 2002). By the

1990s, U.S. colleges and universities attracted over half a million foreign students

(Pipes & Duran, 2002). Political freedom, superior facilities, and economic reward are among some of the main reasons why foreign students tend to stay in the United States after graduation. Female students are also inclined to stay due to independence, opportunities, and self-sufficiency (Pipes & Duran, 2002). In 2006, more than half of the Pakistani origin foreign born lived in New York, California, Texas, and Illinois

(Batalova & Ferruccio, 2008), men accounted for 56% of all foreign born Pakistani living in the U.S. while women accounted for 44% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). Thus, there are more men among Pakistani immigrants than women living in the United

States.

The educational levels of American Pakistanis are exceptionally higher than interesting Pakistanis who are living in Britain. The 2005 American Community

Survey conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau shows that among the male Pakistani population aged 25 and over, 60.9% had bachelor’s degrees or higher while among female Pakistani residents aged 25 or over, the figure was 45% (Oda, 2009). These educational statistics explains the fact that the Pakistani immigrants who came to the

United States in the 1960s were skilled people and professionals who were most likely from well-educated families.

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Parental Expectations and Socioeconomic Status

Numerous researchers have given attention to the relationship between educational achievement and ethnicity, and to whether ethnicity may act as a resource to school success (Shah, Dwyer, & Modood, 2010). One qualitative research study found intersections on Zhou’s ideas about familial or ethnic shared norms and values as contributing to educational achievement among immigrant groups (Zhou, 2005).

Shah et al. (2010) acknowledged the educational achievements of South Asians as a group with the highest rates of participation in post education, both young American

Pakistani men and women are more likely to go to university than their white peers.

It was evident in Shah et al. (2010) and Zhou’s (2005) qualitative study that the young American Pakistanis believed education was very important to succeed in life, and stated that their parents emphasized the value of education. All parents who were interviewed were aware of the respect and status higher education and professional qualifications would bestow on the family (Shah et al., 2010). According to Shah et al., (2010) important social changes have occurred in the 20th and 21st century has challenged female identity in middle and upper socioeconomic classes where education is prioritized for both boys and girls. Specifically in upper and middle class families, parental approval and support for a daughter’s education to establish a professional status and career has increased (Shah et al., 2010). Similarly, Basit (2010) study concluded that teenage Muslim Pakistani girls in Britain were encouraged by their parents who were supportive and enthusiastic about their education and career goals. Further, Mir’s (2009) ethnographic study of American Pakistani undergraduate

25 women examined construction of gendered stereotypes and identities. Mir (2009) states that it is common for immigrant daughters to experience stronger parental expectations to maintain cultural norms than sons do. Many American Pakistani women live with dual identities to maintain modern and traditional expectations.

Religious and cultural communities create gendered norms that are practiced and followed by the community members in America. These established norms prevent dominant Western culture from intruding into Pakistani cultural values (Mir, 2009).

Although gender imbalance continued to be the norm in most academic fields around the world, in U.S. and other European nations, attitudes toward female higher education is slowly changing.

Assimilation of Pakistani Women into American Culture

Research suggests that American Pakistani women have achieved a level of success and visibility unmatched elsewhere. They are molded by the freedoms and opportunities provided in U.S. (Knowlton, 2010). Shireen Zaman, an executive director of the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding, a nonprofit research institute founded after the 2001 attacks provided research on American Muslims and explained “What we’re seeing now in America is what has been sort of a quiet or informal empowerment of women,” (Knowlton, 2010, p. 1). Many Muslim women are challenged socially and politically to take a leadership role in their home countries.

According to a Gallup survey in March 2009, American Pakistani women have career advantages and are better educated than counterparts in Western Europe and U.S.

(Knowlton, 2010). Historically, American Pakistani women have wielded power from

26 behind the scenes, with notable exceptions like Benazir Bhutto, the late former prime minister of Pakistan (Knowlton, 2010). American Pakistani women in U.S. reflect the country’s diversity and have made notable achievements in various career backgrounds (Knowlton, 2010). Today, American Pakistani women are very well integrated into the mainstream society and are very well educated. According to a survey by Zogby International (2004), 30% of the Muslim Americans are from

Pakistan. In fact, the percentage of Muslims with professional degrees is much larger than of the U.S. average (Pew Research Center, 2007).

Education Trends in Pakistan

Education in Pakistan presents a patchwork picture of almost bewildering complexity and magnitude (Khalid & Khan, 2006). In its structure, it shares many features with education systems in Western countries. There is a pre-school level for children aged three to five years old. Pre-school is followed by five years of primary school education (grades 1–5) and subsequently five years of secondary education

(grades 6–10). Students then enter what is termed intermediate or higher secondary education (grades 11–12). Tertiary education begins after grade 12. A substantial proportion of first degrees in Pakistan are of two years’ duration, and Masters’ degrees are typically of similar length (Saeed, 2007). Overall, the structural aspects of tertiary education are complex and continue to evolve (Saeed, 2007).

Enormous differences emerge when examining the way education is currently implemented in Pakistan. In Pakistan, education is neither compulsory nor free, not even at primary level (Dean, 2007a; Saeed, 2007). One consequence of this is that

27 many children never enter the education system and of those who do, large numbers drop out at various stages. The figures for 2005–2006 show that as many as one-third of primary school age children remained outside the school system, a figure which increased to three-quarters for children of secondary-school age (Government of

Pakistan, 2009).

A major feature of education in Pakistan is that it consists of parallel systems of government schools and private provisions. Within the latter, Deeni Madaris

(religious schools) provide education with a religious focus. Reform initiatives have been launched with the aim of adding more mainstream subject content to these institutions (Government of Pakistan, 2005c). Private education had an unstable history in Pakistan. In 1972, private educational institutions were taken over by the government, but by 1979, private provision was once more encouraged, especially in rural areas (Government of Pakistan, 2005c). The Education Sector Reform Action

Plan for 2001–2005 introduced the concept of Public Private Partnerships as a means of bridging the gap in resources and expertise for achieving the goals of universal access and quality education for all (Government of Pakistan, 2004).

The introduction of Non-Formal Basic Education (NFBE) in Pakistan is based on active community involvement, represents a further attempt at closing the gap towards educational provision for all (Shami & Hussain, 2005). The basis provides free and flexible learning opportunities at the door steps of those girls who otherwise are denied the basic human right of education (Government of Pakistan, n.d.).

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Properly resourcing the education system in Pakistan remains a major hurdle.

Accounts relating to primary and secondary schools in 2003–2004 in Punjab paint a bleak picture in the school system. Items lacking in considerable numbers include basics like buildings, drinking water, electricity, latrines and furniture (Government of

Pakistan, 2005c). These shortcomings are more pronounced and more common in rural areas, but not entirely absent from urban ones (Government of Pakistan, 2009).

In addition, corruption in the public sector appears to be a significant problem

(Government of Pakistan, 2009; Khalid & Khan, 2006; Shami & Hussain, 2005).

Private schools tend to be better equipped, but also vary greatly. The best private schools amongst these are considered to be on par with comparable institutions in the

United Kingdom (Saeed, 2007). The medium of instruction adds another dimension to the complexity of Pakistan’s education system. Urdu is the national language of

Pakistan and an important symbol of national cohesion (Government of Pakistan,

2009). The Urdu language is predominantly used in schools; some elite private institutions use English as a medium of instruction, while others teach in regional minority languages. Rahman (2008) names six major languages spoken in Pakistan, alongside some 57 minor ones. A major dilemma is that whilst Pakistan wishes to preserve its rich cultural heritage and the regional languages associated with it, there is also a perceived need to promote English within the schools, which is seen as the international language dominating the global market (Government of Pakistan, 2009).

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Gender in Pakistani Education

Inequalities across education in Pakistan are widespread and include gender disparities and the urban–rural divide. Literacy rates in Pakistan have increased from

45% in 2000 (Government of Pakistan, 2000) to 52.5% in 2005 (Government of

Pakistan, 2005b), but there still exist significant gender gaps in this area. Overall figures for 2005 place literacy rates at 64% for males and 40% for females. However, literacy remains higher in the urban areas where it is 71% for males and 44% for females in rural areas (Government of Pakistan, 2005b). Even though literacy rates are increasing, the goals of universal basic education and gender parity remain distant targets for Pakistan (Farah & Shera, 2007; Government of Pakistan, 2009). Against this background of an education system full of challenges for educational planners and reformers, addressing issues of female literacy is of great concern. Dean (2007a) points out that primary school enrollment rates for girls are amongst the 10th lowest in the world. Dropout rates for girls in schools are higher than those of boys (Society for the Protection of the Rights of Children [SPARK], 2006). Gender disparities at the secondary level are greater than at the primary level (UNESCO, 2007). The current political environment undoubtedly promotes women’s educational opportunities, but cultural attitudes towards the education of girls remain strongly biased and largely unchanged. Although successive governments have announced various programs to promote female education, they have been unable to translate their words into action because of deep-rooted political, social and cultural obstacles (UNESCO, 2007).

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Parental Expectations

When talking about women’s access to higher education it is important to remember that social class has determined at large, the access of girls and women to education along with the kind of education they received. It is common to see females belonging to upper and educated class attain higher education (Noureen & Awan,

2011). Culturally, parents prefer sons to be educated rather than girl if they have limited resources (Noureen & Awan, 2011). In Pakistan, parents think that their old age security is attached to the income of their sons. Parents invest in the education of their sons’ to ensure they have a better future (Noureen & Awan, 2011). Parents’ investment on girls is to collect dowry for their marriage (Noureen & Awan, 2011).

Parents consider marriage as the ultimate goal of girls’ life. Therefore, education of females in Pakistan is indivisibly interlinked with the phenomenon of marriage

(Noureen & Awan, 2011). Additionally, there is a prevailing attitude that exists in smaller portion of the Pakistani society that believes girls have so much household chores and work at home to learn so they should not waste their time on education.

Socioeconomic Status and Access to Education

Thus, the educational status of women in Pakistan remains low and is in fact amongst the lowest in the world (UNESCO, 2007). Women in Pakistan do not form a homogeneous group, and their opportunities for education vary greatly, depending on the social system of which they are a part (Jayaweera, 1997; Khan, 2007). In rural areas, patriarchal structures often combine with poverty to limit educational opportunities for girls (Farah & Bacchus, 1999). In contrast, girls and young women

31 belonging to the upper and middle classes in urban areas have increasingly greater access to education and employment opportunities (Khan, 2007).

The role of higher education as a powerful instrument and mediator of social change has been highlighted by Herz and Sperling (2004). But higher education enrollment in Pakistan is ranked amongst the lowest in the world. In 2005, higher education enrollment rate was just 2.9% of the population between the ages of 17 and

23. Compare this to higher education participation in other developing countries, India is at 10% and Korea stands at 68% (Government of Pakistan, 2005b). The gender gap in education widens as girls progress in their education from primary to secondary and beyond. Women are consistently less likely to gain access to basic education or to the education necessary to prepare for higher education (UNESCO, 2007). One of the major reasons for the lack of progress may lie with the fact that in 2006–2007,

Pakistan was spending only 2.5% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) on education, which is considerably below the South Asian regional average and UNESCO’s recommendation of 4% (Government of Pakistan, 2009). Other reasons for the lack of education for females include the rising cost of education and high population growth rates. Various political, social, and economical factors play an enormous role in creating gender inequitable educational environment for women in Pakistan. Gender discrimination in higher education cannot be remedied without having a discourse about gender equity in the society on a national level.

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Social Construction of Gender in Pakistan

Women in Pakistan, like other women in the world, have always been aware of gender inequalities. Yet the emergence of the feminist movement was delayed due to a complex relation between women’s demands for equal rights and the nationalist movement. Leila Ahmed, a Muslim feminist describes the feminist movement in

Islamic countries (such as Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia) as a challenge for women who were placing their faith against their Muslim identity and gender (Mir-Hosseini, 2006).

It is difficult to categorize emerging feminists’ voices in Islam as they reflect diversity of positions and approach to feminist views. All feminists seek gender justice and equality for women though they do not agree on what constitutes justice or equality based on Islamic principles.

A fundamental problem is the lack of awareness on the part of women of the rights granted to them under Pakistani law. Thus, a survey conducted by the Human

Rights Commission of Pakistan (Government of Pakistan, 2005c) established that in a sample population of females from all sections of society, almost 90 % of the women questioned did not realize that they had rights at all. Despite the fact that the

Constitution of Pakistan states that all citizens are equal before the law and that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex, there exists widespread customary practices which violate these guarantees. These traditional structures are the chief obstacles to women’s equal status in Pakistan (Government of Pakistan 2005c).

Educated women in Pakistan may be aware of their rights as defined by the

33 constitution, but cultural and societal pressures continue to substantially prevent them from seeking their rights.

Conclusion

Through this literature review, it is evident that the position of women in higher education has evolved in the United States. Historically, women were not accepted in any educational fields and were discriminated based on their gender.

Education for women was considered less significant and did not serve any purpose in the society. Women were confined to domestic tasks and were raised to get married and have children. Feminists in the 1930s and 1940s led the movement that brought change and challenged the stereotypical image of women. Although, today women have come far from the stereotypical ideals of gender and patriarchal views that prohibited them from entering the realms of education, women continue to face challenges in schools.

Gender socialization in education creates disadvantages for women and reinforces the stereotypical ideals of gender in our society. Loss of female voice, inequitable treatment in classroom, and gender gap in education are caused from gender socialization in education. Thus, female students have dissimilar educational experiences because differential treatment is so prevalent in American education system.

Similarly, challenges faced by American Pakistani women in education are not very different. In fact, the pressure to live up to the gender-specific interactions and expectations in American education is reinforced and reproduced. Parental approval

34 and support is significant in attaining education for a female Pakistani living in

America. Numerous research and qualitative studies have concluded that the value of education is emphasized in American Pakistani communities. Pakistani women are challenged socially and politically to take a leadership role in their home countries.

Gender imbalance continued to be the norm in Pakistani educational system.

Stereotypical ideals of gender socialization and role of women in the Pakistani society prevents them from accessing education. In Pakistan, gender differences and ideals between men and women in society are also seen in the education system. Education of boy’s is given priority over girl’s education. Gender inequalities, socioeconomic status, privatization of schooling, political environment, lack of resources, and access to education are some of the educational challenges facing women living in Pakistan.

Thus, higher education enrollment in Pakistan is ranked amongst the lowest in the world (Government of Pakistan, 2005b).

In this literature review, difference between the American versus Pakistan educational systems is clarified. According to educational theorists and global feminists the challenges facing women living in the U.S. and Pakistan are different.

Education in Pakistan is challenged by socialization of gender, social class system, access to education, inequalities in education and reinforcement of stereotypical views. Whereas in U.S., women have access and opportunity to education yet they are constrained by gender inequalities within classrooms.

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Chapter 3

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This chapter outlines the research methodology used to collect and analyze the data from the Pakistani and American Pakistani women to understand the factors influencing their struggle to achieve higher education. This comparison study examined the first-hand educational experiences of sample populations representing the American Pakistani and Pakistani women. Based on available research and qualitative studies in the field, the researcher was able to theorize that parental expectations, socioeconomic status and culture, gender dynamics within family and education influences women’s decision in pursuing higher education. The researcher was further able to hypothesize that social construction of gender influences the differences between the American Pakistani and Pakistani women’s achievement in education. The following chapter provides the reader with a detailed description of the research design and data collection methodology, the instruments used for the measurement of the variables, sample population and selection process, and the procedures used.

Research Design and Data Collection

This research study involved both quantitative and qualitative data collection through an online survey questionnaire using the five-point Likert scale and two open- ended questions to provide in depth responses to the questions (Appendices B and C).

The survey questionnaire was modeled based on theses from Gender Equity Studies

36 program. The researcher piloted the surveys on colleagues and coworkers to ensure the quality and relevance of the questions to the study. Quantitative research method is presented using percentages of common answers on a scale. A Likert scale was used to gather quantitative data. “Quantitative research is the collection and analysis of numerical data in order to explain, predict, and/or control phenomena of interests”

(Gay, Mills, & Airasian, 2006, p. 9). Likert scale requires “the respondent to self- report along a continuum of choices” (Gay at al., 2006, p. 131). Quantitative data was collected from responses to a series of questions about demographic information, parental expectations, socioeconomic status and culture, gender dynamics within family and education from test groups representing American Pakistani and Pakistani women. The collected quantitative data was analyzed using statistical analysis to examine if any patterns and trends emerged between the two groups of participants.

The two open-ended questions used in the study were intended to collect qualitative data from the sample population. “Qualitative research is the collection, analysis, and interpretation of comprehensive narrative and visual (nonnumerical) data in order to gain insights into a particular phenomenon of interest” (Gay et al., 2006, p.

9). Using mixed methods for data collection allowed validation of statistical information when compared with the descriptive responses.

The researcher used online software Survey Monkey to collect survey questionnaires from American Pakistani and Pakistani participants. “Online survey allows for data to be collected within a short time frame and from respondents from diverse backgrounds and locations” (Teo, 2013, p. 6). Online survey allows a higher

37 participation rate by eliminating the need to print and mail the paper surveys (Teo,

2013). The researcher attempted to increase the comfort of the test group by designing an online survey questionnaire specific relevant to their culture and education system.

Research Questions

The research study is guided by two specific questions to discuss, compare, and analyze the struggles faced by Pakistani and American Pakistani women in education.

 What factors influence Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s

achievement in pursuing higher education?

 How does social construction of gender influence the differences between the

Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s achievement in education?

Research Instruments

The research instrument used in this study was two sets of 35-question survey with two open-ended questions created using the online software SurveyMonkey for

American Pakistani and Pakistani participants. Each survey questionnaire was created with audience in mind as recommended by SurveyMonkey Audience Project Tips.

Researcher ensured that the participants targeted in this study had a way to opt-out of a survey question if they were unfamiliar with the topic. Wording in the survey was selected to ensure that participants can clearly comprehend the questions. A sample survey was given to Master of Education program graduate students to provide feedback and suggestions on the survey.

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The online survey method was chosen because of quick response time, accessibility, and ease of usage for both the researcher and the participants (Teo,

2013). Survey format and design was based on the requirements of the two groups:

Pakistani and American Pakistani participants. Each group needed access to a computer and internet to complete the online surveys. The two surveys for the

Pakistani and American Pakistani participants were similar with an exception of a few questions. Due to differences in cultural norms and language, a couple of questions were re-worded to accommodate the participants understanding of the questions (Teo,

2013).

Participants from each sample group were provided an access link to the consent letter (Appendix A) and survey (Appendix B & C) generated by

SurveyMonkey through email, Facebook, and other social network websites. Online surveys collected demographical information, educational background, and participants’ experience with the educational system. The survey further inquired about socioeconomic status, cultural expectations and parental support affecting decisions related to education. Lastly, two open-ended questions were asked at the end of the survey to examine the participants’ thoughts on the barriers keeping women and men from achieving their educational goals.

Setting

The research took place in the privacy of the author’s home office. All surveys from the study were kept in a secure area of my office to ensure privacy of the participants was not compromised. The setting for this study was divided into two

39 different parts of the world as it involved sample populations from Pakistan and

United States. Pakistan is located in the South East Asia region and is home to a large

Muslim population. Pakistan is an ethnically and linguistically diverse country and the sixth most populous country in the world (Worldatlas.com). The United States is situated in central North American region between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, bordered with Canada in the North and Mexico in the South (Worldatlas.com).

Participants

Data from 39 surveys was included in this study. Participants were chosen using snowball sampling method across United States and Pakistan using personal and professional contacts (Cowan, 2001). Twenty-three American Pakistani women participated in this research study while 16 participants answered survey questions from Pakistan. All participants were contacted using personal and professional contacts through emails, social network websites such as Facebook and twitter, and

Pakistani community webpage in U.S. and Pakistan. Research focused on sample populations from similar socioeconomic status and ethnic makeup. Research parameters for this study required access to Pakistani female participants over the age of 18 who have attended college or university in Pakistan or United States.

American Pakistani Participants

The sample population is representative of the American born Pakistani or descendants of Pakistani immigrants living in North America. All participants belong to similar socioeconomic backgrounds and represented the Pakistani community living in the United States. Age of participants in this study ranged from 18 to 44. Nearly all

40 of the participants attended college/university in United States. Most participants with single status lived with their parents and held jobs in various occupations (see Table

1).

Table 1

American Pakistani Demographics

Participant Age Marital Level of Occupation Living Situation Status Education 1A- Rana 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Healthcare With Parents 2A- Maria 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Business With Parents 3A- Sana 18-24 Single High School Sales With Parents 4A- Janah 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Social Science With roommate 5A- Amber 18-24 Single High School Server With roommate 6A- Sofia 25-34 Married Bachelor’s Homemaker With husband 7A- Zarina 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Computer/Math With Parents 8A- Iqra 35-44 Married Bachelor’s Education With husband 9A- Momi 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Technical Recruiter Alone 10A- Zuni 25-34 Married Bachelor’s Business With husband 11A- Kshaf 18-24 Single High School Not working With Parents 12A- Ayesha 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Education With Parents 13A- Sadaf 18-24 Single In college Student With Parents 14A- Asma 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Healthcare With Parents 15A- Bobbi 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Student With roommate 16A- Sidra 25-34 Single Master’s Student With Parents 17A- Kanza 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Management With Parents 18A- Aqsah 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Management With Parents 19A- Anum 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Healthcare With Parents 20A- Aarzoo 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Healthcare With Parents 21A- Dua 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Healthcare With Parents 22A- Soha 25-34 Single Master’s Education With roommate 23A- Zeb 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Student With roommate

Pakistani Participants

All participants were born and raised in Pakistan. Nearly all belong to middle class families based on demographic data and lived in the urban area of the country.

Living standards of the participants provided access to college or university that

41 otherwise is not the case for population living in the rural areas of the country.

Participants in this study ranged from 18 to 34 in age. Similar to American Pakistani women, the majority of single status Pakistani women participants lived with their parents (see Table 2).

Table 2

Pakistani Women Demographics

Participant Age Marital Level of Occupation Living Situation Status Education 1P- Sanam 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Architecture/Engineering With Parents 2P- Tania 18-24 Single In college Computer/Mathematics With Parents 3P- Tina 18-24 Single Bachelor’s Architecture/Engineering With roommate 4P- Zainab 25-34 Married Master’s Education With husband 5P- Sunny 18-24 Single In college Architecture/Engineering With roommate 6P- Aniya 25-34 Married Bachelor’s Human Resource Mgmt. With husband 7P- Iman 25-34 Married Master’s Housewife With husband 8P- Iram 25-34 Married Ph.D. Educator at Medical College With in-laws 9P- Isha 25-34 Divorced Bachelor’s Education With Parents 10P- Nim 25-34 Single Master’s Education With Parents 11P- Noor 18-24 Single In college Arts/Design With Parents 12P- Fatimah 18-24 Single In college Business With Parents 13P- Mishi 18-24 Single In college Arts/Design With Parents 14P- Reem 18-24 Single In college Student With roommate 15P- Noshi 25-34 Married Bachelor’s Social Services With husband 16P- Huma 25-34 Single Bachelor’s Business With Parents

Procedures

Participants for this research study were contacted using snowball sampling method and were given a brief introduction of the research study that explained the parameters of the study and the voluntary nature of the program through a consent letter (see Appendix A). An online survey link was provided using SurveyMonkey.

The researcher created two online thesis groups: American Pakistani and Pakistani to provide each group participants access to survey links. Participants were asked to fill

42 out a 35 question five-point Likert scale survey addressing a variety of statements concerning parental expectations, socioeconomic status and culture, gender dynamics within family and education. Two open-ended questions were used to allow the respondents an opportunity to provide their opinions of gender roles and stereotypes in the society. The collected quantitative data was examined through statistical analysis using percentage to identify any correlation between American Pakistani and Pakistani participants. It was further analyzed to demonstrate relationships among variables, identify errors, test for significance of the findings, and made inferences about the population. Qualitative data from the open-ended questions provided a descriptive understanding of what the statistical data is attempting to conclude. Thematic analysis of qualitative data searched for relation to quantitative data and themes or patterns

(Braun & Clarke, 2008).

Conclusion

In conclusion, the researcher organized this study’s methodology to maximize validity and reliability. The researcher incorporated two different sources of data collection, and framed both methods of collection with suggestions from instructors in data and design research. Additionally, the researcher pre tested the study’s instruments to catch errors and ensure comprehension from a wide population. Lastly, the researcher of this study took particular care in selecting the participants with similar demographic makeup, with comparable socioeconomic status, with analogous focus on academics for comparison between American Pakistani and Pakistani population.

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Chapter 4

FINDINGS

This study examined survey data from 23 American Pakistani women and 16

Pakistani women. The goal of this comparison study was to explore the factors influencing American Pakistani women and Pakistani women’s struggle to achieve higher education. Additionally, the study was designed to measure how social construction of gender, parental expectations, cultural differences, socioeconomic status, and gender inequalities in education impacts American Pakistani and Pakistani women’s achievement in education.

Research Questions

The framework of this study is to answer the two research questions:

- What factors influence Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s

achievement in pursuing higher education?

- How does social construction of gender influences the differences between the

Pakistani and American Pakistani women’s achievement in education?

Quantitative Results

The following sections will examine the findings of data gathered from the survey questions of each group of participants: American Pakistani women and

Pakistani women, respectively. The questions were divided into four sections and mean was calculated from Likert scale surveys. The first section identifies statements regarding parental expectations of the participants. The second section corresponds to familiarity with the American and Pakistani education system and culture. The third

44 section corresponds to socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within the family, and the fourth section corresponds to gender dynamics within education.

Parental Expectations

Questions 9, 10, 11, 12, and 19 pertained to parental expectations. These questions attempted to understand the expectations parents placed on the women who participated in this study. Ninety six percent (96%) of the American Pakistani women surveyed feel they were expected to do well in school while hundred percent (100%) of Pakistani women felt the same. Similarly, surveyed results for parental expectation to attend a university and their happiness were regarded at a very high percentage for both groups of participants. Ninety two percent (92%) of American Pakistani women claimed that a university education was not an option but a must while 94% of

Pakistani women reported that a university education was a must. In addition, 78% of

American Pakistani women and 81% of Pakistani women felt that they were expected to learn domestic chores. In comparison, surveyed results of parental expectation to marry a Pakistani man were higher at 92% for American Pakistani women whereas

81% was reported for Pakistani women (see Table 3).

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Table 3

Statements Regarding Parental Expectations ______

9. I was always expected to do well in school.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 96% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 4%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 100% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

10. I am/was expected to marry a Pakistani man.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 92% Undecided: 4% Disagree/S. Disagree: 4%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 81% Undecided: 19% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

11. If my parents are happy, I am happy.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 87% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 100% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

12. For me, a university education was not an option, it was a must.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 92% Undecided: 4% Disagree/S. Disagree: 4%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 94% Undecided: 10% Disagree/S. Disagree: 6%

19. Growing up, I was expected to learn domestic chores.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 78% Undecided: 4% Disagree/S. Disagree: 18%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 81% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 6%

______*AP = American Pakistani P* = Pakistani **S = Strongly

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Experience with Education System and Culture

Questions 13, 20, 21, and 23 surveyed participants about their experience with the American or Pakistani education system and culture. These questions examined the understanding of participants with the education system and the cultural expectations they faced throughout their schooling. Eighty three percent (83%) of the

American Pakistani women felt comfortable in the American education system and

78% felt that they fit in the American culture. In contrast, 48% of the American

Pakistani women felt conflicted between the American and Pakistani culture while

39% disagreed.

On the other hand, 69% of Pakistani women felt comfortable in the Pakistani education system and 31% disagreed. Also, 81% of the Pakistani participants felt they fit in with the Pakistani culture however 38% felt conflicted between the American versus Pakistani culture (see Table 4).

Table 4

Experience with the Education System and Culture ______

13. I feel comfortable in the American or Pakistani education system.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 83% Undecided: 17% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 69% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 31%

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20. I feel that I fit in with the American or Pakistani culture.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 78% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 9%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 81% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 19%

21. I do not feel conflicted between the American and Pakistani cultures.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 48% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 39%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 38% Undecided: 6% Disagree/S. Disagree: 56%

23. I received college counseling in high school prior to college entrance.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 61% Undecided: 9% Disagree/S. Disagree: 30%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 25% Undecided: 6% Disagree/S. Disagree: 69%

______*AP = American Pakistani *P = Pakistani **S = Strongly

Socioeconomic Status and Gender Dynamics within the Family

Questions 15, 16, 24, 28 and 35 investigated the socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within the family. These questions explored the influence of gender dynamics and living standards of participants as they struggle to achieve higher education. Ninety one percent (91%) of the American Pakistani participants agreed that men and women can do the same job equally well. Although 52% felt that there is a gender role difference in their family, 39% of the American Pakistani women disagreed with this statement. In addition, 30% of the American Pakistani participants surveyed did not work part time while in school and had more than one source of household income (see Table 5).

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Similar to American Pakistani women, 94% of the Pakistani women believed that men and women can do the same job equally well. They further supported their results when 75% of them disagreed that there is a gender role difference in their family while 25% agreed that gender role differences exists in their family. On the contrary, survey results for statements about financial status showed a disparity where

81% of Pakistani women did not work while in school and only 56% had more than one source of household income (see Table 5).

Table 5

Socioeconomic Status and Gender Dynamics within the Family ______

15. There is a gender role difference in my family.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 52% Undecided: 9% Disagree/S. Disagree: 39%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 25% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 75%

16. Men and women can do the same job equally well.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 91% Undecided: 9% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 94% Undecided: 6% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

24. I was aware of financial aid prior to entering college/university.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 87% Undecided: 9% Disagree/S. Disagree: 4%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 88% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 12%

28. Did you work while in school?

AP*: No: 30% Part-time: 70% Full-time: 0%

P*: No: 81% Part-time: 19% Full-time: 0%

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35. Does your household have more than one source of income?

AP*: No: 30% Yes: 70%

P*: No: 44% Yes: 56% ______*AP = American Pakistani *P = Pakistani **S.= Strongly

Gender Dynamics within Education

Questions 14, 17, 18, and 22 corresponded to response on gender dynamics within education. This data measures the participants experience and understanding of how gender constructs barriers that prevents women from attaining their educational goals.

Ninety two percent (92%) of the American Pakistani women believed that their gender does not affect how they perform in school. They further supported their statements when asked 79% disagreed that they struggle with male instructors and 83% disagreed about their struggle with female instructors. Additionally, when asked to respond to the statement, “My career opportunities are limited because I am a woman,” 74% disagreed, 13% were undecided, and 13% agreed that gender does affect the choices

American Pakistani women make when choosing career and education (see Table 6).

All (100%) of the Pakistani women surveyed agreed that their gender does not affect how they perform in school. Sixty nine percent (69%) of the survey results disagreed that they struggle with a male and female instructors. In contrast, 50% strongly agreed that their career opportunities are limited because of their gender while the other half (50%) disagreed that gender affects their choice when choosing career and education (see Table 6).

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Table 6

Response on Gender Dynamics within Education ______

14. My gender does not affect how I perform in school.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 92% Undecided: 4% Disagree/S. Disagree: 4%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 100% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 0%

17. I struggle with a male instructor.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 4% Undecided: 17% Disagree/S. Disagree: 79%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 25% Undecided: 6% Disagree/S. Disagree: 69%

18. I struggle with a female instructor.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 4% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 83%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 31% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 69%

22. My career opportunities are limited because I am a woman.

AP*: Agree/S**. Agree: 13% Undecided: 13% Disagree/S. Disagree: 74%

P*: Agree/S**. Agree: 50% Undecided: 0% Disagree/S. Disagree: 50%

______*AP = American Pakistani *P = Pakistani **S.= Strongly

Qualitative Results

Open-ended Questions

Findings from the open-ended questions are discussed below using thematic data analysis approach. Participants were asked two open-ended questions concerning their feelings on what keeps women and men from earning higher education (see

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Appendix B & C). The findings explain the barriers keeping women versus men from achieving their educational goals. Both Pakistani women and American Pakistani women were asked to provide their interpretations and observations on questions,

“What barriers do you feel are keeping women from continuing their educational goals?” The answers portrayed the following recurring themes from American

Pakistani women: marriage, family obligation and cultural barriers, and financial needs. When asked “What barriers do you feel are keeping men from continuing their educational goals?” Two major themes emerged from the responses collected from the surveys: men’s role as the breadwinner and lack of motivation.

Likewise, Pakistani women responded with the following recurring themes: marriage, social and cultural barriers, and gender differences as the barriers suppressing women from continuing their educational goals. Similarly, Pakistani women believed that lack of interest and financial obligation to support the family are the two most significant reasons subduing Pakistani men from continuing their educational goals.

American Pakistani Women’s Barriers

Marriage. The women surveyed for this study overwhelmingly stated that marriage was one of the most important reasons keeping American Pakistani women from achieving their educational goals. A 25 years old college graduate, Maria (2A) stated, “Many American Pakistani women may have more pressure/encouragement to spend their energy looking for a husband rather than on an education/profession.”

American Pakistani women are expected to get married young and start a family right

52 after marriage to oblige with their social responsibility. Marriages at a young age are very common in Pakistani culture and many traditions like marriage are practiced by

Pakistani community living in United States. Thus women are sacrificing their career and educational aspiration to meet their parental and societal expectations.

Another participant Ayesha (15A) explains, “The expectation that once a woman is married and has children, she is expected to stay at home and raise her children.” The concept of education after marriage is not very common as women often move on to start a family that prevents them from progressing in education.

Sofia(6A) who is married and lives with her husband says, “Once having kids its hard for woman to go back to school” as a main reason for women to not pursue their educational goals after marriage. Similarly, other participants indicated “pressure of marriage, settling down before they ‘get too old’ and girls constrained to specific fields because of parental pressure of marriage” are some of the reasons holding women from continuing their educational goals.

Family obligation and cultural barriers. The second theme focused on the significance of family obligation and cultural barriers in the life of American Pakistani women. Ayesha stated, “Cultural barriers and family expectations” as the reason women are not advancing in their educational goals. Another participant Anum (19A), a healthcare professional adds, “Raising a family, and being a housewife...the traditional way of thinking of certain parents in which the man makes the money while the woman takes care of the house and kids” is prohibiting women from achieving their educational objectives. Family obligation and cultural expectation are significant

53 in a cultural society like Pakistan. Rana (1A) expresses, “I say family is very important. You cant raise a family and teach them about culture/religion and be going to school…it’s difficult.” American Pakistani women expressed their challenges of raising a family and trying to keep up with their educational goals. The expectation of women to be a good wife and mother creates even more difficulties for them to achieve their educational aspirations. Furthermore, Aqsah (18A) explains, “It is my personal choice to stay home while my children are young as I am not comfortable leaving them with childcare providers.”

Financial needs. The third most common theme that emerged from the survey responses was financial needs, which prevented women to attend a college/university.

Financial stability allows women to attend the educational institution of their choice.

One of the participants, Dua (21A) declares, “I think that one thing that keeps

Pakistani American women from continuing their educational goals is not enough assistance. I think there should be more resources, organizations, and counseling by

Pakistani American women specifically for Pakistani American women and their education.” The cost of attending a 4 year college and university is quite expensive in the U.S. and attending a graduate school is even more expensive. Therefore, a need for financial assistance is essential.

Pakistani Women’s Barriers

Marriage. The most common theme that emerged from responses that is prohibiting Pakistani women from reaching their educational goals is marriage. Sanam

(1P), an architectural engineering college graduate exclaims, “It is expected for girls to

54 get married at a young age and they are trained to do that all their lives. Education is not a priority and is secondary to marriage and family.” More than half of the participants responded with marriage as the common barrier that prevents women from achieving their educational aspirations. Other phrases labeled to describe the educational barriers for Pakistani women included, “expectation to get marriage and have children too early, in villages early marriages are a great problem, and mostly early marriages.”

Social and cultural barriers. In addition to marriage, social and cultural barriers are another theme that appeared in the responses from Pakistani participants.

Mishi (13P), an arts and design college student, voiced her response to the question on barriers by stating, “social and cultural barriers… stereotypes and mindsets that women are not supposed to be bread earners therefore, they need not get higher education mostly in rural areas.” While other participants chose to simply state,

“cultural restrictions, less awareness due to illiterate and narrow minded family backgrounds, educational system due to social barriers” as some of the common reasons why women are not achieving their educational goals.

Gender differences. Another theme discussed in this study by Pakistani women was gender differences. Interestingly gender differences was not a common theme that emerged from the data collected from American Pakistani women. Zoha

(15P), a married college graduate participant clarifies, “gender difference [as the] main reason…woman are not like man they cannot do same jobs like man [so] this makes difficult for them to move on.” It is clear that gender differences exist in a society like

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Pakistan and other participants felt that “favoritism [to] sons and some old thoughts like men are superior than women [and] women are just for household works.”

Pakistan as a patriarchal society reinforces gender differences that are prevalent not just in the educational system but throughout the country. Noor (11P) says, “Some families do not consider their sons and daughters equal which restricts Pakistani women to continue with their education.” Therefore, the predominant gender disparities within the community and educational system are creating restrictions for women to continue their educational achievements. It furthers creates a gender gap in education as that is reinforced by a system that does not consider men and women equal.

Conclusion

This chapter presented the findings discovered through quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection. The 39 women who participated in this study expressed their voices through survey questions and open-ended questions. Although the number of participants was relatively small, the researcher was able to gather valuable information and understand the voices of women in the United States and

Pakistan. The themes found in this study uncovered the struggles women face in attaining higher education in the United States and Pakistan. Additionally, the researcher was able to understand why many American Pakistani women and

Pakistani women have decided to abandon their pursuit of higher education.

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Chapter 5

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction

This comparison study was an examination of factors influencing Pakistani and

American Pakistani women’s achievement in pursuing higher education. In addition, this study investigated the social construction of gender and how it is shaping the lives of Pakistani and American Pakistani women. The study compiled and analyzed data from 23 American Pakistani women and 16 Pakistani women. The survey data was compared and analyzed in four categories: parental expectations, familiarity with education system and culture, socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within the family, and gender dynamics within education. Additionally, a qualitative analysis was completed from responses to open-ended questions. Minimal research has been conducted on struggles of women of Pakistani descent pursuing higher education. This comparison study sought to contribute to the body of knowledge that will shed light on issues preventing American Pakistani women and Pakistani women from achieving their educational goals. This chapter will present the discussion of this research. It will also present the conclusions drawn from the experiences of conducting this study, and the limitations. In addition, suggestions for further research will be made.

Discussion of Quantitative Data

Parental Expectations

The survey results demonstrated significantly high percentages of parental expectations for higher educational attainment when the data was compared between

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Pakistani and American Pakistani women. The researcher expected the cultural comparison between the two groups of participants to be very similar in this category.

Pakistani traditions and customs are widely practiced by Pakistani community members living in U.S. The data results are consistent with previous research that demonstrated Pakistani students believed education is important to succeed in life and stated that their parents emphasized on the value of education (Shah et al., 2010).

Parents agreed that higher education and professional qualifications bestowed a great honor on the family. Another research study found intersections on familial or ethnic shared norms and values as contributing to educational achievement among immigrant groups (Zhou, 2005). Both group of participants placed parental expectations at a high level confirming that familial values are important to them. Parental approval is taken into consideration for Pakistani and American Pakistani women when making a decision to attend a university or college.

Furthermore, all (100%) Pakistani women agreed with the statements that “If my parents are happy, then I am happy” and also agreed that they are expected “to do well in school.” Likewise, 87% of American Pakistani women agreed that parental happiness and 96% agreed that they are expected “to do well in school.” Parental support and significance of their decision in the lives of American Pakistani and

Pakistani women demonstrates importance of cultural values and norms. The importance of education in the lives of these women is clearly visible through their statements but it comes with a condition that requires parental approval and support.

Parental approval and support for daughter’s education and professional career has

58 increased through social changes that have highlighted female identity recently in

Pakistan (Shah et al., 2010). Demographic data from the Pakistani participants showed that they belong to upper or middle class families living in the urban areas of the country. Therefore, the researcher was able to conclude that parental approval and support is strong for women from upper and middle class backgrounds. The main reasons for support are parents’ educational background, strong socioeconomic status, and increase support for social changes that support female empowerment. On the other hand, Pakistani parents belonging to the lower class and those living in poverty are not supportive of girl’s education. Although, patriarchal norms are evident within the Pakistani society, the male dominant views are imposed and practiced in rural areas of the country. Thus immobilization of women particularly in the rural areas of

Pakistan, does not allow them to take advantage of education and professional careers that can grant them equal rights and enhance their status in society.

Also, it is common for Pakistani immigrant daughters to experience stronger parental expectations to maintain cultural norms than sons do (Mir, 2009). American

Pakistani women experience the same parental expectations culturally as the women living in Pakistan. Data explicates that American Pakistani women feel strongly about parental happiness and support. The researcher thinks that Pakistani cultural values are part of the reason why American Pakistani women feel so strongly about parental support in education and in their professional careers. Surveyed demographic data explains the strong parental influence in the lives of these women as an overwhelming

59 number of participants of this comparison study are living with their parents (see

Table 1 & 2).

Experience with Education System and Culture

This research study compared American and Pakistani education systems and influence of cultural norms. Both education systems are structured significantly similar but enormous difference transpires in implementation of education in Pakistan.

The American educational system is developed, systematized, and accessible. In contrast, Pakistani educational system is complex when it deals with private (non- governmental) versus public educational institutions and fails to provide even the basic education at the primary levels. As a consequence, many children never enter the education system and those who do; a large number drop out at various stages of schooling (Dean, 2007a). In Pakistan, girls are still underrepresented even at primary levels and illiteracy figures for women and girls are unacceptably high particularly in rural areas (Mir, 2009). The underrepresentation of girls continues as they reach higher levels of education. Differences in implementation of a structured education system in Pakistan contribute to the deeply rooted cultural norms that immobilize women from continuing their education.

Survey responses confirm the disparity in the Pakistani and American education system. In response to survey question 13, 81% of American Pakistani participants strongly agreed that they favor the American education system while 69% of Pakistani participants reported that they felt “comfortable with the Pakistani education system.” The average percentage variance between Pakistani and American

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Pakistani women who favored their education system is significant. The percentage difference explains the complexity of the education system in Pakistan where inequalities across education are widespread and it includes gender disparities

(Courtney & Malik, 2011). The researcher considers a strong support for Pakistani education system is due to socioeconomic background of the participants that are representing the upper and middle class within Pakistani society. Alternatively, 31% of Pakistani participants felt that they do not strongly support Pakistani education system. As mentioned earlier, Pakistani education system lacks resources, implementation, and inequalities are dispersed all across the education system. The researcher supposes that the current conditions of education system in Pakistan led participants to determine their attitude toward the education system. In Pakistan, particularly in rural and suburban areas, women are situated largely at the bottom end of an educational system in comparison to their male counterparts.

Traditionally, it is assumed that women are limited to their homes and men are the breadwinners of the family (Noureen & Awan, 2011). Cultural and traditional norms restrict women’s movement outside of their private sphere thus not allowing them the freedom to educate themselves. Previous research provides confirmatory evidence that education plays an important role in the life women and years of education directly influence the women’s life (Noureen & Awan, 2011).

Survey questions 20 and 21 asked participants about the role culture plays in their lives. In response to question 20, 78% of American Pakistani women stated that they “fit into the American culture” and when followed by question 21, 48% strongly

61 agreed that they “do not feel conflicted between the American and Pakistani culture.”

American Pakistani women experience culture with stereotypical identities. Ethnic identity and national identity can be thought of as two dimensions of group identity that may vary independently; that is, each identity can be either secure and strong or undeveloped and weak (Robinson, 2009). It is possible to have high identification with both (Robinson, 2009). Survey responses support how American Pakistani women identify themselves culturally and the average percentage explains the conflicting feeling between ethnic versus national identity. Another research about a Muslim

Women project explored identities of Muslim American Pakistani women to conclude that the stereotypical identities of women “vary contextually, mutating into multiple forms ranging between dominant U.S. norms and conservative [Pakistani] norms”

(Mir, 2009, p. 16). When the researcher asked participants about their feeling between

American and Pakistani culture, more than half of American Pakistani participants felt conflicted thus supporting the previous research on cultural identities Pakistani women living in U.S. In U.S., “[Pakistani] female identity is essential by global and local political and cultural powers” (Mir, 2009, p. 16). The strength of ethnic and national identities provides evidence regarding the extent to which minority ethnic adolescents are retaining their sense of belonging to their ethnic group and becoming a member of the larger society (Robinson, 2009). Similarly, American Pakistani women chose to identify themselves with both ethnic and national identity based on their preference for the group they feel a strong connection.

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When the same questions were asked by Pakistani participants, 81% strongly agreed that they fit in with the Pakistani culture while 38% felt conflicted between the

American (Western) and Pakistani culture. The researcher expected that Pakistani women would strongly support cultural values and norms. Cultural and social beliefs, attitudes and practices prevent girls from benefitting from educational opportunities in

Pakistan (Noureen & Awan, 2011). Still Pakistani women continue to strongly support the patriarchal cultural norms and beliefs. The researcher reflects that these cultural and social beliefs are barriers for women both in gaining access to formal education and in enjoying the same range of educational opportunity offered to men. However, survey results from this study contradict the status of women and the inequalities they face culturally in Pakistan. The researcher believes that this discrepancy is due to embedded patriarchal beliefs and reinforcement of these cultural and social belief system Pakistani women feel strongly identifies them as part of the society. Women in

Pakistan are subject to an array of social and cultural disadvantages that limit their mobility and prevent them from utilizing the opportunities to develop their natural capabilities.

Socioeconomic Status and Gender Dynamics within Family

One of the topics that the researcher investigated in this study was the struggle of American Pakistani women and Pakistani women due to their socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within family. The two topics are interrelated as they explore the social class system of women in society and more specifically within their family.

Women in Pakistan do not represent a uniform group, and their opportunities for

63 education are formed based on the social class system (Khan, 2007). Poverty in rural areas limits educational opportunities for girls while women belonging to the upper and middle classes in urban areas have greater access to education and employment opportunities (Khan, 2007).

The group of Pakistani participants in this study represented middle class women living in urban areas of the country. Survey data showed that 44% of Pakistani women had more than one source of household income and 81% did not work while attending school. Evidently, Pakistani women from middle or upper classes had the financial support and access to education opportunities that are not available for women belonging to a lower class. Participants of this study were representing middle and upper class and they had access to education and were financially able to attend a college or university. The researcher agrees that in Pakistan when talking about women’s access to higher education it is important to remember that social class determines the access of girls and women to education along with the kind of education they receive. Predominantly in Pakistani rural areas, lack of access and lack of resources to education immobilizes women from attaining education. In most developing countries, the private returns to girls’ education are usually much lower than the returns to boys’ education (Noureen & Awan, 2011).

In contrast, American Pakistani women are not facing social class stratification as women in Pakistan. In the U.S., women are provided equal educational opportunities based on Title IX, that prohibits discriminations based on gender in education (Sadker, 2002). So American Pakistani women are protected by law such as

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Title IX that supports their right to education. Nonetheless, in the U.S. women are part of a gender stratified culture that typically values men’s activities and jobs higher than the jobs of women (Agarwal, 2006). Historically and presently in the United States, men are paid more than women, even when they have the same level of education and are in the same occupational field (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). Reduced income for women coupled with longer life expectancy and increased responsibility to raise children makes it more likely for women to be at an economic disadvantage (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2006). American women face economic disadvantages based on gender inequalities that are more prevalent among minorities. Low socioeconomic status among women correlates to poverty, lower education, and poor health for children and families, which ultimately affect the U.S. society as a whole.

According to demographic data collected from this study, American Pakistani participants belong to financially strong households based on their educational background and occupation. Survey data validates that American Pakistani women are not constrained financially when it comes to education. Seventy percent (70%) of the

American Pakistani women worked part-time while attending school and the same number agreed that they had more than one source of household income. In comparison, average percentage of American Pakistani women working part-time is substantially higher than Pakistani women. Only 19% of Pakistani women worked while they were attending school. While 81% of Pakistani women stated that they were not working while attending school. The author concluded that in Pakistani society male members of the family as head of the household are expected for

65 supporting the family. Therefore, the number of women working is expected to be lower. Again, male members of the family are considered the decision maker and provider for the family. The researcher also reflects that if the same women are better educated and bring income to the family, in spite of their secondary status their decisions and polices will be considered within the family. Evidently, American

Pakistani women have the financial means to attend a college or university and they are willing to work to support their educational goals.

What is also clear from examining the quantitative data that gender dynamics within family are strongly influenced by deep-seated traditions and cultural values that are seen in a patriarchal society like Pakistan (Latif, 2009). Participants from both groups strongly agreed that “men and women can do the same job equally well” and further agreed with the statement that they are “expected to learn domestic chores” at a young age. Gender roles are well-defined in Pakistani culture and traditionally, women’s lives are assumed and limited to the private sphere within the society (Latif,

2009). The survey results show that 52% of American Pakistani women strongly agree that “a gender role difference” in their family exists. Unlike Pakistani women,

American Pakistani women are well integrated to the mainstream society and are empowered by the opportunities the United States has offered socially and politically

(Knowlton, 2010). The researcher agrees that American Pakistani women are valued and have rights in U.S. that are invisible in Pakistan. A lack of education in Pakistan leads to a lack of awareness about women’s rights and their value within society.

Education is one of the most important factors to break the vicious cycle of women

66 exploitation and bring positive changes in their lives. The aim of education should be to enhance women’s competencies regarding different professions, their rights, and anything else they pursue depending on their individual aptitude.

In contrast, 75% of Pakistani women disagreed with any “gender role differences” within their family structure. It is contradicting to find that Pakistani participants agreed that they are expected to learn domestic chores at a very young age yet they expressed disagreement to having any gender role differences within their family. In a male-dominated society like Pakistan, women’s position and status in defined by socio-cultural values (Latif, 2009). Stereotypical views and gender inequality is embedded in society therefore it has become part of the lifestyle and family dynamics. These contrasting results to the survey response are an illustration of social challenges, loss of voice and identity, and social construction of gender within

Pakistani society.

One of the reasons for women’s marginalized status in all spheres of Pakistani society is their exclusion from the decision-making process (Saeed, 2007). In a society where men tend to hold all position of power, it makes it challenging for women to empower themselves. Thus Pakistani society in itself has created a never ending cycle of power that reinforces male dominated beliefs.

Gender Dynamics within Education

Gender-specific patterns of behavior occur at all levels of education and contribute to differential treatment given to students by educators. Male and female students have dissimilar educational experiences because differential treatment is so pervasive in the

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American education system. Several studies on gender socialization recognize the negative effects of gender differences on girls (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). Gender-specific interactions and expectations in American education help reproduce and reinforce traditional gender roles and expectations.

Survey questions 14, 17, 18, and 22 investigated gender dynamics within education. Survey data measured participants experience and understanding of how gender constructs barriers that prevents women from attaining their educational goals.

Ninety two percent (92%) of the American Pakistani women believed that their gender does not affect how they perform in school. They further supported their statements when asked about their connections with teachers, 79% disagreed that they struggle with male instructor and 83% disagreed about their struggle with female instructor.

Additionally, when asked to respond to the statement, “My career opportunities are limited because I am a woman,” 74% disagreed that gender does affect the choices

American Pakistani women make when choosing career and education.

Overwhelmingly, American Pakistani women agreed that gender does not affect their education and career goals. In contrast, previous scholarly research validates the gender gap and inequalities in education. Findings of this study do not support historical research that examined the impact of gender stereotypes within education. The researcher believes that the survey data reflects lack of awareness on gender inequalities within education, socialization of gender and dominant gender role expectations within society. Gender as a social structure is enormously complex

(Risman, 2004). Gender socialization takes place in family relationships, school

68 settings, and within the larger constructs of society (Carinci, 2010). Astonishingly,

American Pakistani women accept gender inequalities as part of the cultural and societal norm.

In comparison, 100% of the Pakistani women surveyed agreed that their gender does not affect how they perform in school. Sixty nine percent (69%) of the survey results disagreed that they struggle with a male and female instructor.

Remarkably, Pakistani women are definitely below in societal hierarchy and have accepted this internalized subservient position. In a patriarchal society like Pakistan, this behavior is expected from women. The researcher thinks that Pakistani women are unable to connect themselves to their experience of oppression and inequalities that are dispersed within society. One of the global feminists describes this phenomenon as a struggle between cultural and religious identity, status of women within society and their gender (Ahmed, 1992). Pakistani women are set for failure as they are placed in a situation that asks them to fight against their identity, status, and gender. Collected data from Pakistani participants supports the expected role and behavior of women.

The continuing prevalence of educational inequality is a “major infringement of the rights of women and girls and it is also an important impediment to social and economic development” (Noureen & Awan, 2011, p. 4).

Gender inequalities are evident in the data collected from question 22.

Compared to 13% of American Pakistani women, 50% of Pakistani women strongly agreed that their career opportunities are limited because of their gender (see Table 6).

When compared American Pakistani women have career advantages and are better

69 educated than their counterparts in Western Europe and non-Pakistani women living in the United States (Knowlton, 2010). Nevertheless, in Pakistan and globally gender imbalance continues to be the norm in most academic fields and careers, with men occupying the majority of high ranked positions (Noureen & Awan, 2011). Social, economic and industrial development can be achieved only through expansion of education. Status and position of women need to be strengthened through wider opportunities for education and career. Education is an essential instrument of women’s emancipation and self-fulfillment. Changing expectations of men and women globally will affect not only their educational and future aspirations, but also the career opportunities offered to them (Noureen & Awan, 2011).

Discussion of Qualitative Data

The qualitative results of this comparison study illustrate that fundamental traditions and norms embedded in American Pakistani and Pakistani society are key factors influencing women’s decision to continue their education. All participants were asked to identify “barriers that are keeping American Pakistani and Pakistani women” from attaining their educational goals. The researcher examined the qualitative data and three major themes emerged from each group of American

Pakistani and Pakistani women. Marriage, family obligation and cultural barriers, and financial needs were the three common themes from American Pakistani women qualitative responses. Correspondingly, marriage, social and cultural barriers, and gender differences were the three most discussed themes from the Pakistani women survey responses.

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American Pakistani and Pakistani Women’s Barriers

Marriage. Overwhelmingly, both group of participants discussed marriage as a barrier for women. Early marriages are very common in Pakistan. Parents consider marriage as the ultimate goal of girls’ life and “the spread of education in Pakistan among the female sex is inextricably interlinked with the phenomenon of marriage”

(Noureen & Awan, 2011, p. 6). Girl’s education can be compared to ‘a golden bracelet’ (Noureen & Awan, 2011). It shows that she is from a good family; it enhances her attractiveness and makes her worthy of a good partner. It brings prestige to her father, and to her future husband, and secures her position within the family and, as with a golden bracelet, it is an insurance that can bring income in difficult times (Noureen & Awan, 2011). The researcher considers strong male dominated views and social attitudes as the reasons females in Pakistan cannot achieve their education. Parents dismiss the education of their daughters’ because they are expected to be married, raise kids, and perform household chores. Parents do not invest or pay much attention to girl’s education. Ultimately, marriage becomes a barrier keeping women from achieving higher status in society and diminishes their confidence in education.

Maria (2A) an American Pakistani states that “Many American Pakistani women may have more pressure/encouragement to spend their energy looking for a husband rather than on an education/profession.” Similarly, Pakistani women stated

“expectation to get marriage and have children too early, in villages early marriages are a great problem, and mostly early marriages” as barriers for women to achieve

71 their education goals. A case study examined some of the barriers and obstacles to higher education in Pakistan and concluded “poverty, dowry, social norms and early marriages as barriers” (Noureen & Awan, 2011, p. 1). American Pakistani women and

Pakistani women alike have the social and cultural pressure to get married.

Traditionally, the prevailing and conventional thinking is the role of men to look after the family (breadwinner) and the ultimate goal of women’s lives is marriage.

Qualitative analysis of this study concludes that women are pressured to sacrifice their dreams of achieving higher education. Decision making power lies with parents who make the ultimate decision about the lives of their daughters. Later the decision making power is passed on to their husbands so girls become part of a male dominant decision making cycle. The researcher believes that education is one of the most important factors to break the vicious cycle that can bring positive change in the lives of these women. It can only be accomplished through refinement of civilization and social changes that requires active participation from women.

American Pakistani Women’s Barriers

Family obligation and cultural barriers. One of the themes identified in the qualitative analysis focused on family obligation and cultural barriers in the life of

American Pakistani women. When discussing Pakistani culture, familial obligations are significant specifically to women. As discussed earlier, marriage is a significant part of a Pakistani women’s life and family comes after marriage. Anum (19A), healthcare professional states, “raising a family, and being a housewife are the traditional way of thinking of certain parents…man makes the money while woman

72 takes care of the house and kids.” Anum reflects views of a young American Pakistani woman who describes the cultural expectation and attitudes about familial obligation.

Mir (2009) describes “feminine nobility and devotion to family deemed uncharacteristic of Western women” (p. 252). In comparisons, cultural expectations of women of Pakistani descent are drastically different from expectations of women in

Western culture.

The researcher imagines that Pakistani women are traditionally expected to sacrifice their education for marriage, then to start a family, and to maintain the household. While all of the earlier stated stages of life can be accomplished with an education. Education enhances the confidence of women and gives them a prominent status in society where they can make decisions for themselves and their family.

Education definitely changes the status of women in the family as well as in society

(Noureen & Awan, 2011). Studies have shown that the education of women is related to an increase in the demand for child schooling, lower child mortality rates and more effective use of contraception (Noureen & Awan, 2011). Highly educated mothers tend to positively affect the life chances of their children (Noureen & Awan, 2011).

The researcher infers that American Pakistani participants value Pakistani traditions and cultural norms. Therefore practicing these traditional customs brings them closer to their culture and Pakistani identity within their community. Whether it is marriage or family obligations, women are willing to sacrifice their educational aspirations.

Aqsah (18A), an American Pakistani management student explains, “it is my personal choice to stay home while my children are young as I am not comfortable leaving

73 them with childcare providers.” It is not always male dominated views or cultural barriers that are constraints for women to continue their education. Some women like

Aqsah, make their personal choices based on what they consider priority in their lives.

Financial needs. American Pakistani women stated financial needs as a barrier keeping women from achieving their educational goals. The cost of attending a college and university can be significantly high in U.S. Therefore, funding is required to support educational ambitions. Cvjetkovic (2007) reported financial need, work and family responsibilities as some of the obstacles immigrants face in a new country.

Financial need is a major barrier for American Pakistani women to succeed in the U.S.

Dua, an American Pakistani explains that “more resources, organizations, and counseling” is needed for American Pakistani students. Similarly, quantitative data from the participants shows 70% of American Pakistani women stated that they worked part-time while attending school. Many immigrants’ parents encourage their children to work instead of go to college because of the immediate financial need for family (Cvjetkovic, 2007). The researcher agrees that financial support is required to achieve higher education for American Pakistani women. A significant number of

American Pakistani women were working while going through school to support their aspirations and to support their families. Financial burden and the need to provide for their family can prevent women from continuing their education.

Pakistani Women’s Barriers

Social and cultural barriers. Pakistani women stated social and cultural barriers as one of the reasons for women to achieve their educational goals. Similarly

74 to American Pakistani women participants, Pakistani women are obligated to follow the traditions and cultural norms. Mishi (13P) describes, “stereotypes and mindsets that women are not the [breadwinners] therefore, they [do not] need to get higher education.” In Pakistan, women are socially discouraged from claiming their rights and they do not feel that they can go against the wishes of their family and community, because they continue to need their support (Courtney & Malik, 2011).

The researcher believes that established social attitudes and negative stigma that is associated with women’s independence and success in Pakistan deters their confidence. Thus, Pakistani women feel insecure even when they are economically independent and well-educated. Education and professional career can improve women’s social status in society. But there is a need to challenge and reform the social and cultural stereotypical views preventing women from embracing their rights.

Women in Pakistan are subject to an array of social and psychological disadvantages that limits their mobility and prevent them from utilizing opportunities to develop their natural capabilities. Societal patterns control women’s mobility to a very large extent

(Courtney & Malik, 2011). Because women have generally been subject to restrictions throughout their upbringing, they lack both the skill and the confidence to promote themselves in a social context where they would have opportunity to do so.

Gender differences. Gender biases in Pakistani education systems are strong and considered one of the barriers for women attaining their educational goals.

Overwhelmingly, Pakistani women in this study stated “gender differences [as the] main reason” women cannot move on in their careers and education. Many

75 participants revealed that they experienced gender bias in their education. This goes back to their early school experiences, where boys and girls recall being treated differently by their teachers. There is substantial evidence that the education system contributes to and reinforces gender inequality that fails as a change agent (Courtney

& Malik, 2011). The researcher believes that patriarchal views, prevailing cultural conditions, and socio-cultural barriers have created a cycle that does not allow any change in Pakistani education system. Reinforcement of gender differences restricts equal opportunities for Pakistani women. Noor (11P) says, “Favoritism to sons and old thinking that men are superior to women” are the predominant views of Pakistani society. Women cannot achieve equal status and rights in a society that thinks men are superior to women.

Noticeably, quantitative data from this study revealed that 100 % of Pakistani participants strongly agreed that “gender does not affect their school performance.”

Furthermore, 25% of Pakistani women stated that they struggle with male instructors and 31% stated that they struggle with female instructors. The percentage difference was higher for female instructors than for males contradicted the qualitative results.

The researcher concludes that disparities in results of gender dynamics within education statements can be explained by reinforcement of gender inequalities that

Pakistani women have accepted as part of their identity. The author considers insecurity, lack of confidence, lack of knowledge and awareness of rights, and not having the power to make their own decisions as some of the reasons Pakistani women accept or do not see the gender inequalities. Increased educational opportunities for

76 girls and women will provide them with the skills and the knowledge base necessary to contribute more fully to society, both in an economic and a civic sense.

Simultaneously, education will provide women with the confidence they need to engage at all levels in civic and economic aspects of life. Personal confidence is a key ingredient in enabling an individual’s full participation in society.

Similarly, women in American education system also face gender inequalities.

Surprisingly, American Pakistani women did not state gender differences or inequalities as one of the barriers for women achieving higher education.

Contrastingly, numerous research studies and scholars have listed gender inequities in

American education. Brown & Gilligan (1992) describes gender disparities in her research that examined loss of voice and power in girls as they reach adolescence.

Likewise, Sadker (2002) describes genders disparities where women and men follow a very different career path with very different economic consequences that is strongly influenced by male dominating views.

Conclusion of Study

This comparison study provided rich and interesting quantitative and qualitative data, which allowed this researcher to reach several conclusions. The questionnaire asked American Pakistani and Pakistani women a series of statements about four categories: parental expectations, experience with education system and culture, socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within family, and gender dynamics within education that influence women’s achievement in pursing higher education. The results indicated that each category affected the participants of this

77 study in a significant way. The quantitative data indicated to the researcher that both

American Pakistani and Pakistani participants in this study holds a high regard and respect for parental expectations. Respondents in this particular sample had varied experience with education system and culture. Specifically, American Pakistani women reported positive attitudes about the American education system and culture.

In comparison, 69% of Pakistani women strongly supported the Pakistani education system while 31% disagreed. Inconsistencies with attitudes toward Pakistani education system are due to inequalities and access to education. Even though quantitative data on socioeconomic status and gender dynamics within the family opposed disparities and inequalities in women’s education, the sample population discussion of the same issues in qualitative results reported otherwise. Similarly, participants in this study strongly favored that their gender does not define their performance in education. Yet, thematic analysis of qualitative data that asked participants’ interpretations on barriers keeping women from achieving their educational goals exposed contradictory results.

A lack of awareness among Pakistani women showed up through the large number of responses overall and when the open-ended questions discussed barriers influencing women’s educational aspirations, participants were able to recognize marriage, family obligations, financial needs, social and cultural barriers, and gender differences as hurdles to acquire higher education. Conversely, American Pakistani women showed understanding of factors influencing their educational aspirations.

Findings of this comparison study and participants’ responses to factors influencing

American Pakistani and Pakistani women, gave the researcher ample information to

78 conclude that social construction of gender influences women’s achievement in pursuing higher education.

This comparison study guided the researcher to understand many factors that influence Pakistani women globally. Discrimination starts in the home, where boys are preferred over girls and continues throughout a woman’s life. Prevalent male dominant roles and views in Pakistani society immobilized women from seeking their rights, access, and independence in society. Gender imbalance continues to be the norm in most academic fields. Education is the key for women to empower and mobilize themselves to become part of the society. Pakistani women need to become visible and take prominent roles within their social structure. Elevated status in society and decision making power will make them valuable in the eyes of their male counterparts. Drastic changes should occur in Pakistani society to create opportunities for women to gain economic independence.

Limitations

Limitations are always a reality with any study. One limitation of this study was the small sample size. The amount of subjects in this study does not necessarily represent all American Pakistani and Pakistani women. One reason for this smaller sample included limited access to participants both in Pakistan and American

Pakistani community living in U.S. The researcher did not have access to participants living in rural areas of Pakistan. As a result, the research did not capture the struggles and barriers of women living in rural areas of Pakistan. The author found the results of this data to be similar for both groups American Pakistani and Pakistani women as the

79 participants belong to upper or middle class. Another limitation in the study was a lack of prior research available on Pakistani and American Pakistani women. The author found numerous studies on British Pakistani and Muslim Americans that were included in the literature review to some extent.

The writer was aware of the Hawthorne effect that suggests that study subjects' behavior or study results are altered by the subjects' awareness that they are being studied or that they received additional attention (Fernald, 2012). Lacking access to internet and computers in Pakistan also contributed to low retention rate of the surveys. The non-response rate of this sample represents a lack of understanding regarding either the questions, or the content itself. For example, the researcher received ten incomplete surveys, five from each group of participants.

Recommendations for Further Study

As a result of this comparison study, the researcher recommends future comparison studies to include in depth qualitative analysis through interview sessions from the American Pakistani and Pakistani participants. A case study on American

Pakistani women can contribute to the scholarly research that is absent in academia.

More research needs to be done on Pakistani women specifically living in the U.S. to bring awareness to their accomplishments and challenges they face in American education system. A future study on the struggles of women in rural area can highlight the challenges and barriers of Pakistani women living in lower class. Furthermore, similar studies on American Pakistani and Pakistani men can reflect, the male perspective and can be a great contribution in academic field. Another challenging

80 comparison study on non-Pakistani women versus American Pakistani women would provide exposure to challenges faced women in education.

Reflection

As a third generation immigrant, an American Pakistani woman, this comparison study is a reflection of my personal struggle to achieve higher education.

My educational journey began in Pakistan; at the age of 12, I took my first steps toward an eighth grade classroom in the U.S. My personal experience with both the

American and Pakistani education system showed me the differences and similarities of the two academic systems. I found the two education systems vastly different in context and curriculum. After overcoming the cultural and language barriers, I continue to struggle with identity. As a minority Muslim woman living in the U.S., it was challenging for me to identify myself as a Pakistani or American. Strong parental support and positive influence from friends and instructors helped me navigate through my K-12 schooling years and later with my journey through the higher education.

Through this study, I wanted to highlight and voice the struggles and barriers facing American Pakistani and Pakistani women in education. I can relate to the experiences, challenges, and aspirations of these women who want to achieve higher educational and to follow a career path regardless of their gender, class, culture, race and ethnicity. I hope to inspire women to raise their voices for their rights, freedom to education and to choose a career, and to dream of becoming someone who is not

81 constrained by the stereotypical societal norms. It is our responsibility to pave the path for our future generations so that they are not facing the same challenges and barriers.

82

APPENDIX A

Informed Consent for Participation

CSUS: Sacramento Thesis Research Study

83

Informed Consent for Participation CSUS: Sacramento Thesis Research Study

My name is Sehar Choudhary and I am a graduate student in the Masters of Arts in Education and Behavioral Sciences (Gender Equity) program at

California State University, Sacramento. You are being asked to participate in a study that examines the struggles Pakistani immigrant women face in their journey to achieve higher education. Your participation involves filling out a questionnaire, answering two open ended questions, and an oral interview that will take approximately two hours of your time.

Your confidentiality will be completely protected and you will have the opportunity to choose an American name to be referred by in the finalized report of this study. Your participation is completely voluntary. You may discontinue your participation at any time, or choose to only answer questions that you are comfortable answering without penalty.

Your participation is greatly appreciated. If you would like to know the results of this study please do not hesitate to contact me at [email protected] after June 2014. Thank You.

______Signature Date

84

APPENDIX B

Survey Questions for American Pakistani Participants

85

Survey Questions

(For American Pakistani Participants)

Dear Participant,

Thank you for choosing to take part in this research study. All information provided on this survey will be kept strictly confidential.

Please answer the following Demographic questions.

1. Age______

2. Name ______(Optional) Pseudo name ______

3. Marital Status: Married Single

4. Were you born in the United States? Yes No If no, where were you born?

______

5. If no, how old were you when you immigrated to the U.S.?______

6. Do you have any siblings? Number and gender. ______

7. What is your level of education?

Not a high school graduate High school graduate Some college In college

BA/BS in______Master’s Degree in ______Ph.D. in ______

8. What is your occupation? ______

The questions in this scale ask you about your parents’ expectations of you and your feelings about the American education system. Please answer each question as truthfully as possible and to the best of your abilities. For each question choose from the following alternatives:

86

1 = Strongly Disagree 2 = Disagree 3 = Undecided 4 = Agree 5 = Strongly Agree Strongly Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

9. I was always expected to do well in school. 1 2 3 4 5

10. I am/was expected to marry a Pakistani man. 1 2 3 4 5

11. If my parents are happy, I am happy. 1 2 3 4 5

12. For me, a university education was not an 1 2 3 4 5 option, it was a must.

13. I feel comfortable in the American 1 2 3 4 5 education system.

14. My gender does not affect how I perform in 1 2 3 4 5 school.

15. There is a gender role difference in my family. 1 2 3 4 5

16. Men and women can do the same job equally 1 2 3 4 5 well.

17. I struggle with a male instructor. 1 2 3 4 5

18. I struggle with a female instructor. 1 2 3 4 5

19. Growing up, I was expected to learn domestic 1 2 3 4 5 chores.

20. I feel that I fit in with the American culture. 1 2 3 4 5

21. I do not feel conflicted between the American 1 2 3 4 5 and Pakistani cultures.

22. My career opportunities are limited because I 1 2 3 4 5 am a woman.

23. I received college counseling in high school/ 1 2 3 4 5 prior to college entrance.

24. I was aware of financial aid prior to entering 1 2 3 4 5 college/university.

25. I would like my instructor to have an 1 2 3 4 5 understanding of my culture. 26. I wish my classmates had an understanding of 1 2 3 4 5 my culture.

87

Please answer the following questions by circling the appropriate response.

27. What influenced you to go/not go to college?

My choice Parents’ choice I had no choice Grades not good enough

I didn’t go because of monetary reasons Other ______

28. Do/did you work while in school? No Part-time Full-time

29. Growing up, who in your house performed household chores?

Mother Mother mostly Equally Mother and Father

Father mostly Father Other ______

Parental Education:

30. Mother:

0-4 years 5-8 years 8 completed trade school

some college 2 year degree 4 year degree beyond 4years

31. Father:

0-4 years 5-8 years 8 completed trade school

some college 2 year degree 4 year degree beyond 4years

32. Did your mother have a paid job prior to immigrating to the U.S.? If yes, what job?

No Yes ______

33. What is your husband’s level of education?

Not a high school graduate High school graduate Some college

In college BA/BS Master’s Degree Ph.D. N/A

34. What is your living situation?

With parents With husband With roommate Alone

35. Does your household have more than one source of income?

No Yes ___

88

Open-ended Questions

Barriers for Men and Women

Please respond to the following questions.

1. What barriers do you feel are keeping Pakistani women from continuing

educational goals?

2. What barriers do you feel are keeping Pakistani men from continuing

educational goals?

89

APPENDIX C

Survey Questions for Pakistani Participants

90

Survey Questions

(For Pakistani Participants)

Dear Participant,

Thank you for choosing to take part in this research study. All information provided on this survey will be kept strictly confidential.

Please answer the following Demographic questions.

1. Age______

2. Name ______(Optional) Pseudo name ______

3. Marital Status: Married Single

4. Were you born in Pakistan? Yes No

5. Do you have any siblings? Number and gender. ______

6. What is your level of education?

Not a high school graduate High school graduate Some college

In college BA/BS in______Master’s Degree in ______Ph.D. in ______

7. What is your occupation? ______

The questions in this scale ask you about your parents’ expectations of you and your feelings about the Pakistani education system. Please answer each question as truthfully as possible and to the best of your abilities. For each question choose from the following alternatives:

91

1 = Strongly Disagree 2 = Disagree 3 = Undecided 4 = Agree 5 = Strongly Agree Strongly Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

8. I was always expected to do well in school. 1 2 3 4 5

9. I am/was expected to marry a Pakistani man. 1 2 3 4 5

10. If my parents are happy, I am happy. 1 2 3 4 5

11. For me, a university education was not an 1 2 3 4 5 option, it was a must.

12. I feel comfortable in the Pakistani 1 2 3 4 5 education system.

13. My gender does not affect how I perform in 1 2 3 4 5 school.

14. There is a gender role difference in my family. 1 2 3 4 5

15. Men and women can do the same job equally 1 2 3 4 5 well.

16. I struggle with a male instructor. 1 2 3 4 5

17. I struggle with a female instructor. 1 2 3 4 5

18. Growing up, I was expected to learn domestic 1 2 3 4 5 chores.

19. I feel that I fit in with the Pakistani culture. 1 2 3 4 5

20. I do not feel conflicted between my domestic 1 2 3 4 5 roles and educational goals.

21. My career opportunities are limited because I 1 2 3 4 5 am a woman.

22. I received college counseling in high school/ 1 2 3 4 5 prior to college entrance.

23. I was aware of financial aid prior to entering 1 2 3 4 5 college/university.

24. I would like my instructor to have an 1 2 3 4 5 understanding of my educational goals. 25. I wish my classmates had an understanding of 1 2 3 4 5 my educational goals.

92

Please answer the following questions by circling the appropriate response.

26. What influenced you to go/not go to college?

My choice Parents’ choice I had no choice Grades not good enough

I didn’t go because of monetary reasons Other ______

27. Do/did you work while in school? No Part-time Full-time

28. Growing up, who in your house performed household chores?

Mother Mother mostly Equally Mother and Father

Father mostly Father Other ______

Parental Education:

29. Mother:

0-4 years 5-8 years 8 completed trade school

some college 2 year degree 4 year degree beyond 4years

30. Father:

0-4 years 5-8 years 8 completed trade school

some college 2 year degree 4 year degree beyond 4years

31. Did your mother ever have a paid job? If yes, what job?

No Yes ______

32. What is your husband’s level of education?

Not a high school graduate High school graduate Some college

In college BA/BS Master’s Degree Ph.D. N/A

33. What is your living situation?

With parents With husband With roommate Alone

34. Does your household have more than one source of income?

No Yes ___

35. Did your university/college offer a scholarship or financial aid for your education?

No Yes ___

93

Open-ended Questions

Barriers for Men and Women

Please respond to the following questions.

1. What barriers do you feel are keeping Pakistani women from continuing

educational goals?

2. What barriers do you feel are keeping Pakistani men from continuing

educational goals?

94

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